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The Shri Shiva] i Literary Memorial Committee of some 
leading members of different Hindu Communities was formed 
in Bombay, last year, with the object ' of placing before the 
English reading public an authentic life-story of Shivaji 
Maharaja, the Founder of the Maratha Empire, with a view 
to remove unfounded prejudices and misunderstandings 
unfortunately perpetuated in the Maratha history written 
by irresponsible writers who chiefly gathered their informa- 
tion from Mahomedan sources. In order to accomplish this 
object the Committee resolved to buy and distribute gratis 
four thousand copies of the English biography written by 
Prof. N. S. Takakhav and Mr. K. A. Keluskar, to English 
libraries and other educational institutions of all lands. The 
committee was with great difficulty able to collect about 
Rs. 4,000, while it required Rs. 28,000. The Committee, 
therefore, applied for help to His Highness Maharaja-adhiraj 
Raj Rajeshwar Sawai Shree Tukoji Rao Holkar Bahadur Maharaja 
of Indore, who is well known for his liberality in helping forward 
and encouraging every good literary effort, and who rightly 
and naturally cherishes very high reverence and patriotic 
feeling for our greatest national hero. His Highness was 
gracious enough to approve of the object of the Committee 
and readily made a munificent grant which has enabled the 
Committee to carry out the project of distributing gratis 
4,000 copies in the manner mentioned above. Hence the 
Committee is now able to make a present of this work to 
your library, and requests the favour of your accepting it 
and acknowledging receipt of the same to the undersigned. 

15th September 1925. 

Rao Saheb Manaji Rajuji, J. P. 
Rao Saheb H. Y. Rajwadkar, J. P. 
G. Y. Shinde 

Address- A. N. Surve, B. A., LL.B, Advocate, J. P., 

C/o K. A. Keluskar, Fellow of the Bombay University, 

Dadar, Bombay, M. L. C. 

India. Rao Saheb R. Y. Wandekar, J, P, 

. Chairman. 
^ Joint. 



















10 s. Rs, 7 

Printed by D. R. MItra at the Manoranjan Press, 3, Sandhurst Road,' 
Bombay 4, and published by K. A. Keluskar, Dadar, Bombay* 




G. C.S. I., G. C.LE., G CV. O., LL D., etc., 










AT a time when the whole of the Indian Continent is 
-entering upon a new phase of political life and bold schemes 
of social and political re-construction are being daily 
pressed for acceptance, no apology would seem to be neces- 
sary for the publication of a new life of Shivaji. For 
among the glittering multitude of mighty kings whose 
names adorn the pages of Indian History, the name of 
Shivaji stands forth in bold relief as the author of 
a momentous national revival that changed the destinies of 
India. And this is a fact allowed by all historians, even 
though the editors of the Rulers of India Series have chosen 
to ignore him and denied him a place in their Series, while 
including many other "Rulers" who were more or less 
mediocrities, when compared with the great Shivaji. If 
ever in the pre-British period of Indian History, there was 
anything that might be compared with the great national 
movements of Western countries, it was the political move- 
ment which laid the foundations of the Maratha Swarajya. 
And that movement would have been utterly destitute ot all 
. its national glory and significance, were it not for the genius 
and originality of one master mind who presided over the 
whole event, built a nation out of chaos and breathed life 
and purpose into the dead clay and disjecta membra of 
Maharashtra society and institutions. 

Such a man was Shivaji. Of the empire which he 
built up, only a few fragments have escaped the ravages of 
time. The rest has crumbled down and gone the way that 
all great empires in the world have gone. But the spirit of 
it has remained behind. He has left no pyramids, no rock- 
cat temples, no architectural marvels to attest his greatness. 
But the name of Shivaji still lives to kindle and inspire the 
growing manhood of Maharashtra. 

Inspired by the stirring events of the late war, when 
the Maratha soldiers were called upon to display their 
native valour on the battle-fields of the West, this work 


was undertaken at the special request of the author of the 
Marathi original, as a grateful tribute to the genius of the 
founder of the Maratha nation. At the time when this 
work was undertaken, there was no worthy biography in 
the English language of the life and career of the great 
King who during the night of Mahomedan despotism 
dreamt the dream of national independence and realized it. 
It seemed a standing reproach to the Indian community, 
with their newly awakened political consciousness, that 
there should be no biographical record, commensurate with 
the greatness of the national hero, in that language which 
has done more than anything else to unite us into a nation- 
and stimulate our national aspirations. 

This English version was taken in hand about severe 
years ago. As the work proceeded it was found necessary 
to make considerable alterations in the original Marathi 
text of Mr. Keluskar's Life, as published in 3907. It wa& 
found necessary to take notice of the mass of new material 
and discoveries which have accumulated in the course of 
the last fourteen years. In its final draft the present 
English version has practically become a new and indepen- 
dent work and has already served as a basis for the second 
Marathi edition, which in a revised and considerably 
enlarged form, as compared to the first edition, was pub- 
lished by Mr. Keluskar early in 1921. This work has been 
thoroughly revised and retouched from time to time during 
the last seven years. It is quite up-to-date, so far as our 
knowledge of Shivaji and the men and things of his time 
extends and the conflicting theories that have been proposed 
as regards the purpose or policy for which he strove and 
the men of wisdom or action who counselled or co-operated 
in his plans. 

While the preparation of this work was in its various 
stages of progress, three important English works on 
Shivaji appeared in print, one of which has already gone 
into a second edition. Some explanation would seem to be 
necessary to justify the publication of a fourth work on the 

same subject. The first and obvious answer is that none of 
these works can be called a faithful biography of Shivaji, 
that is to say, a biography which is at once full and 
exhaustive and traces the development of his life-work 
from beginning to end in chronological order. The work 
of Mr. Kincaid reviews the work of Shivaji as a fragment 
of the History of the Maratha People, that of Prof. Jadu- 
nath Sarkar discourses upon " Shivaji and his Times " and 
often forgets the hero while discoursing upon his " Times ", 
that of Prof. Rawlinson is avowedly a monograph, too 
meagre in its scope to comprise the life-work of a great 
hero like Shivaji. The thanks of the Maratha reader are 
due to all these scholars for the new light they have thrown 
on many obscure points in the life of their national hero, 
and to Prof. Rawlinson and Mr. Kincaid in particular for 
the generous way in which they have interpreted the 
motives and character of the great King. The earliest of 
this triad is the Life of Shivaji by Principal Rawlinson. It 
is a generous appreciation of Shivaji's work and character. 
But the monograph, besides being too meagre in size for 
the magnitude of the task, devotes a good deal of its con- 
tents to discussions upon somewhat irrelevant topics. The 
impression that remains after a perusal of the book is that 
the author's purpose is to show that the new era of Shivaji 
after all inaugurated a new type of bureaucracy, and the 
author seems to suggest that from the times of Ashoka and 
Ghandragupta down to present times, the bureaucratic 
form of government has prevailed in India and must in- 
evitably prevail for all time. The author forgets that 
there are bureaucracies and bureaucracies and that 
a bureaucracy with a Shivaji at its head ceases to be 
a bureaucracy, both in form and substance. Mr. C. A. 
Kincaid, who writes in collaboration with Rao Bahadur D. 
B. Paraenis, has devoted some 170 pages of the first volume 
of his History of the Maratha People to the story of Shivaji. 
The authors have taken little notice of the stirring events 
of the career of Shahaji and have chosen to ignore many a 


controversy which has caused an acute tension of feeling- 
among scholars. This history is full of legends and folk- 
lore tales and apparently attaches as much importance to 
them as to matters of serious history. Its highest virtue 
is its picturesqueness. Although Mr. Kincaid has repeated 
the orthodox version as to the date, when Shivaji enrolled 
himself as a disciple of Bamdas Swami, it is some consola- 
tion to think that Mr. Kincaid has not allowed the infatua- 
tion of the Ramdas cult to blind him to such an extent as 
to ascribe to the preceptor the credit of Shivaji's glorious 
achievements. He has had sense enough to see, as some 
patriotic and over-zealous Maharashtra scholars have not 
that such a representation of the relations between the pre- 
ceptor and the disciple would reduce the national bero to 
a mere puppet. The supreme merit of Mr. Kincaid's work 
is his enthusiastic and unreserved admiration of the Maratha 

Prof. Jadunath Sarkar's " Shivaji and His Times " is 
the last of this triad. 1 It is a noble work marred with 
strange flaws. Mr. Kincaid's History and Prof. Sarkar's 
tShivaji stand at two opposite extremes of historical \nethod 
and style. The one is romantic in conception and uncritical 
in method, the other is hypercritical in method and sceptical 
in its intellectual outlook. The merits of Sarkar's work 
are great. He has had access to a wealth of Mahomedan 
and British sources and authorities, the very existence or 
which had not been previously suspected. The fundamental 
fault of the work is that it appears as an overflow of the 
vast amount of historical material he had collected for his 
monumental work upon Aurangzeb. His sympathies are 
with the Moguls and the commanders of the Mogul empire. 
His sympathies are with the British factors at Surat and 
Bajapur. His sympathies are anywhere except with Shivaji 
and his gallant companions. Shivaji has fallen into the 

1 Since *his Preface went to the press, another monograph on Shivaj: 
has been published by Mr. S. V. Raddi, B A., which appears to be based- 
chief ly on the works of Prof. Sarkar and Mr. Kincaid. 


"back-ground. Sarkar's paeans of praise are poured forth 
in unstinted measure, now in honour of Shaista Khan, now 
in honour of Jay Singh. He conducts his reader into the 
Mogul camp, he brings him in the wake of the Mogul armies 
and the Mogul standards. Shivaji is at best patronised 
here and there with a nodding familiarity and spoken of as 
a familiar underling with the name of " Shiva ". This is 
not intended, but such is the effect produced. The critical 
estimate of Shivaji's character and work in the last seven 
pages of this work is an appreciative review of the character 
and life-work of the great King and is, strange to say, quite 
at variance with the hyper-critical denunciations expressed 
in the fourteen pages that immediately precede it, and on 
the whole gives the lie direct to many of the generalizations 
which are found interspersed in the earlier part of the 
work. By far the most valuable service rendered by Prof. 
Sarkar is his vindication of Shivaji from the charge of 
murdering Afzul Khan. Again he has not fallen into the 
error of exaggerating the influence of Eamdas Swami upon 
Shivaji. Indeed he seems to have gone to an opposite 
extreme and failed to recognize, in anything like a proper 
estimate, the intense spirituality of outlook which distin- 
guished Shivaji among the nation-builders and rulers of 
India. Finally, it must be said of Prof. Sarkar's work that 
it is arranged in too scrappy a manner to suit the purposes 
of a serious biography and hence arise the contradictions 
which are noticed above. 

In the present work Shivaji is depicted as the director 
and entrepreneur of the greatest movement for the aeserticu 
of national liberty and independence that India has known 
in pre-British times. His character, his institutions and the 
greatness of his work are set forth at length in the 24th 
and in the concluding chapters. The prejudices against 
Shivaji on the part of the Mahomedan chroniclers are here 
shown to be of the same sort as those with which the 
student of Roman History becomes familiar when he finds 
Roman authors like Livy and Cicero passing uncalled for 

strictures upon Hannibal. There is indeed a close parallel* 
between these two heroes. Both strove hard for the liberty 
and independence of their country from foreign aggression. 
Bjth were endowed with the most brilliant talents and 
genius, In both their powers of invention and resource- 
fulness baffled the understanding and vigilance of their 
enemies. Both have been denounced by biassed historians 
for their imaginary acts of treachery and cruelty. But the 
contrast between the environments of these two conquerors 
brings out the superior mettle of the Maratha hero. 
Hannibal had not to make an army, much less to make 
a nation. Shivaji had to make everything for himself in 
order to build the Maratha nation. And that he did build 
a nation and found an empire which lasted longer than the 
power of Carthage did after the death of Hannibal, is no 
little testimony to the superiority of the Maratha hero over 
that of Carthage. It has been the fashion in some quarters 
to compare Shivaji with great conquerors like Csesar, 
Alexander or Bonaparte, and a tendency is seen now and 
then to compare him with ardent but obscure patriots like 
Viriathus, Vercingetorix or Caractacus, or at best with King 
Alfred, Robert Bruce, or William Tell. But the fact is that 
he combined in himself the righteous purpose and patriotic 
fervour of leaders like Bruce and Alfred and Vercingetorix 
with the superior military genius and statesmanship that 
characterized the world's great heroes like Caesar, Alexander, 
Hannibal and Bonaparte ; and in so far as these two 
different sets of qualities characterizing the two groups are 
found to unite together to a certain extent in the character 
of Hannibal alone, the latter seems to be the one unique 
military genius of the ancient world with whom we may 
compare Shivaji with an approximate measure of accuracy. 
But the truth is that the character and the life-work of the 
Maratha hero were both alike so unique, that it is idle to 
make any comparison. 

The present work is an attempt to give a faithful 
likeness of Shivaji and an estimate of his grea t work, 


chiefly based upon the indigenous bakhar chronicles of the 
Marathas. Nearly all the Maratha chronicles have been 
laid under contribution, together with other authorities, 
which will be found cited in the foot-notes, Most of these 
foot-notes are of a critical kind, supplementing, illustrating, 
and giving the authorities for the statements made in the 
text. The works of Mr. Kincaid and Prof. Jadunath 
Sarkar have been of great use, and the latter is freely 
quoted, especially as regards his citations from the Factory 
Records in the India Office, which are not otherwise avail- 
able in India. Of great use have been the writings of Mr. 
V. K. Raj wade and Rao Bahadur Parasnis, the reports 
of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandali of Poona, the 
Jedhe Shakaivali or Chronology published by the late Mr. 
B. G. Tilak, and the Itihas Sangraha. 

Attention may be invited to the following features in 
the present work : 

(a) It gives a complete account of the career of 
Shahaji and a critical exposition of his attitude 
towards Shivaji. 

(6) It gives a re-constructed version of the Chandra 
Rao More tragedy. 

(c) It clears Shivaji from the charge of murdering 

Afzul Khan. 

(d) It re-arranges the chronology of the events of 

Shaista Khan's invasion, in the light of the 
Jedhe Chronology and the Mahomedan chronicles. 

(e) It examines the relations between Shivaji and 

Dadaji Kondadev and between Shivaji and 
Ramdas Swami in the light of modern authorities 
and discoveries. 

(/) It throws new light upon the naval battle o 
Khanderi, from British Factory Records and 
Correspondence, hitherto not handled by any 
previous historian of Shivaji. 

(#) It re-constructs the military career of one o 
Shivaji's great commanders, whose services have 
fallen into an unmerited oblivion, Anandrac 
Bhonsle ( Appendix II ). 

(7i) It re-constructs the career of one of Shivaji's 
great plenipotentiaries at the Mogul Court-Raghc 
Ballal Korde-wrongly charged with murdering 
Chandrarao More (Appendix IV). 

(i) It vindicates Shivaji from the charge of cruelty 
and treachery, by proving that the Mogul 
commanders were more guilty than Shivaji. 

(j) It gives a new explanation of Shivaji's so-called 
plundering campaigns. 

(&) It discusses the various theories of the late Justic& 
Eanade, Raj wade, Kincaid and others about the 
origin of the Swarajya movement, its author- 
ship, the relation of the Bhagwat School towards 
Swarajya and kindred topics. 

I have to express my thanks to all the authors mentioned 
above for the assistance derived from their works, as also to 
Principal G. C. Bhate, Principal Rawlinson, Mr. G. S. Sar- 
desai, R. & O. Strachey, Mr. S. Dev, Mr. S. Sen, Mr. Vasudev 
Shastri Khare, and a host of others whose works have been 
quoted or made use of, in different parts of this book. I 
have especially to thank the Rev. Dr. N. Macnicol, M. A., 
D. Litt. of the United Free Church of Scotland Mission, 
a distinguished scholar and a sympathetic critic, for kindly 
revising and correcting the MS. and the proofs and for the 
many valuable suggestions he made which have greatly 
advanced the usefulness of this biography. The sympathetic 
" Foreword " which he has so kindly contributed to this 
work may be taken not only as index of his genuine 
interest and sympathy in all Indian aspirations, but as 
a noble tribute to the greatness of our great national hero. 



THE Publisher's cordial thanks are due to Prof. N. S. 
Takakhav, M. A., for having readily undertaken thie- 
very difficult and arduous task. He as a student of 
history was not content with the original Marathi text. 
He went to the very sources cf information from which it 
was compiled, and brought under contribution almost all 
the recent researches and discoveries regarding the life 
story of our national hero. In his hands the work has 
assumed a highly -critical and exhaustive form and is 
calculated to dispel many groundless and uncharitable 
notions about our hero which have hitherto, almost un- 
challenged, gained currency in the historical literature 
concerning our land. 

The value of this work has been enhanced by the fact 
that the Revd. Dr. X. Macnicol M.A., D. Litt., a distin- 
guished missionary scholar of the United Free Church of 
Scotland Mission, was gracious enough to revise the MS. 
of this work and go through the proofs as the work passed 
through the press. His kind and appreciative Foreword 
appended hereto is a noble tribute from a high-souled and 
sympathetic friend of India. For this noble and generous 
act the publisher owes him a deep debt of gratitude. 

The MS. of this work was lying for several years with 
the publisher for want of funds to put it through the press. 
He was helped out of this difficulty by Shrimant Major 
Sardar Maloji Xarsingrao Sitole of Gwalior, who advanced 
a large loan at the instance of Shrimant Sadashivrao alias 
Khasesaheb Powar, Home Member, Gwalior State and Rao 
Bahadur Khaserao Bhagwantrao Jadhav of Baroda. But 
this fund was soon exhausted and the publisher was again 
in a fix, from which he was helped out by his esteemed 
friend Rao Saheb Harischandra Vishram Rajwadkar, J. P., 
who advanced another large loan. For this financial help 
the publisher is very grateful to these generous gentlemen. 


His thanks are also due to the Proprietor and Manager 
of the Manoranjan Press for the great care and interest 
with which he has printed this work and afforded him 
all reasonable facilities to bring it out in this very decent 
and acceptable form. 

The work is now before the English reading public and 
it is earnestly hoped that all who love fair play and wish 
to see a true image of Shivaji, not distorted by racial or 
sectarian prejudices, will be generous enough to patronize 
this patriotic attempt. 


MR. K. A. KELUSKA.R has asked me to write a brief 
foreword to the English edition of his Life of Shivaji 
Maharaj, and I have consented to do so because of the high 
regard that I have for him both as a man and as a Marathi 
scholar and because of our long-standing friendship. I 
have no other claim than these give me to take it upon 
myself to introduce this book to the public. At the same 
time I feel that it is only fitting that this story should be 
told by one who is sprung from the same robust and manly 
stock to which the great Maratha soldier himself belonged, 
and I feel that, if that be so, there is no one so well able 
to tell the story with sympathy, with knowledge and 
with critical judgement as Mr. Keluskar. Shivaji belongs 
to no class or caste ; he is a national possession. He may 
be said indeed to have come to rebirth in the hearts of his 
countrymen, not of Maharashtra alone but of all India, in 
the national awakening of the last twenty years. But at 
the same time it is inevitable that some aspects of his life 
and work can be best understood and appreciated by one 
whose kinship with him is not of race or nation only but 
of caste as well. The rivalry between various classes, 
seeking to prove that their ancestors had a share in the 
accomplishment of the task of this Maratha Liberator, 
a rivalry that stirs wide and vivid interest at the present 
time, is indeed a testimony to the inspiration that his 
memory and example bring to his fellow countrymen still. 
Perhaps an element of class jealousy, not yet wholly 
extinguished, embitters sometimes these disputes and renders 
an impartial judgement difficult. But the growth of 
a critical spirit in the young historical students of to-day, 
among whom the translator and editor of this book has 
a distinguished place, as well as the influence of a wider 
patriotism, will speedily exorcise this evil and enable India 
to view her great son as he actually was, unobscured by 
either depreciation or flattery. 


The view of Sir William Hunter that affirms that 
Shivaji won his supremacy " by treachery, assassination 
and hard fighting " is as unhistorical and as partial as that 
which exalts him to the position of a super-human being. 
Both views do injustice to the foresight, the statesmanship, 
the tenacity of purpose of the king himself and to the loyalty 
and the courage of his subjects. One of the hateful aspects 
of war is, as a Greek historian has said, that it takes away 
your freedom and puts you in the region of necessity. 
That fact makes it only fair that we should judge a soldier, 
not only in the 17th century but even to-day, by a lowered 
standard. When we remember this we must agree that 
Jndia has every right to set the Maratha warrior-king in 
a high place among those whom she remembers with gratitude 
and pride. 


Chapter I 
Chapter II 
Chapter III 
Chapter IV 
Chapter V 
Chapter VI 
Chapter VII 
Chapter VIII 
Chapter IX 
Chapter X 
Chapter XI 
Chapter XII 
Chapter XIII 

Chapter XLV 
Chapter XV 
'Chapter XVI 
Chapter XVII 
Chapter XVIII 
Chapter XIX 
Chapter XX 
Chapter XXI 

Chapter XXII 
Chapter XXIII 
Chapter XXIV 

Chapter XXV 

Chapter XXVI 
Chapter XXVII 
Chapter XXVIII 
Chapter XXIX 
Chapwr XXX 
Appeuoiz to 1 
Chapter XXX J 



Ancestry ... ... ... 1 

The Career of Shahaji ... ... 16 

The Childhood of Shivaji ... 53 

The Education of Shivaji ... 68 

The Preparation for Swarajya ... 84 

The Beginnings of Swarajya ... 91 

Development oi Swarajya ... 109 

Shahaji Entrapped ... ... 129 

Relations with the Moguls ... 130 

The Capture of Javli & Other Events . 137 

The Tragedy of Afzuikhan ... 150 

Adilshahi Nobles Discomfited ... 178 

The Bijapur Government on its 

Knees ... ... ... 194 

Reunion of Father acd Son ... 204 

Sea Power ... ... ... 213 

The Campaign of Shaista Khan ... 220 

The Sack of Surat and Barselor ... 237 

The Invasion of Raja Jay Singh ... 247 

Shivaji at the Mogul Court ... 270 

Recouquests ... ... 298 

Renewed Campaign against the 

Moguls ... ... ... 313 

Bijapur Wars Renewed ... ... 337 

The (Jr owning of Shivaji ... 348 

The Wheels of Government ... 370 

Renewed Wars with Bijapur and the 

Moguls ... ... ... 411 

The Kamatic Campaign ... 421 

The Final Campaign* ... ... 466 

The English and the Abyaisiniana ... 486 

With Saint and deer ... ... 514 

The End ... ... ... 545 

Shivajt'a Wives and Daughters ... 554) 


Chapter XXXI 
Chapter XXXII 
Appendix I 
Appendix II 

Appendix III 
Appendix IV 

Shivaji's Fortunes and Possessions ... 557 
Character ... ... ... 565 

Maloji and Shahaji ... ... 625 

Anandrao Bhonsle and Hambirrao 

Mohite ... ... 628 

The Battle of Khanderi ... 634 

Raghunath Ballal Korde ... 636 



SHIVAJI MAHARAJ, the illustrious founder of the Maratha, 
Power, derived his descent from the renowned Bhonsle family. 
This noble Maratha house claimed an ancient Kshatriya 
origin. It is said that the family was transferred to the 
uplands of Maharashtra by a Rajput warrior, Devraj Maha- 
rana by name. The family tradition tells a long tale of 
chequered adventures and vicissitudes. In what is now 
known as the modern province of Oudh, there ruled for cen- 
turies the ancient princes of the royal Sesodia family. They 
claimed descent from the mythical Solar Race, which along 
with the Lunar Race comprises the genealogy of every 
Kshatriya family in the land. One of these Sesodia princes 
crossed the Narbada and became the founder of an indepen- 
dent principality on its southern banks. The fortunes of 
this family were, however, destined to wane before the ris- 
ing glory of the famous Shalivan, who inaugurated a new 
Hindu era, which is still current south of the Narbada. The 
ruling Bhonsle prince of the time was defeated and his 
kingdom annexed. At this crisis the afflicted queen of the 
prince escaped with her young son of five or six years across 
the Narbada and sought shelter in the inhospitable re- 
gions of Mewar in the vicinity of the Vindhya Mountains. 
There she, found an asylum in a poor Brahman family, her 
son keeping the Brahman's kine. Once while out engaged 
on his cow-herd duties the boy discovered a hidden treasure. 
This he disclosed to his patron and acquainted him with the 
story of his origin and fall. The Brahman listened with 
sympathy and encouraged and exhorted him to endeavour 
to recover his royal power, giving him to that end every 
L.S. 2. 


assistance within his means. It was a mountainous region 
in the possession of the Bhils, with whom they had to fight. 
When the conquest of the country was completed, they erec- 
ted a fort upon those mountain heights under the shadow 
of a temple of the goddess Bhawani. This fort they 
named Chitrakote. They restored the ancient temple of 
Bhavani and built another within the fort in honour of 
Eklingji Shiv. The descendants of this prince are said to 
have reigned at Chitrakote for about five hundred years. 
This fort of Chitrakote became afterwards famous in his- 
tory as the fort of Chitore. 

Then followed the establishment of Mahomedan power 
at Delhi, and the interminable wars between the Mahome- 
dan emperors and the Rajput princes. Many Hindu kings 
had to acknowledge defeat and become vassals of the Maho- 
medan emperors. These rulers carried on% constant wars 
with, the Rajput state of Chitore, but with little success to 
boast of. The Chitore princes defended their kingdom and 
independence very bravely. About 1275 the Maharana 
Lakshman Singh succeeded to the throne of Chitore. The 
affairs of the administration were in the charge of his uncle, 
Bhim Singh. This Bhim Singh had for his consort one of 
lihe greatest beauties in the land, Rani Padmini 1 . This 
princess is said to have come from Ceylon. Her great re- 
putation for beauty reached the ears of AllauddinKhilji, the 
-emperor of Delhi, who conceived an unholy passion for her. 
With an immense army he advanced upon Chitore and laid 
siege to the fort. The Rajputs fought with the valour for 
which they are famous; they beat back the enemy in all their 
advances, but still Allauddin would not raise the siege. He 
had invested the fortress on all sides with very- powerful 
forces. The garrison had now exhausted all their resources. 
Driven to desperation the Rajput king resolved at the head 
of his whole army to make a sudden sortie upon the enemy 
and meet a warrior's death on the field of battle. All the 

i Some chronicles describe the Rani Padmiui as the wife of the 
.Maharana Lakshman Singh. 


Rajputs to a man applauded the plan. But surely it was 
not desirable that the whole race of the Sesodias should be 
extirpated from the earth, and means must be found to 
perpetuate it. The king had twelve sons. They all vied 
with each other in the desire to sacrifice their lives upon 
the battle-field. But the second prince Ajay Singh was 
the special favourite of hisroyal father. The Raja explain- 
ed to him, how undesirable it was that his royal race 
should be totally extinguished and commanded him to be- 
take himself to an inaccessible part of the Aravalli Moun- 
tains, known as Kailwada, and save himself. This advice 
was by no means palatable to a prince of the courage 
of Ajay Singh. But overcome by the urgent entreaties of 
his father he was obliged to acquiesce in this plan, and 
according to his father's wishes escaped to Kailwada 1 . 
Thereupon at Chitore, the Raja with his followers and 
kinsmen dashed forth upon the enemy, and nearly four- 
teen hundred of them were cut to pieces. The fort fell 
into the hands of the Mahomedans. The whole place was 
pillaged and plundered; not even the royal insignia were 
saved ; the gigantic war-drum and the massive gates com- 
posed of an ingenious amalgam of five metals, celebrated 
throughout the land, fell into the hands of the enemy. 

When, as related above, Ajay Singh made his escape, 
he took with him Humbir Singh, the minor son of his 
eldest brother. He then rallied the remnants of his people 
and again formed a fairly large principality. As Huuibir 
Singh grew in years he proved himself a brave and capable 
leader. Ajay Singh was a man of a very pious disposition 
and loved his nephew with a father's love. He crowned 
him king of his forefathers' realm and himself took charge 
of the administration. They built the fortress of Rajnagar 
and made it their capital. For they had sworn not to 

1 Chitnis's chronicle gives a different version to the effect that ab 
Lakahman Singh's desperate sally his queen escaped to the Bhil country 
with two princes, who subsequently propagated the race. 


return to Chitore until they had retrieved from the enemy 
the royal drum and insignia. Until they had curbed the 
insolent pride of those hostile bands who 'had decimated 
their race and desecrated the capital of their hereditary 
kingdom, they were resolved not to carry their war-standards 
before them, and to deny to themselves the luxury of 
palate and couches, and not even to trim their beards. This 
hatred of Islam they transmitted to their posterity. They 
made new conquests; they built new forts and consolidated 
their power; and at last with Udaipur as their capital, they 
established their independence. 

On the demise of Ajay Singh, his son Sajan Singh 
thought it unwise to quarrel with his cousin for a parti- 
tion of territory, and considered it more glorious to win 
new realms for himself. With this design, this brave 
prince advanced southwards. The territory of Sondhwad 
was conquered by him, and there he made his capital. 
Among his descendants we read the names of Dilip Singhji 
Maharana, Singhji Maharana, Bhosaji Makarana, and 
Devrajji Maharana in succession. All these constantly 
fought with the Mahomedans and preserved their kingdom. 
But at length Devrajji, quite exhausted with the frequency 
of the Mahomedan invasions, gave up his kingdom, and 
coming down to the south maintained a precarious inde- 
pendence as a polygar in the valleys of the Krishna and 
the Bhima. On coming to the Deccan he changed his 
name for fear of the Mahomedans and assumed that of 
Bhosawant Bhonsle. His object was, if possible, to lay 
the foundations of a new sovereignty in this land. But the 
Mahomedans carried everything before them and his high 
ambition was not destined to be realized. At last he had 
to content himself with the Patelship of Singnapur. 

His descendants afterwards obtained by purchase tha 
Patelships of various places, such as, Khanwat, Hingnsi 
Begdi, Dewalgaon, Verul, Vavi, Mungi etc. In the line of 
direct descent from Devrajji we have Indrasen, Shubhkri- 


shnaji, Rupsinghji, Bhumindraji, Dhapji Barhatji 1 , 
Khalaji* alias Khalkarn, Karnaeinghji alias Jayakarn, 
Sambhaji and Babaji alias Shivaji. The last named Babaji 
was born in 1533 s . Babaji was a man of piety and char- 
acter. He had two sons, Maloji and Vithoji. Maloji was 
born in 1550 and Vithoji in 1553. They were both men of 
ability and character. When they came to years df dis- 
cretion and began to look after their estates they had many 
land disputes with the agriculturists of Dewalgaon. They, 
therefore, came and settled at Verul (Ellora), near Dowlata- 
bad. But agriculture is at best an Varida nutrix, "and 
gives little scope for the free play of genius. They began 
to look out for an employment which might better develop 
their virtue and talents. This they found by enlisting 
themselves in the service of Lukhji Jadhav of Sindhkhed 
in the humble ranks of the " bargir *' infantry. Lukhji 
Jadhav, a scion of the ' Yadavs' of Devgiri, was Deshmukh 
of Sindhkhed. Under the Nizami Dynasty of Ahmednagar 
he held a mansab or command .of 12,000 horse and he had 

1 Chitnis gives the name aa Barbatji. 

2 Elsewhere given as Kheloji. 

This genealogy chiefly follows the account in Chitnis's Bakhar or 
Chronicle history. It agrees in all particulars with the genealogy prepared 
by the Rajah Pratapsinh of JSatara. The latter has been printed and pub- 
lished at Kolhapur under the auspices of the Maharajah of that state. Col. 
Tod in his History of Rajasthan refers to a genealogy of Shivaji which ha 
had obtained from the Bhats or troubadours of Mewar. This genealogy agrees 
generally with the one followed in the text with a few variations. While 
referring to the above mentioned genealogy CoL Tod remarks that it was 
reserved for the house of Sajan Singh eventually to produce a hero, who 
would overthrow the Mahomedan powers, and that this was realized by 
Shivaji, the founder of the Satara dynasty. It may be remarked that many 
discrepancies and variations from the story followed in the text are to be 
found in other Bakhars or chronicle hristories, as for instance in the, famous 
bakhar of Shivaji called the Shivadigvijaya or Triumph of Shivaji. This 
is not to be marvelled at, as many of these bakhars contain various tradi- 
tional tales indifferently strung together. r Vlr. Keluskar in hia original 
note gives the variant versions of other cnronicles. The name " Bhonsle " 
is derived by most chroniclers from " Bhosi " or " Bhosavant ", a fortress 
near Chitore. Khafi Khan gives some legends about.the meaning of'Bhonsla'* 
( Vide Elliot VII, 255). 


ajahgir made over to him for the maintenance of his forces. 
He had great influence in the councils of the Nizami Gov- 
ernment, and there were indeed very few generals in that 
state who could compare with him in bravery and power. 
Jadhavrao was delighted to welcome Maloji and Vithoji into 
his service, offered them a salary of five hons (pagodas) each? 
and ordained that thej' should keep him company at table* 

Maloji was strong and burly in figure, so that few 
horses could bear his weight on a prolonged excursion. He 
was therefore chosen to mount sentry at the outposts. With 
his talents and brilliant parts he soon won the favour of 
Jadhavrao, who introduced him to Murtezashaha Nizam 
and recommended him to the royal favour as a man of in- 
tegrity and honour. The Sultan was pleased with him and 
retained him as a "sniledar" or cavalry officer in his service 
Henceforth Maloji served the Nizam at the head of his 
own foot and horse, but seems to have still remaine 1 
a dependent of Jadhavrao. 

Maloji was married to Dipabai, the sister of Jagpalrao 
Nimbalkar, the Deshmukh of Phaltan. After his admission 
into the Sultan's army his rise was rapid. His brother, 
Vithoji, had also been promoted to the position of Shiledar. 
Vithoji had eight sons but Maloji as yet had no children. 
This was a source of great affliction to his wife Dipabai. 
True to Hindu sentiments the pious pair made endless vows 
to the gods and practised many a rite of religious merit 
that their home might be blessed with children. At length 
he made a vow at a celebrated shrine at Nagar, that of the 
Pir Shaba Sharif. Every Thursday Maloji used to give 
alms and doles to fakirs. This he practised continually for 
six months. At last Dipabai had the good fortune to get 
her heart's desire, being delivered of a son in 1594. Deeming 
the birth of the child as an act of benefaction on the part of 
the Pir, Maloji named the child, after the Pir, Shahaji. 
After some time he had a second son, whom he named 
Sharif ji 


Shahaji was a handsome boy, and with his sprightly 
ways, no less than with his sweet childish prattle and pre- 
cocity, he made a most favourable impression upon all 
people. There was a peculiar charm in his manners, gait, and 
voice. Jadhavrao conceived a great fondness for the bo}\ 
He often took him home, decked him with clothes of vari- 
ous styles and embroideries, and indulged him in all his 
boyish whims. Now Jadhav had an only daughter two or 
three years of age, with whom Shahaji used to play and 
romp for hours. Thus the two grew up together, playmates 
and companions almost from their cradles. Thus Shahaji 
grew to five years of age ; and now onae it happened that 
Jadhav was celebrating the Hindu festival of the Shimga. 
On the day of the Rang-Panchami, he had invited all his 
friends and relations to his house. Among those who had 
received the invitation was Maloji. He attended the social 
function, which was a kind of durbar, with his son. Jadhav- 
rao called the youngster towards him and seated him on his 
lap.. Soon after his daughter, Jija, came running from the 
inner apartments of the house and sat down on the other 
knee of her father. Both the children were so pretty and 
handsome and equally matched in age, that it was nothing 
strange that Jadhav addressing the young girl asked her in 
jest whether she would have the boy for her husband and, 
turning to the company, exclaimed that they would be a 
proper pair indeed! Scarcely had he spoken when the 
children, snatching handfuls of the red powder which was 
standing near in a plate, began to throw it upon each 
other. The company present were much amused at this 
display of childish fun and spirits and laughed out- 
right exclaiming that they were indeed a pretty match. 
At this, Maloji and Vithoji stood up, and, "Listen, gentle- 
men," they exclaimed, "from this day, Jadhavrao and our- 
selves have become related by betrothal. Jija is now our 
daughter-in-law. You have just heard what Jadhavrao has 
said. His resolution is made. Great men never recede 
from a declaration made in public." Thus calling all the 


company to bear witness to what had oocurred, they sat 
down. The spectators assented. Jadhavrao was astonished 
at this scene. He had never imagined that any one would 
place such a construction upon words uttered in jest. But 
he made no reply. 

The next day Jadhavrao invited his friends to dinner. 
Maloji also was invited. But he in return replied in these 
terms : "We are now to be related by the marriage of our 
children ; the wedding will be the proper time for us now 
to feast together ; kindly do net invite us till then." When 
Jadhavrao's wife, Mhalsabai, came to learn of these proceed- 
ings, she resented this impertinence of Maloji. That a 
common Shiledar like Maloji should dream of a marriage 
alliance into the house of a rich mansabdar of the rank of 
Jadhav was in her eyes the height of folly and insolence. 
Mhalsabai remonstrated with her husband for his unguarded 
words in the assembly. "It was wrong of you," she exclaim- 
ed, "to have uttered those words; more wrong still not to 
have replied when Maloji stood up and spoke. Maloji is a 
dependent of ours. It will never do to give our daughter 
into his house. What will the world say, if we pass over 
eligible youths from the houses of the Mahadiks, the 
Shirkes, the Nimbalkars, our equals in rank and wealth- 
Mansabdars and Deshmukhs , and stoop so low as this 
house of Maloji ? Yes! what will the world say?" Thus 
she fumed in spite of all the efforts of Jadhavrao to console 
her. "I spoke in jest," he declared, "I don't think I am 
any way bound in honour.'' Then he sent a peremptory 
message to Maloji : "A truce to this talk of a marriage 
union ! Our people cannot entertain it. What I spoke 
before the assembly was merely in jest. It is preposterous to 
construe it into a solemn declaration. Do accept the invita- 
tion. The gods alone know the future." Maloji retorted 
upon this, " A pronouncement made in presence of so 
numerous a company how could it be void ? We claim an 
affiance with your house." Jadhavrao was very angry at 
this insolent reply. After the feast he summoned his clerk 


to him and ordered him to make up the accounts of 
Maloji and Vithoji, pay up the arrears due to them, and 
discharge them immediately from his service, with notice 
to quit his territory at once, bag and baggage. 

Thus the two brothers now lost the high positions of 
command so nobly earned and were forced to return to 
their paternal homestead at Verul, again to become farm 
hinds and till the land. 

This was a great insult to the haughty spirit of Maloji. 
He felt the degradation all the more keenly, because he saw 
that Jadhavrao had dared to treat him thus only because 
he was a dependent without wealth and rank ; and he now 
firmly resolved to make every effort to retrieve his fortune. 
This now became the one desire of his life and he dedicated 
his nights and days to the realization of his lofty aim. To 
a man of his spirit and character death itself seemed better 
than the ignominious repudiation by Jadhav of what he 
considered a solemn avowal of betrothal in the presence of the 
assembled chiefs and nobles, the elite of Maratha society. 
The sense of dishonour rankled in his heart. In this agi- 
tated and disconsolate frame of mind, the two brothers went 
out one night to watch their crops. It was the full moon 
night in the month of Magh. They kept watch by turns. 
At first Vithoji went to sleep while Maloji remained watch- 
ing. There was an ant-hill at the spot where he had sta- 
tioned himself. After a little while, he saw a bright and 
lustrous hand like that of the goddess Bhavani, bejewelled 
with armlets of gold, coming out of the ant-hill and beckon- 
ing to him, and after waving once or twice it vanished out 
of sight. Maloji awakened his brother and described to him 
the vision he had just seen. "It is all an illusion," cried 
Vithoji, and he undertook to watch himself and asked 
Maloji to sleep. Now as soon as he was asleep he had a 
wondrous dream. He saw in his dream the goddess Bhavani 
standing before him, draped in silver white, with the red- 
powder mark on her brows, and decked with the richest 


jewels. He thought she stroked him on the back and awoke 
him, and addressed him in these terms: "Behold, oh mortal, 
I have of mine own accord become propitious and lavish my 
favours on thee. The snake thou wilt find haunting this 
ant-hill is nought but my divine self in another guise. Be 
it thine to salute the snake and dig up the ant-hill ; and take 
thou the gold thou shalt find therein, but harm not the 
reptile, for it shall go its way. Twenty-seven of thy 
descendants in the direct line shall reign in;the land ! "Maloji 
awoke from his dream and described the marvellous vision 
to Vithoji. The two brothers now resolved to test the truth 
of the wonderful prophecy and began to dig the ant-hill. 
They found in it a great quantity of gold and precious gems. 
They brought it home and buried it safely, in the yard 
behind their house 1 . 

This unexpected windfall gave a new stimulus to 
Maloji's energies. He caused a rumour to be circulated 
among the people that the goddess Bhavani had been pleased 
to be specially propitious to him and had put him in 
possession of an untold amount of gold, and had given her 
divine promise that there would be born in their house an 
invincible hero, who would inaugurate a new era in the 
land. They then deposited their money at the house of a 
great banker at Shrigonde, Shesava Naik Pande by name. 
They had an old family connection with Shesava. With his 
help Maloji purchased a thousand horses and enlisted many 
bargirs and shiledars in his servioe. From the beginning 
be had been known for his piety, and this new accession of 
wealth which he attributed to divine favour only served to 
accentuate his natural predilection for religion. He resolv- 
ed to devote a great part of his acquisitions to objects of 
benevolence. He made bountiful presents to deserving 

1 Grant Duff thinks that Maloji must have acquired his riohea by 
plunder. But the imputation is quite gratuitous. It was nothing strange 
in those exciting and revolutionary times to discover a hidden treasure, and 
it was the common practice to bury precious things under ground as the 
only effectual way of saving them from the hands of the spoilers. 


Brahmans upon the farm which had been the scene of the 
discovery of his treasure, and he erected a beautiful temple 
upon the site of the ant-hill. There is in the Satara Dis- 
trict the famous hill of Shambhu Mahadev. On the top of 
this mountain there used to be held every year a great reli- 
gious fair in the month of Chaitra. No less than 500,000 
persons used to gather at the fair at this time, but they 
suffered from a great scarcity of water. The devout pilgrims 
had to provide themselves with water from a distance of 
over five or six miles. With a view to mitigate this grievance, 
Maloji built a great reservoir of water upon a suitable 
site. He spent freely upon this work. On the comple- 
tion of the raservoir, he gave a great feast to Brahmans and 
liberal alms to fakirs ; he also erected some dharmshalas at 
this place. He restored the dilapidated temple of Krishna 
at Verul and built a reservoir near that town. In the same 
way he built tanks, wells etc. at different places and spent 
much in charity at the various shrines. 

By the performance of these and other similar acts of 
religious merit so congenial to the sentiments of orthodox 
Hinduism, Maloji earned a great reputation for wealth and 
munificence. He now commenced to put into practice 
the great scheme of his life. It has already been mentioned 
how he had begun to maintain a cavalry force of ten to 
twelve hundred retainers. He went on adding to his 
retinue, and when he found himself well established he 
renewed his demand for the daughter of Jadhav. But 
Jadhav would not upon any terms consent to this proposal, 
which he could only regard in the light of a mesalliance. 
Maloji now began harrying the territory under Jadhav's 
military control and opened communications with the 
Nimbalkars to the effect that they should co-operate with 
him with a reinforcement of two thousand horse and curb the 
insolence of family pride which had caused Jadhav to break 
his promise. These negotiations proved successful and 
Maloji now concerted a systematic war of invasion and. 


depredation upon Jadhav's jahgir. But nothing that Maloji 
could do to molest him would make Jadhav swerve from 
his decision. Then Maloji had recourse to a strange 
stratagem. At the head of the cavalry force of the Nimbal- 
kars, Maloji and Vithoji marched up to Shrigonde. Leaving 
behind them their heavy baggage and artillery at this 
place, they poured down the pass of Nimbdevara and 
crossed the Godavari past the village of Nevase. There they 
killed a couple of pigs and threw the carcases into the 
mosque at Dowlatabad, having previously tied round their 
necks letters enclosing a petition to the Nizam Shahi Sultan 
of Ahmednagar. The petition recited the grounds of these 
disturbances, how Jadhavrao had forsworn himself in 
deference to the whims of the ladies of his house and had 
basely discharged the Bhonsle brothers from his service, 
and how they had sought shelter with the Nimbalkars and 
taken revenge with their encouragement and support. The 
missives concluded with threats of further disturbance and 
desecration. When the news of this desecration came to 
the ears of Nizam Shaha his anger knew no bounds, but it 
was curiously directed against Jadhavrao, whom he sum- 
moned to his presence and threatened wit.h menaces. He 
told him that it was most improper on his part to have 
made a declaration of a betrothal and then to have broken 
it off, and declared it was owing to his headstrong obstinacy 
that a sacred mosque of Islam had been desecrated so. He 
expostulated with him on the folly of protracting a private 
dispute at the expense of the public weal and ordered him 
peremptorily to put an end to it by conciliating Maloji and 
signalizing the event by giving his daughter into the 
Bhonsle house. Jadhavrao replied that his objection to 
the match was based on the inequality of social position 
between the two houses ; otherwise they stood related by 
ties of race and blood, and that his people desired that his 
daughter should be given into a house of the same fortune 
and standing as his own. 


On hearing this reply the Sultan reflected that the high 
honours enjoyed by Jadhav had made him insolent, and 
that the only way cf making him eat humble pie was to 
exalt Maloji to rank and honour, by conferring a high man- 
eab, or military command, uppn him. Strange that the 
Sultan should have thought of this kind of friendly treat- 
ment towards the Bhonsles ! In truth Maloji and Vithoji 
had been guilty of an atrocity which outraged public opinion 
and Islam sentiment, and which under ordinary circum- 
stances would have instantly called forth the retribution it 
deserved. But the Nizam Shahi State of Ahmednagar had 
fallen on evil days. The Emperor Akbar was endeavour- 
ing to overthrow the kingdom and absorb it within the 
ever widening bounds of the Mogul Empire. The Mogul 
armies were every hour gaining ground inch by inch into the 
sultan's realm, and the only breakwater capable of keeping off 
the accumulating tide of invasion was the solid and united 
front of the Maratha nobility. If at this critical time the 
state were to embark on a policy of fomenting dissension, 
among the Marathas, it would have been fatal to the best 
interests of the ruling dynasty. The disaffected Maratha 
chiefs were sure to go over to the enemy's camp, and every 
accession of strength to the Mogul meant a corresponding 
loss to the Mahomedan prince of the Deccan. Thus the 
sultan had to think deep before committing himself to a 
hasty step, and his final decision was the rather startling 
proposal to conciliate and heap honours upon men who had 
given him mortal offence. He invited Maloji and Vithoji 
to the royal presence and received them with courtesy, 
conferring upon each a mansab of 12,000 horse and the 
title of "Kajah" upon Maloji 1 , together with the forts of 
Shivneri and Chakan and the adjoining territory for his 
maintenance, and the districts of Poona andSupa in jahgir. 2 
This event took place in March, 1604. 

1 Other accounts mention a mansab of 5,000 for Maloji only. 

2 The Shiv -Digvijaya gives a longer list of jahgir lands which would, 
include some parganas oi Foona, Nasik, Ahmednagar and Khandesb. 


Now that the sultan himself had espoused the cause of 
Maloji and had given him an exalted rank at his court, 
Jadhav could no longer withstand the demand. The sultan 
ordered both the parties to bring their families and relations 
to Dowlatabad; and the nuptials were celebrated with great 
pomp and eclat in the royal presence. The fact that the 
sultan himself attended the wedding and took a personal 
interest in it was sufficient cause for all the Omrahs of the 
court to attend it without exception. Under such auspices 
was celebrated the marriage of Shahaji and Jijabai. Maloji 
grudged no amount of expense on this great occasion, which, 
in truth, was the crowning glory of his life. He gave a 
grand banquet to the Omrahs, and distributed large sums 
in charity to Brahmans and fakirs. This wedding took 
place in April 1604. Maloji had not only won his object, 
but had secured a mansab and the title of Rajah into the 

After the marriage, the Rajah Maloji, now a mansab- 
dar or commander of the Nizam Shahi kingdom did very 
useful service to that government in those troublous times. 
Py his bravery and talents he soon gained an overwhelming 
ascendency at that court. He earned the gratitude of the 
state for his success in the most difficult operations of war 
and his services both civil and military. It soon became 
apparent that though the high command was originally 
conferred upon Maloji merely on account of the sultan's 
displeasure at Jadhav's obstinacy, the recipient was well 
worthy of the honours lavished upon him. The state officials 
now consulted him in all questions of moment. Besides 
by his conciliatory and courteous manners he always kept 
on terms of the utmost cordiality with the high officers of 
the court. Shahaji used to attend the court in company 
with his father. His fine figure and noble bearing, his 
penetration and sagacity, his habitual courtesy and persua- 
siveness scon won for him the golden opinions of the sultan 
and the court, He became a "persona grata" with all the 


great Omrahs and courtiers. After enjoying his great 
mansab and prosperity for fifteen years with ever increas- 
ing influence in the state, Maloji died in 1619. The Nizam 
Shaha conferred his jahgirs and honours upon the Rajah 



AT the time when Shahaji succeeded to the manszb, the 
renowned Malik Ambar was at the head of the Nizam Shahi 
State. It is indispensable at this stage to have some general 
notion of the state of Ahmednagar, on the eve of its 
extinction. The town had fallen into the hands of the 
Moguls about 1600, and the illustrious Chand Bibi Sultana, 
whose noble defence of it had excited the admiration and 
envy of the Mogul conquerors, had been stabbed by one of 
her own perfidious sardars. The infant prince she had 
placed upon the Nizamshahi throne was now a captive in 
Mogul hands, being immured within the prison-fort of 
Gwalior. The capital was gone, the prince was lost, but 
this did not daunt the noble heart of Malik Ambar, who 
rallied the Ahmednagar chiefs and again presented a united 
front to the invaders, having proclaimed. an infant prince 
who stood next in succession under the name of Murteza 
Nizam Shaha IP. He transferred the new king's court to 

1 Most, of the chroniclers call this Nizamshahi Sultan as Sultan 
Murteza Nizam Shah II, and the puppet prince set up by Shahaji at the 
extinction of the dynasty would then be recognized as Murteza Shah 111^ 
However there is much confusion. Meadows Taylor speaks of the puppet 
supported by Malik Ambar as Murteza Shah II and the Sultan reigning at 
the time of Khan Jehan Lodi's rebellion as Murteza Shah III. Prof. Jadu- 
nath Sarkar in his article on Shahaji in the Modern Review ( September 
1917) calls the prince supported by Malik Ambar by the name of Buran 
Nizam Shaha, against the authority of Ferishta who calls him Murteza II. 
This prince reigned over a long period, 1601 to 1632. At any rate Murteza 
II, the protege of Malik Ambar was a grandson of Buran Nizam Shah I, and 
might have been known as Buran Nizam Shaha before succeeding to the 
throne. Grant Dufl and other historians including the Marathi chronicles 
have concurred in calling him Murteza II. The puppet set up by Fatten Khan 
was Hoosein Nizam HI, though Prof. Jadunath Sarkar speaks of him 
both under this name and as Bahadur Nizam Shaha. It may be here noted 
that the Jedhe chronology, ( see Bharat-Itihas-Sanshodhak Mandal, Chaturth 
Samrnelanvritta, page 178) states, under Shaka year 1553, that Fatten 
Khan put to death the Sultan Buran Nizam Shaha. 

The gist of the article of Prof. Sarkar above referred to is thai Shahaji 
came to greatness only after 1630-32, and that entirely owing to the BJjapur 


-the strong fort of Dowlatabad and again unfurled the de- 
fiant standard of the house of Bheiry. This led to a con- 
centration of all power in the hands of Malik Ambar, and 
the Abyssinian element in the state, which was Malik 
Ambar's party, now had it all their own way. The Maratha 
nobility resented this and factions arose. The leader of the 
Maratha party was Mian Raju, who had co-operated with 
Malik Ambar in recovering a great part of the territory 
conquered by the Moguls. Now Mian Raju kept in his own 
hand all the recovered territory north of Dowlatabad upto 
the limits of Guzerat and south- wards down to Ahmednagar. 
The country further south remained under Malik Ambar.* 
Both outwardly professed allegiance to Nizam Shaha, but 
had no desire to surrender their power. Murteza Nizam 
Shaha was kept in the fort of Avsha, and the revenue of 
the territory adjoining the fort was ceded for the expenses 
of his court. 

Some time afterwards we find Mian Raju making peace 
with the Moguls and waging war with Malik Ambar. In 
this contest victory at last smiled upon Malik Ambar, and 
Mian Raju himself was soon a prisoner in his hands. The 
Maratha nobility had now to give up their opposition and 
acknowledge the supremacy of Malik Ambar. After over- 
throwing all opposition Malik Ambar devoted all his atten- 
tion to the reorganization of the state. He had in a short 
t;ime restored order to the different departments of the state, 
but the crowning glory of his administration was his reform 
of the revenue system. By this reform he at once made a 
name throughout Maharashtra. Later in 16.0 he founded a 
new town, Khadki, afterwards more famous under the 

ministers K.hawas Khan and Murarpant, and he states that the tall of his 

patron, Fatten Khan, and the murder of his father-in-law Lukbji Jadhav- 

rao were crushing blows to him. The latter of these statements is opposed 

?o all Marathi Chronicle authorities; nor can any justification for it be seen 

in the reet of Prof, aarkar's article, which would appear to contradict itself 

in terms by giving us the further information that between 1690-30 Jadhav- 

ought under the Moguls, that is against Ahmednagar and 

h Khan, the patron of Sh\haji. 

L.S. 3 


name Aurangabad. This he now made the capital of the 
Nizam Shahi Kingdom. He waged endless wars with the 
Moguls, many of them with conspicuous success. He re- 
captured the town of Ahmednagar, which had passed under 
the Moguls. While Malik Ambar was thus waxing in re- 
sources and chastising one Mogul army after another, 
Jehangir, the then Mogul emperor of Delhi, sent his son 
Shaha Jahan with a great army to the Deccan to reconquer 
the Nizam Shahi dominions (1617). A desperate engage- 
ment took place between Malik Ambar and the Mogul forces 
in 1620. The Maratha nobles foyght with great bravery, 
and it was in this battle that the bravery and generalship 
of the Rajah Shahaji were first recognized. Malik Ambar 
was indeed defeated and had to retire, still the Rajah Shahaji, 
undaunted by any reverses, made raid after raid on the 
Mogul camp and tired them out. For ithis. perseverance 
and valour he received great honour at the Nizamshahi 
court. No one had now a doubt left about his bravery or 
proficiency in the tactics of war. He at once rose in the 
high esteem of Malik Ambar. 

Shaha Jahan saw that as long as the Nizamshahi was 
supported by the solid strength of the Maratha power, it 
was impossible to subvert it. He, therefore, began to sow 
intrigues. He corrupted Lukhji Jadhav and other nobles 
and drew them over to the Mogul side. These nobles were 
already disaffected with Malik Ambar and had no great 
scruples about deserting a sovereignty of which he was the 
mainsiay. It is said that Jadhavrao received a mansab of 
24,000 horse from the Moguls, and that many of his relations 
got mansabs in their own right 1 . This occurred in 1621*. 

1 tiome of the /tartar-writers attribute the defection of Jadhavrao to - 
his envy of the sudden rise of bhahaji in the Nizamshahi state. They like- 
wise assign to it a date subsequent to the death of the Sultan Murteza II. 
According to them Shahaji being practically appointed as vizier and guar- 
dian to the reigning Nizumi prince who was only an infant, Jadhavrao did . 
not like to dance attendance upon Shahaji, and therefore went over to the 
Moguls. As to the total t>moUDj of the mansab obtained by Jadhavrao, see 
prol. Jadunath Sarkat's article in the Modern Review, ( September iyi7, , 
page 249 and Elliot VII, [ aje 11.) 


The Rajah Shahaji was the only one of the great Maratha 
nobles, who was proof against this corruption. He still 
adhered to the party of his patron, Malik Arubar. 

After this wholesale desertion of the Maratha nobility, 
Malik Ambar saw there was little prospect of success in 
stemming the tide of Mogul invasion, and was content to 
make peace by a large cession of territory. A little later 
events compelled Shaha Jahan to return to Delhi. Malik 
Ambar seized this opportunity to expel the remnant of the 
Mogul garrisons and reconquer the ceded territory. Shaha 
Jahan soon returned to the scene of these war operations. 
The old fields were fought again and the territory so 
recently recovered by Maiik Ambar again came under the 
rule of the Mogul Empire. Malik Ambar had now exhausted 
all his resources. Shahaji still kept loyally supporting his 
chief. But all his efforts proved vain before the greit 
military resources of the Moguls. Malik Ambar now 
thought it proper to make his submission and save the 
remnants of the territory for his Nizam Shahi master 
rather than to stake all upon the uncertain chances of a 
decidedly unequal war. He soon found a favourable oppor- 
tunity for overtures of peace. This honourable peace he 
observed till the last day of his life. He did not live long 
after this. He died of a sudden malady in 1626 at the age 
of eighty. 

Immediately on the death of Malik Ambar the Moguls 
renewed their hostilities with the active support of Lukhji 
Jadhav. Shaha Jahan had to return to Delhi about this 
time, on account of the death of his father, the Emperor 
Jehangir. He marched to Delhi, leaving but a small Mogul 
force to co-operate with Jadhavrao. At this time the sultan 
Murteza Nizam Shaha was at Mahuli, and Shahaji was in 
attendance upon the Sultan. Jadhavrao laid siege to Mahuli 
with all his forces. Shahaji defended the fort with great 
valour for six months, bub with all his efforts he did not 
succeed in forcing the enemy to raise the siege. However 


*ie was resolved never to give in to the enemy. Shahaji 
was indeed the last of the loyal officers still left in the 
service of the Nizamshahi who combined in himself the 
will and the capacity to save the Nizamshahi kingdom. 
But the good fortune of the state seemed to have forsaken 
her for ever. For as misfortunes never come singly the 
state lost the services of a good and loyal servant, on 
.account of a strange prejudice that Murteza Nizam Shaha's 
mother now conceived against Shahaji. This was due to an 
intrigue which Lukhji Jadhav had set on foot, under the 
pretence of reconciliation and peace, but in reality to 
extinguish the Nizami power. Shahaji saw the changed 
aspect of affairs, but he could only regret it. When the 
sultan had himself lost heart and was bent upon submis- 
sion at the sacrifice of every idea of honour and advantage 
of what avail was it, he reflected, for himself to continue 
the opposition single handed, perhaps at the risk of his life ? 
His loyal and devoted service to the state seemed to have 
been rendered in vain. Why should he now, when the state 
was being blindly driven to the brink of ruin, incur the 
gratuitous odium of hastening on its fall ? Far better for 
him to turn his back upon the impending destruction ! With 
these counsels, he prepared for his departure from the 
beleaguered town, having previously apprised the sultan 
and his mother of his intention. He sallied out of the fort 
one night with a small band of loyal veterans and broke 
through the besieging lines. This is just what Jadhavrao 
wanted. He pursued him and continued the pursuit for 
several days with great earnestness until the barriers 
of Phaltan were reached. There the vengeful Jadhavrao had 
to stop his relentless chase of his son in-law. For he knew 
of the old alliance of the Nimbalkars and knew well too 
that were Shahaji, re-inforced with the militia of the 
Nimbalkars, to turn upon him, he would have little diffi- 
culty in dispersing his pursuers. 

At the time that the Rajah Shahaji burst forth from 
the fortress of Mahuli he was accompanied by his wife 


Jijabai and his little son Sambhiji, who was then only 
three or four years of age. Jijabai herself was far advanced 
in pregnancy. Hard-pressed by their pursuers, the fugi- 
tives had to make forced marches and Jijabai had to be 
conveyed on horse-back. A few miles' journey sufficed to 
cause her intense sufferings, so that Shahaji was reluctantly 
forced to find an asylum for her on the way 1 . Now Junnar 
was the stronghold of a certain Shriniwasrao, an indepen- 
dent chief with whom Shahaji had a long standing alliance. 
Under his promise of protection the lady Jijabai was placed 
for shelter in the fort of Shivneri, and Shahaji detached a 
small body of cavalry from his slender retinue to defend 
her from harm. No sooner had Shahaji left the place than 
his pursuers arrived. With difficulty could Jadhavrao be 
persuaded to yield to the importunate pleading of those who 
argued that whatever grudge he might have against Shahaji 
in person, his own daughter Jijabai was an innocent party 
and that public opinion required it of him to take measures 
for her safety. Whose would be the disgrace if the Jadhav- 
rao's daughter were to fall into Mogul hands? This last argu- 
ment carried weight with the haughty warrior. He pitied 
the forlorn state of Jijabai and went to see her. The meeting 
between father and daughter was very painful. She re- 
proached him for his lack of generosity and of a father's love 
and exclaimed that, now that she had fallen into his hands 
instead of Sahaji, ho was welcome to wreak his revenge on 
her instead of her husband. His heart was touched and 
he endeavoured to comfort her saying: "What the gods had 
ordained has taken place ; the bitterness of after-regrets is 
of no avail." He tried to persuade her to accompany him 
to Sindhkhed, the seat of the jahgir he had received from 
the Moguls. But she steadfastly refused, and Jadhavrao, see- 
ing that nothing would shake her resolution, detached fron. 

1 Some bakham represent Shahaji to have been forced by necessity to 
leave Jijabai on the way with a small escort and attribute her removal to 
the fort of Shivneri to Jadhavrao, who detached a force of 500 horse-soldiers 
for her protection. 


his army an escort for Jijabai's protection and went forward. 
Thus did the high-minded Jijabai continue to dwell in the 
place chosen for her by her husband. That her father, of 
all persons in the world, should prosecute these hostilities 
against her husband was an offence she could never forgive. 
Notwithstanding all the tumults of war that were raging all 
round her, she persevered in staying at Shivneri, and never 
more in after life did she set her foot in her father's jahgir. 

Meanwhile Shahaji did not slack his flight till he 
reached Bijapur. He had previously sent a trusty officer, 
Balkrishnapant Hanumante, to the Bijapur Durbar, on a 
political mission, as soon as he had got the first inkling of 
the intrigue meditated by the mother of the Nizam Shaha 
at Mahuli. The principal statesmen of the Bijapur state, 
Murar Jagdeo and Randul'a Khan, knew the ability of the 
Rajah Shahaji. The Adil Shahi Sultan received him with 
honour and cordiality, promised to co-operate with him in 
his labours to preserve the Nizamshahi dynasty from utter 
extinction and re-inforced him with a small complement of 
Bijapur forces. 

In the meantime a great revolution had taken place in 
the affairs at Ahmednagar. On the death of Malik Ambar, 
his son, Fatten Khan, succeeded to the viziership. He 
possessed none of the ta,ct and ability of his father, or the 
courtesy and considerateness by which he had won over the 
gentry and nobility towards himself. He waged arduous 
wars with the Moguls, but seldom with success. The Mogul 
general Khan Jahan Lodi was in charge of military opera- 
tions in the south. A timely peace concluded with him by 
Fatten Khan gave a new lease of life to the Nizam Shahi. 

Not long after the Nizam Shahi sultan had .reason to 
resent the insolent and arbitrary ways of Fatteh Khan, who 
possessed all the autocratic tendencies of his great father 
without his genius. Takrib Khan was accordingly appoin- 


ted to supersede him as vizier 1 . This change of ministry 
induced Jadhavrao to return to his allegiance and the 
service of the Nizamshahi; and with this end in view ha 
started overtures for a reconciliation. But the Nizam 
Murteza Shaha was a man who was led by the impulses of 
passion. With him desire for revenge weighed more in the 
balance than counsels of prudence; and against Jadhavrao he 
had conceived the bitterest hatred and animosity. It did 
not occur to him that the exigencies of the state might not 
permit him to nurse his grudges. A great general of the 
^empire was coming back in sack-cloth and ashes. True 
statesmanship required the sultan to forgive and forget the 
past, to receive the repentant general with open arms, to 
unite him to his interests and make him a pillar of his state. 
But these thoughts were too noble and too generous for his 
pusillanimous spirit. He chose to work in darkness and 
intrigue and return treachery for treachery. Resolved to 
revenge himself on Jadhavrao for his past desertion, he invited 
him to a personal interview in the fort of Dowlatabad. In 
reply to the invitation Jadhavrao attended by his son. 
Achloji, came to the Nizam's durbar. Soon after they had 
been ushered in, the sultan left the audiance hall, on the pre- 
tence of a secret consultation with his ministers, and three 
Mahomedan nobles, in accordance with a previously concerted 
plan of treachery, drew their swords, fell upon the unsuspect- 
ing Jadhavrao and his son, and in an instant deprived them 
of their swords. Alarmed by this treachery both father and 
son drew their daggers and fought with bravery, but the 
odds were against them and they were cut to pieces. 2 The 

1 Khftfi Khan says that Hamid Khan, an Abyssinian noble, who had 
risen bo power on account of the fascination of his wife's beauty upon the 
sal tan, succeeded Fatteh Khan as vizier. 

3 Modak's history of the Adilahahi kingdom (Marathi) gives quite a 
Different version of this story. It represents that a feeling of unrest had 
sprung up in the mind of Jadhavrao and the Maratha nobles generally on 
account of the incarceration of Fatteh Khan. He intrigued to secede to the 
Moguls, and the sultan's suspicion being once roused he determined to 
apprehend and keep him in custody. Then follows the story of the trea- 


wife of Jadhavrao was encamped with a small force at the 
reservoir outside the 'town. When the story of the treacher- 
ous murder of her husband and son reached her ears, she 
at once escaped with her little army to Sindhkhed. In 
reply to her petition, the Mogul court transferred the 
mansab and jahgir of her husband to hie brother, Bhotaji- 
rao. This branch of the Jadhav family remained true to 
the Mogul sovereigns to the last day of the empire and 
rendered distinguished and loyal service to their Mogul 

The Rajah Shahaji was then at the fort of Parinda and 
having conquered the adjoining territory reigned there an 
absolute master. When be heard of the treacherous circum- 
stances of his father-in-law's murder, he saw that it was 
useless any more to try to get reconciled with the Nizam 
Shaha or lead the Nizami standards, as he had done on 
many a battlefield in the past, in the impending struggle 
with the Moguls. He was convinced that Murteza was an 
irredeemably treacherous and vindictive man. Shahaji 
accordingly resolved to conquer whatever territory he could 
and make himself independent. In consequence of this plan 
he reduced all the country from Sangamner to Poona under 
his personal sway and captured all the forts in the neigh- 
bourhood. In the confusion of these conquests, certain 
parts of the Bijapur kingdom came in for a share of his acts 
of violence. It was but natural that the Bijapur authorities 
should resent his encroachment upon their dominions, and 
eend a general at the head of a large army to chastise his 
audacity. This general conquered some of Shabaji's districts 
and captured Poona, consigning to flames Shahaji's mansion 
in that town. Shahaji did not yet feel himself strong enough, 
to challenge the large Bijapur army. He, therefore, again 

chery in the durbar. The Easctfin-i-Salatin relates the story of Jadhavrao V 
murder in full, and this version agrees with the one followed in the text. 
Some chronicles change the name of Bhotaji into Vithoji or Nathuji, perhap? 
fche same as Jagdevrao. Vide Abdul Hamid in Elliot VII, page 11. 


had recourse to the friendly aid of Shrinivasrao of Junnar. 
When the tide of the Bijapur invasion had ebbed away, 
Shahaji once more emerged from the hospitable walls of 
Jnnnar, on a new career of adventure. He found the fort 
of Pamegad in an utterly dismantled and abandoned condi- 
tion. He repaired and fortified this fort, named it Shamgad 
and made it his head-quarters 1 . From this fort he re- 
covered in gradual succession nearly all his old fortresses 
and possessions, assembled a force of five or six thousand and 
subjugated all the territory from Junnar and Sangamner 
to Ahmednagar and Dowlatabad. He also captured the 
Baleghat district. % 

About this time the redoubted Mogul commander, 
Khan Jahan Lodi, had suffered an eclipse of the imperial 
favour. He had deserted from the service of the emperor 
Shaha Jahan and found shelter with the government of 
Ahmednagar. A mighty army was sent after him from 
Delhi. Khan Jahan found many warm partisans among 
the lauded gentry and nobility of the south, the deshmukhs 
and jahgirdara of the Ahmeduagar kingdom, who espoused 
his cause and made it their own. This was the beginning 
of a prolonged war with the Moguls. Shahaji took up his 
cause and rendered him such valuable assistance that for 
a long time the Mogul armies made little head-way in the 
field. When the news of these events reached the ears of 
Shaha Jahan, he at once perceived that the sinister conjunc- 
tion of the Nizamshahi sultan and the Maratha nobility 
with the forces of Khan Jahan Lodi portended disaster to 
the Mogul crown, and nothing but an immediate annihila- 
tion of the forces of Khan Jahan and his confederate 
partisans would avert the danger. With this conviction 
he marched to the Deccan in person and issued a proclama- 

1 The names are variously given as Bhimgad for Pamegad and Shaha- 
gad for Shamgad ( BascUin-i-Sal(ttin,-p&ge 441). This confusion or variation 
of names is found in nearly all the chronicle authorities. Bhimgad or Pame- 
gad was the fort where Shahaji ruled afterwards in the name of the puppet 
prince he had set up. 


tion that whosoever aided or abetted or sympathised with 
Lodi would be considered by him his personal enemy and 
would be utterly extirpated by the Mogul army. He then 
despatched his army in three divisions, under three differ- 
ent commanders, against Lodi and his 'confederates. 
Lodi was too weak to withstand these tremendous forces 
and fled southward, imploring the assistance of Bijapur. 
But that state held wisely aloof. Lodi directed his flight 
again northwards in the direction of Dowlatabad and was 
re-inforced by the Nizam Shahi sultan. The result was a 
pitched battle between the Mogul and Nizami armies, in 
which the former were victorious. Thus with his hopes 
frustrated on all sides, Lodi with his chosen horse, deter- 
mined to make his way to the north and escape to Kabul. 
The Mogul armies pursued him so relentlessly that at length 
driven to utter despair, Lodi turned upon his pursuers 
with a handful of his loyal supporters and fell fighting 

Upon the destruction of the forces of Khan Jahau Lodi 
Shahaji was in extreme terror lest Shaha Jahan should 
carry out his threats and turn the vanguard of the Mogul 
army upon his possessions. He found but one expedient 
to save himself from such a dire contingency, and that was 
to tender his submission to the Mogul Court, procure an 
amnesty for his offences in the past and offer to take service 
in the Mogul army. He began his overtures for peace on 
these lines, through Azim Khan, a nobleman of the Mogul 
court. He memorialized the emperor to the effect that he 
was ready to join the Mogul service, and if a promise of 
pardon and safety were vouchsafed to him he would throw 
himself on the emperor's mercy. Shaha Jahan had already 
received personal proofs of Shahaji's valour and bravery. 
He also thought that the active co-operation of a powerful 
ohief and practised general like Shahaji would be of the 
highest advantage in the accomplishment of: the great object 
of his life, namely, the extinction of the Ahmednagar 
kingdom. He, therefore, acceded to Shahaji's request and 


giving him his royal promise of pardon invited him to a 
-conference. Shahaji went to meet the emperor with his 
corps of two thousand horse. He was received with great 
honour and a mansab of five 1 thousand was conferred upon 
him. in addition to which he received some districts 2 . Shaha 
Jahan went so far as even to give mansabs to the relatives 
and dependents of Shahaji, among them to Kheloji, the son 
of his uncle Vithoji, who attended Shahaji on this occa- 
sion, This event took place in 1629. The districts of Junnar 
and Sangamner now came under Shahaji. 

About this time there was a great famine in the Deccan, 
the greatest severity of which fell upon the inhabitants of the 
Nizam Shahi state. To the horrors of famine were added 
the ravages of cholera. People died literally in thousands. 
Whole districts were depopulated. On the top of these 
horrors came the furies of the Mogul war. The Moguls 
deposed many jahagirdara and mansabdars in the Nizam 
Shahi kingdom ard installed their own officers in their 
places. Amid all these disasters, the Nizam Shaha now 
felt that his sceptre was falling from his grasp. Many of 
his greater nobles had openly gone over into the camp of the 
enemy, the loyalty of many others was open to question ; 
all had been tampered with. In his despair he began to re- 
flect upon the causes of these evils. He somehow persuaded 
himself that his new vizier was at the bottom of his present 
misfortunes. He accordingly proceeded to depose this 
vizier, released Fatteh Khan from his captivity and again 
placed him at the head of affairs. The deposed vizier 

1 Some of the Marathi chronicles describe Shahaji's mansab as a com- 
mand of twenty. two thousand horse, and Khafi Khan rates it at 6000 per- 
sonal and 5000 horse. (Llliot Vll. 15.) 

2 These districts probably include Ahmednagar to which Shivaji at a 
later date laid claim. Some Bakhars state (and this is supported by the 
Badishahinamah) that Kheloji mentioned in this connection was later on 
apprehended and executed by Aurangzeb. It would seem that the Marathi 
chronicles have exaggerated the value of the mansabs. According to the 
Badishahinamah, Shahaji's mansab amounted to five thousand horse, but his 

relatives were given separate mansabs in their own right. 


Takribkhan was not a man to brood over his degradation in 
silence; he openly joined the enemy. The Moguls appointed, 
him a commander of 6000 and retained him in their service 
for the operations of the war. 

No sooner had Fatteh Khan been restored to the vizier- 
ship than he began to concert a plot to revenge himself 
upon the sultan for his heartless ingratitude towards him- 
self. He caused a rumour to be circulated that the sultan- 
had gone mad and had him placed in confinement under 
this pretence. The sultan thus placed at his mercy was 
secretly strangled to death. This atrocious deed was fol- 
lowed by the simultaneous massacre of some twenty-five of 
the prominent nobles, who were partisans of the king. By 
such infernal plans did Fatteh Khan endeavour to concen- 
trate all authority in his own hands, and in order to secure 
permanently to himself the absolute power which he had 
thus usurped, he petitioned the Emperor Shaha Jahan, 
stating that in doing what he had done he only wanted to 
give a practical proof of his anxiety to remain and be 
reckoned upon as a loyal vassal of the empire, and that for the 
present he had placed on the Nizam Shahi throne a puppet 
prince of ten years, the son of the late sultan, and requested 
the favour of the emperor's orders in the matter. 
Shaha Jahan was a shrewd and astute statesman. He could 
at once read between the lines of this petition what the 
secret aims and objects of Fatteh Khan were. He reflected 
that most of the provinces of the Nizam Shihi kingdom 
were already in his grasp, and only a few hill-forts, more 
or less strongly fortified, remained to be taken. He thought 
he could get Fatteh Khan to play into his hands so 
as to secure all his objects. With this view he sen* orders 
to Fatteh Khan that the imperial pleasure was that all the 
state jewels from the Nizam Shahi treasury and the state 
elephants should be sent to the imperial camp, that all 
the territory which still remained with Ahmednagar should, 
remain under the rule of the young Nizam Shahi king, and 


that special lands would be assigned to Fatten. Khan in 
jahgir. Fatten Khan was at firt very indignant at the 
imperial demands. He could by no means make up his 
mind to send away the state jewels and elephants. Shaha 
Jahan sent a large army to overawe him into submission. 
Fatteh Khan had no resources to maintain a contest with 
the Moguls. Alarmed at this measure, he bad no alternative 
but to bow to the imperial pleasure, to undertake to 
cede all the valuables demanded of him without protest, 
and to crown all, to pay an indemnity of eight lakhs of 
rupees in cash and agree to pay an annual tribute in future. 
'When these demands were complied with, Shaha Jahan 
gave him permission to carry on the administration of the 
INizam Shahi state in the name of the young sultan, in the 
restricted territories assigned to him, and also completed 
the grant of a personal jahgir made to Fatteh Khan. In 
-this grant of jahgir-lands were included some districts 
which had been before assigned to Shahaji. At this Shahaji 
.took umbrage and again meditated a renunciation of the 
authority of the emperor and set about to carve out an 
independent principality for himself 1 . 

The first step in this direction was to make his peace 
with the Bijapur State. He succeeded in conciliating to 
his interests Murarpant, the chief minister to the vizier 
and indeed the pillar of the Adil Shahi State, and through 
Mm conducted his negotiations. He drew the attention of 
the Bijapur Government to the absolute anarchy reigning 
in the Nizamshahi government and the public distrust in 
the administrative acts of Fatteh Khan, and urged how 
easy it was at the present juncture ot affairs to conquer 
that kingdom and even to capture its capital, tho fort of 
Dowlatabad itself. The garrison of the fort had lost their 
faith in the government; and the control of its defences was 
never more lax. If the Bijapur government thought it 
proper, now was the opportunity to send its armies against 

> Abdul Hamid in Elliot Vil, 06, 37. 


that fort, and Shahaji undertook in person to serve the Bijapur 
interests and carry the fort with that bravery and strategy 
that never failed him in the midst of war. The Bijapur 
government approved of this plan. The sultan of Bijapur 
thought that the accession of a powerful and experienced 
commander like Shahaji to his fortunes would be of 
inestimable advantage in confronting the Mogul armies. 
The Adilshahi sultan placed his army under the command 
of Shahaji and ordered him in concert with Mnrarpant tc 
advance against Dowlatabad 1 . 

The consternation of Fatteh Khan knew no bounds, 
when he learnt that Shahaji having made friends with 
Bijapur was in full march upon Dowlatabad at the head 
of the Adilshahi army. He scarcely had the strength to 
challenge a conflict with them. He tried negotiations 
with the Moguls and promised to yield to them the fort 
of Dowlatabad, if only the state were saved from the Bijapur 
invasion. Shaha Jahan ordered Mohabat Khan to march 
to the aid of Fatteh Khan. This Mogul general came up- 
with the invading hosts of Bijapur and a hard fought con- 
tent followed. Shahaji put forth all his arts and bravery 
in withstanding the imperial forces, but was at length 
beaten back and forced to retreat on account of their over- 
whelming numbers 2 . 

Shahaji and the Adilshahi ministers now thought to 
gain by craft what they had failed to gain by arms. Nego- 
tiations were secretly opened with Fatteh Khan, and he 
was warned that in making over the fort of Dowlatabad 
to the Moguls he was digging his own grave. On the other 
hand the Bijapur government was ready to conclude a 
defensive and offensive alliance with him and to keep up 
the friendly relations between the two states, if he placed 

J Abdul Hamid's Badishahnamali ( Elliot VII, 23, 28 ) saya that the 
chief minister at Bijapur was then Khawas Khan, originally a slave and 
Kalairant (jnusician ) named Daulat. Murarpant was Khawas Khan's 
confidential friend and counsellor. 

2 Elliot VII, 3". 


the fort of Dowlatabad in their hands and indemnified 
Shahaji for the losses he had sustained. Fatteh Khan was- 
quite won over by these promises and had the hardihood 
to break with his Mogul overlord. The Mogul army was 
lying encamped in the plain dominated by the fort. With- 
out any provocation he opened fire with his artillery upon 
the exposed army from the height of the fortress. Shahaji 
leading the Bijapur troops soon appeared on the scene in 
aid of Fatteh Khan. The battle was hotly contested. But 
Shahaji could effect little against the overwhelming numbers 
of the enemy. Victory at length declared itself in favour 
of the Moguls, whose general Mohabat Khan carried the 
fort of Dowlatabad by storm in ] 633 A. D 1 . 

Fatteh Khan's fortunes were now at their lowest ebb. 
Deprived of every means of resistance, he had to surrender 
himself to the Moguls. He was divested of all authority 
and influence and compelled to retire into private life with 
a fixed annual pension. The puppet prince whom he had 
raised to the insecure throne of the Nizamshahi state was 
relegated to the prison-fortress of Gwalior, as was the fate 
of most political prisoners, and the remnants of theterritory 
of that state were now permanently annexed to the Mogul 
Empira Thus the year 1633 was the last year of the 
Nizamshahi dynasty of Ahmednagar. Its conquest had 
been the life-dream of Shaha Jahan. He experienced all 
the thrill of a gratified ambition. As far as the Deccan 


went, his cares and anxieties were now at an end. Thus 
thought the exultant emperor. Little did he dream that 
the now vanquished Shahaji would again rise from his 
fall and attempt to revive the extinct monarchy. Little 
did he dream that the same old battles would have to be 
fought over again. 

During the last campaign the Mogul commander had 
tried his utmost to bring Shahaji into difficulties. While 
the Mogul siege-lines were lying round Dowlatabad, Shahaji 

* Vide: Abdul Hamid's Badishahnamah in Elliot, VII, 36, 37. 


caused constant diversions amongst them by his nightly 
attacks and surprises. In order to wreak revenge upon 
Shahaji for these constant incursions, Mohabat Khan hit 
upon the unchivalrous plan of surprising Shahaji's wife 
Jijabai at her residence at Byzapur, and by fair or foul 
means bringing her a captive to the Mogul camp. Now, as 
fortune would, the governor of a Nizamshahi fort 
had just deserted to the Mogul camp and wanted to transfer 
1iis services to the emperor. As an earnest of his good faith 
and loyalty he was ordered to effect the arrest of Jijabai at 
Byzapur, and he was asked to trust for all the rest to the 
imperial favour should he be so fortunate as to pass this 
test. These conditions were accepted by the commander. 
He exhausted all his ingenuity and ultimately succeeded in 
capturing Jijabai and bringing her down into the Mogul 
Camp. But the brother of Lukhji Jadhav was in the Mogul 
service and was indeed present in the camp itself. He was 
naturally much irritated at what had just occurred. He 
interceded with the general, urging as was well known that 
the families of Jadhavrao and Shahaji were at daggers drawn 
with each other and that on this account Shahaji had aban- 
doned his wife and son and bad two or three years 
previously married Tukabai, a daughter of the Mohite 
family. In consequence it was urged that Jijabai and Shahaji 
~\vere very much at variance with each other, that the arrest 
of his wife was in no way an injury to Shahaji, but on the 
other hand, as she was a daughter of the Jadhav family, it 
would be a gross affront and insult to that noble family. 
This argument carried weight with the Khan and he made 
over Jijabai to the protection of the Jadhav, who sent her 
back in safety to Kondana, one of the hill-forts under 
Shahaji. Thus was a great danger averted from the infant 
career of the great empire-builder who is the subject of 
our biography 1 . 

1 Byzapur or bezapur is 25 miles west of Aurangabad. Aa may be 

inferred from Abdul Uamid (Elliot Vlf, 15, 17} it came into Shahaji's 

occupation after Junnar and Sang-unner, perhaps as part of hia jahgir from 

be Moguls when he left Khan Jehan Lodi and was co-operating with Azam 


Repulsed in the manner described above the Bijapur 
troops were forced to retire, and Shahaji also had to retire 
with them. But he did not lose heart under this defeat and 
disappointment. His ardour and enthusiasm were as fresh 
as ever; his defeat served to enkindle them all the more. He 
resolved to restore the Nizamshahi dynasty that had just 
been extinguished by the Moguls. The task he had pro- 
posed to himself was not a light one. It meant a deadly- 
encounter with a formidable foe like the Mogul. Instead 
of returning to Bijapur with the retreating army, he left 
it on the way and marched from Nasik to Bhimgad. This 
fort had all along been in his control. He mustered an 
army in its mountain fastnesses, aud whttnhis muster had 
swollen considerably in numbers, he pro^ded to wrest 
from the Moguls all the districts from Poonlnind. Chakan 
to Balaghat. In this way he went on carrying one 
Mogul outpost after another. Tb^t Mogul officer iu charge 
of the garrison of Dowlatabad, Iradatkhan by name, sought 
to devise some way to put an end to these encroachments 
of Shahaji. Shahaji's uncle Vithoji had a son of the name of 
Maloji Bhonsle. He formed a friendship with this man, 
and by his mediation he opened communications with 
Shahaji. He offered again to bestow on Shahaji from the 
emperor the old mansab of twenty-two thousand. This 

Khan and other imperial generals (Vide Prof. Sarkar's article on Shahaji 
in the Modern Review, September 191.7). The story of Jijabai's abduction 
is omitted in Sarkar's Life of Shivaji, though the story of a similar abduc- 
tion of Kheloji Bhonsle's wife is related by him. The abduction of Jijabai 
is described by moat of the Marathi chronicles, and the story of the abduction 
of Kheloji's wife lends probability to the abduction of Jijabai. Mr. 
Kincaid relates the story in his History. Mr. Sardesai ( Marathi Riyasat) 
while relating the story avers that Jijabai was staying with her mother's 
relations at Byzapur. But since- Shahaji had seized possession of Nasik, 
Trimbak, Sangamner and other lands which he had held under the Moguls, 
even after defying their authority, it might well be that Byzapur was 
one of these places and Jijabai was living there as one of the places in her 
husband's possession, aud not with her mother on account of estrangement 
with Shahaji at his second marriage. 

L. 8. 4. 


was not acceptable to Shahaji. The time was gone when 
such an offer would have brought him over 1 . 

Shahaji maintained at this time a force of eight to ten 
thousand and had already won back a portion of the Nizam- 
shahi provinces that had fallen into the hands of the Moguls. 
He knew well enough that he must prepare for an attack by 
the great Mogul armies. He knew likewise that he was not 
strong enough to meet them single-handed. He saw that with- 
outthe active co-operation of Bijapur his high ambition could 
.not be realized. The chief minister at the Bijapur court 
was a nobleman named Khawas Khan. Through the good 
officfts of Murarpant, Shahaji opened overtures for an 
alliance with Bijapur, promising to revive the fallen 
Nizamshahi and restore the fortunes of the House of Bheiry 2 . 
Many statesmen of Bijapur doubted the expediency of 
this plan ; but Shahaji answered all their objections and 
dispelled their doubts. They wero soon assured of the 
-wisdom and the generosity of his plans, and subscribing to 
these views they undertook to render him every assistance. 
Between both parties a covenant was entered into to the 
effect that Shahaji should select an eligible descendant of 
the Nizamshahi family, instal him on the throne and con- 
duct the government of the Nizamshahi districts in his 
name. True to this covenant, Shahaji released a young 
prince of the name of Murteza who was on parole at Shri- 
vardhan, and crowned him king at Bhimgad, the new capi- 
tal. This event took place in 1634. This prince having 
been proclaimed as the king of the Nizamshahi state, Shahaji 

1 Modak's history of the Adil Shahi Dynasty (Marathi) gives a different! 
version representing that the proposal here referred to emanated from a 
coble of the Bijapur kingdom and that a treaty was struck between Shahaji 
and the Bijapur Durbar by which Shahaji was to receive a mansab of 22000 
liorse, and the territory of the Nizamshahi state recovered by the jointo 
co-operation of Shahaji and the Bijapur forces was to be equally divided 
hetween the two parties. 

2 Bheiry or Bahiry was the nickname of the founder of the Nizam* 
ehahi dynasty of Ahmednagar, who ia said to have been originally a Brah- 
man converted to Islam. 



continued the reconquest of other forts and . provinces. 
Admiring his pluck and daring, and pleased with his zealous 
allegiance to the sultan's family, the hereditary supporters 
of the Xizamshahi, the loyal gentry and nobility, now came 
over to Shahaji. The disbanded soldiery of the Nizamshahi 
state, who had for some time been roving over the country 
in search of adventures flocked to Shahaji's standards. Thus 
from day to day did his party wax in strength and his mili- 
tary resources continue to augment. Shahaji now subdued 
all the Konkan country which had once been under the 
Nizamshahi, all the territory upto Ahmednagar on the east 
and the country from the Nira to the Chandor mountains 
in the south. Shahaji's next move was upon Junnar. 
.Shrinivasrao ruled there in independence. He was, as we 
have seen, a great friend of Shahaji. But Shahaji saw that 
the Nizamshahi kingdom could not regain its fallen power 
and prestige until the recalcitrant nobles who had declared 
themselves independent were brought back under its alle- 
giance. He, therefore, tried to conciliate Shrinivasrao into 
an acknowledgment of his Nizamshahi suzerain. But Shri- 
nivasrao was entirely governed by selfish plans. He refused 
to unite his powers with those of the sultan. He declined 
'to accede to Shahaji's terms. Shahaji was obliged to resort 
to an ungenerous stratagem. He gave out that he was 
-desirous of entering into a marriage alliance with him, and 
demanded the daughter of Shrinivasrao for his son Sambhaji. 
Under pretence of arranging about the espousals, Shrinivas- 
rao was invited to a feast at Shahaji's mansion, and when 
he came there in answer to the invitation, he was put under 
arrest. The towns of Junnar, Jivdhan, Sounda, Bhorag and 
others which were under Shrinivasrao were now captured. 
The young sultan was brought up from Bhimgad to Junnar. 
Shahaji next proceeded to bring under his power the Abys- 
sinian chief, Saya Saif Khan, who like Shrinivasrao ha.d 
become independent at Bhiwandi and was raiding tha 
neighbourhood, and likewise the Abyssinian Ambar, who 
was pursuing the same tactics at Janjira. 


When the emperor Shaha Jahan heard of these events- 
in the Deccan and learnt that the Nizamshahi dynasty had. 
been restored and its territory all but reconquered by 
Shahaji, a great army was launched against him. A great 
battle took place at Perinda between the Mogul army and 
the forces of Shahaji who was aided by Bijapur. The Mogul 
army was overthrown. Then the emperor ordered Khan 
Dowran and Khan Jeman to start with a large army 
and crush the insurrectionary attempts of Shahaji. But 
tnese commanders also were much harassed by Shahaji, who- 
was well supported by Randulla Khan and Murarpant of 
the Bijapur kingdom and had besides considerable forces of 
his own. This enabled him to defeat all the attempts of 
the Moguls against himself. 

Shaha Jahan was naturally quite exasperated at the 
failure of these two expeditions, and what stung him 
especially was the support lent by Bijapur to Shahaji. 
Shahaji had in a short time proved the Mogul triumphs 
over the Nizamshahi and the extinction of that dynasty to 
have been a mockery. Affairs stood now in exactly the 
same posture in which they were at the commencement of 
the protracted war, and the emperor was all the more 
incensed when he saw that he had now to deal with an 
adversary of more mettle and superior powers of enterprise. 
In the height of his fury he declared his resolution to take 
the field in person with a mighty host, to crush Shahaji 
and force him to rentore all the territory and, if occasion 
arose, to extinguish the Mahomedan dynasties of Bijapur 
and Golconda. With this comprehensive programme before 
him, the Mogul came down upon the Deccan with his 
invading hosts. 

His first manoeuvre was to separate Mahomad Adil- 
snaha of Bijapur from the alliance with Shahaji by threats. 
He sent an ambassador to Adilshaha requiring him to 
surrender the Nizamshahi fortresses that had been taken 
by him, to return the famous piece of ordnance called the 


which had been transferred from the fort of 
Perinda to Bijapur, and not to lend any assistance to Shahaji 
and his partisans, with a promise that if these conditions 
were complied with, the emperor would make over to Bija- 
pur all that portion of the Konkan which had once been 
under the Xizamshahi, with the fort of Sholapur and all 
the territory within its influence. At the same time the 
emperor threatened to extinguish the Adilshahi Kingdom 
if these demands were not instantly obeyed. The sultan of 
Bijapur paid little heed to these demands, since Randulla 
Khan and the rest cf the influential nobility were inclined 
to continue the alliance with Shahaji. 

Seeing that this plan was frustrated, Shaha Jahan 
determined upon punishing the two powers together, and 
dividing, for this purpose, his vast army into four columns 
he ordered two of them to march against Shahaji and the 
other two to advance against Bijapur. In command of the 
first column against Shahaji was Shaista Khan, whose 
charge was to subdue Chandor, Nasik, Sangamner, and 
other towns and the outlying districts and forts which were 
under Shahaji. The other, consisting of twenty thousand 
horse, was under the command of Khan Jeman. His orders 
were to engage with Shahaji in the plains, and put him 
to flight, and reducing the Konkan hill-forts leave him no 
rallying-ground in any part of the Nizamshahi territory. 

i The name "JfcUik-i-Maidan" means "the Lord of the Field." This 
marvellous piece of artillery is believed to have been cast by a Constanti- 
nople mechanic at Ahmednagar by order of a Nizamshahi sultan. The 
weight of this cannon is estimated by an English military officer at 32,000 
pounds avoirdupois. It is usually given as 60 candies. It is nine feet eight 
inches in length. The bore is so wide that it is said that a person may be 
easily seated in it and in that posture be able to fold his scarf into a turban 
round his head. This gun is reported to have been made use of in the 
fateful battle of Talikot which resulted in the death of Ram Rajah and the 
extinction of the Vijavanagar kingdom. Aurangzeb had an inscription 
engraved upon it in commemoration of his capture of Bijapur in 1685. The 
East India Company proposed to present it to King George IV in 1823, but* 
expert advice having proved the impracticability of hauling and transport- 
ing it to the coast, the plan had to be given up. The superstitious people of 
*he place worship the gun and call it by the name of the goddess, Mahakali. 


Thus at one and the same moment Shahaji had to bear the- 
brunt of attacks by two large Mogul armies on two different 
fronts. But his courage did not waver for an instant. His re- 
solution had been made to fight without flinching or yielding 
an inch of ground, and he persisted in this noble resolve to the 
end. He put forth all the arts of a redoubted warrior and 
general. His consummate strategy ,the rapidity of his move- 
ments, and unerring tactics drew praise even from his 
bitterest foes. He did his best to harass the Moguls, but their 
great advantage of numbers began to tell in course of time, 
and he had to face defeat in different directions. The Moguls 
took twenty-five of his forts in the districts of Nasik and 
Chandor. All the territory between Sholapur and Bedar 
slipped away from his hands. Many outposts in the Konkan 
were seized upon by the Moguls. Repulsed from the Konkan, 
Shahaji had to move to Ahmednagar and wait in ambush, 
Both the Mogul columns now effected a junction and 
inarched together upon him. Driven to great straits, he 
made good his escape from between their battle lines, by 
a most dexterous movement, and fell back upon the 
districts between Chambhargonde and Baramati. When the 
enemy followed on his rear into those parts, he diverted 
his flight to Kolhapur and Miraj. Receiving new reinforce- 
ments from Bijapur, he now turned back against the 
pursuing Moguls and began raiding their army and 
intercepting their fodder supplies. They had no energy 
left to give battle or to pursue Shahaji any further. 

When the news of these events reached Shaha Jahan, 
be sent orders to Khan Jaman to let Shahaji alone, since 
his pursuit was attended with such severe losses to the 
imperial armies, and to concentrate his forces against the 
Bijapur territory, as on the fall of that kingdom it would 
take little time to subdue Shahaji. In accordance with 
these orders, three Mogul generals invaded the Bijapur 
dominions, canning havoc in all directions. Many forts 
and towns fell before them, and thousands of the inhabitants 


were taken prisoners and sold into slavery ! A large Mogul 
army marched straight upon Bijapur. The Sultan Adil- 
shaha was seized with panic. He had no power to resist. 
and opened negotiations. A peace was soon brought about 
between the two powers, on terms rather favourable to 
Bijapur. It was arranged by the treaty that the Adilshahi 
Dynasty should retain possession of the forts of Perinda 
and Sholapur, together with the territory between them \. 
that the same sultan should continue his authority over 
Bidar, Kalyani, and Naldurg to the east of Sholapur, and 
should retain the Malik-i-maidan, the famous gun for 
which a demand had been made before the war ; that the- 
parts of the Konkan that had once been held by the Nizam- 
shahi kings should be transferred to the Adilshahi sultan ; 
as also the country watered by the Bhima and the Nira 
upto the fort of Chakan. In return for all this territory 
the Adilshahi sultan was to pay an annual tribute of 12: 
lacs of hona (pagodas) to the Mogul emperor, and the 
Rajah Shahaji with his followers was to receive pardon 
on condition of surrendering all his forts and cannon and 
munitions of war. Should he not do so he was not to- 
obtain any shelter within the limits of the Bijapur state, 
who were to look upon him as a public foe of their own no 
less than as an enemy of the Mogul Empire. 

By this treaty the kingdom of Bijapur extricated itself 
from its difficulties 1 . Shahaji now lost his great ally and 
was quite isolated. Undaunted by this change of circum- 
stances, he still held on. He was bent on fighting it out 
with the enemy. By the treaty with Bijapur, Shaha Jahan's 
armies were now free to move. They were concentrated 
against Shahaji. They dogged bis footsteps. Shahaji 
availed himself of an opportunity to descend into the 
Konkan, and put his remaining fortresses in readiness for 
a long war. Soon after the Mogul armies poured down 

1 The mthleasness of the Mogul campaign can be seen from Jaduuatb. 
Sarkara Life of Aurangzeb, Vol. I page 37. Prof. Sarkar gives the terms 
of the treaty at length in the same volume, pages 38 to 40. 


into the Konkan and took possession of the hill- forts one 
after another. A contingent from Bijapur under Randulla 
Khan co-operated with the Moguls. Shahaji soon found 
himself in great extremity, from which there was no escape 
possible except by submission. He petitioned the emperor for 
pardon and offered his services to the imperial army. His 
request was not complied with. In his reply the emperor 
reminded him of the mansab or military command that had 
once been conferred upon him, and how notwithstanding 
this he had declared hostilities with the empire, and had 
brought upon it immense losses by his rebellion. He could 
no more expect employment under the Mogul empire ; but 
he was free to enter the service of Bijapur. On receipt of 
this reply, Shahaji purchased his peace by surrendering to 
the emperor the puppet sultan whom he had raised to the 
Nizamshahi throne at Mahuli, and with the rest of his 
followers came down to Bijapur. ( 1637 ). 

Shahaji was received with great honour by the Adil- 
shahi sultan and the statesmen of that court like Randulla 
Khan. He was retained in the service of the court with 
"his great retinue. They indeed considered the accession of 
such a brave, daring, and experienced general a peculiar 
piece of good fortune to the Adilshahi State. By the recent 
treaty with the Moguls, Shabaji's jahgir lands had passed 
over to the Bijapur kingdom. Out of these, Poona and 
Supa were now continued to him in jahgir 1 . The charge 
of administering these jabgirs was entrusted by Shahaji to 
a capable and faithful Brahman minister, named Dadaji 
Kondadev, and a force of a thousand cavalry was kept with 
'him for defence of the jahgir 2 . In command of this cavalry 
force was Hilal, an Abyssinian officer. 

* The Rairi Bakhar represents this grant to have been made by Marar- 
pant, on Shahaji's return from the siege of Dowlatabad. 

2 Dadaji Kondadev was Patwari of Multhan, a Mouza- of Poona Prant. 
Afterwards he is mentioned in records as " Subhedar, FortKondana" or 
Muzumdar, Junnar Subha " (Rajwade: Vol. XVIII, 19 and Chitnis, 19). 


The Bijapur state had entered on the task of restoring 
order to the province between the Bhima and the Nira, 
which had been made over to it by the Moguls. That 
-government got Shahaji to accompany their general, when 
he set out for this province, as Shahaji knew the district so 
well Shahaji rendered him very valuable assistance, for 
he was as good a politician as he was a brave general. 
The governor 1 highly appreciated the manifold talents of 
his gifted assistant, and the appreciation soon ripened into 
a close friendship. On his return from this duty he highly 
extolled Shahaji's abilities and urged the sultan to make 
much of an officer who combined in himself the virtues of 
war and peace in such an eminent degree. He recommended 
the sultan to reward his services by every mark of the 
royal favour and encourage him by all means in his power 
to remain loyally with the master with whom he had now 
staked his fortunes. 

Some of the Bakhara mention the following anecdote 
of the ingenuity by which Shahaji had won over the favour 
of the Adil Shahi minister, Murarpant. The story belongs 
to the period when at the suggestion of Shahaji the Bijapur 
army was sent against the fort of Dowlatabad under the 
command of Murarpant. While the army was on the march 
it happened that there took place an eclipse of the sun 2 . 
Murarpant was then encamped at Nagargaon at the con- 
fluence of the Bhima and the Indrayani; and true to Hindu 
superstition he made the eclipse an occasion for dispensing 

1 According to the Marathi chronicles Shahaji's first campaign under 
Bijapur took place as an assistant to Murarpant (1637). But Prof. Sarkar 
has proved in his article in the Modern Review (Sept. 1917), that Murar was 
executed about 1 635 or 36. Prof. Sarkar bases this story on a passage in 
the Ba^atin-i-Salatin. 

2 This eclipse took place in Shaka year 1555 (1633 A. D.) on new moon 
day in the month of Bhadrapad (September). An account of this event is 
given in the Bharat-Itihas Sanshodhak Mandali's Year Book for 1912, 
page 69. 


various kinds of charity 1 . Among other acts of charity,. 
Murarpant thought of weighing his elephant against silver 
and distributing the treasure among Brahmans. But then 
arose the perplexing question, how to weigh the elephant. 
No one could make a practical suggestion until it came to 
Shahaji's turn, who hit upon the following method to weigh 
the unwieldy beast. Shahaji suggested that the elephant, 
should be embarked on a boat, and a mark should be made 
of the extent to which it sank in the water under the weight 
of the beast. Then the elephant should be removed and the 
boat filled with large stones until it should sink in the 
water to the same extent as before. Lastly the stones 
should be taken out and severally weighed, and the total 
arrived at would give the weight of the elephant. This 
simple expedient, which, however, because of its very 
simplicity perhaps occurred to no one else present, won him 
great admiration from Murarpant, who, when the weighing 
ceremony was done, gave to the Brahmans lands worth 
the weight of the silver. 

After returning from this expedition, Shahaji did not 
make a long sojourn at Bijapur. Immediately in the 
following year, the Adil Shahi sultan determined to 
subjugate the various Hindu polygar chief sin the Karnatic 
and thus to extend his dominions. Randulla Khan was 
placed in command of this expedition with the title of 
Sir LashJcar (Chief Commander), and Shahaji was sent 
with him as his deputy. In order that Shahaji might 
devote himself entirely to this cause in co-operation with 
Randulla Khan, the sultan promised to give him a jahgir 
out of the conquered territory. By Shahaji's enthusiastic 
co-operation, the expedition was crowned with success. The 
war with the polygars lasted for two or three years, and 
many of them were utterly defeated. The bakhara mention 
one or two of these contests. They speak of a certain Raya 

1 Thia village ( viz. Nagargaon) received in commemoration of this 
elephant weighing incident the name of Tulapur. The story that Aurang- 
zeb gave this name to the place is therefore a myth. 


Rayal, who was probably a distant survivor of the royal' 
family of Vijayanagar, otherwise known as Shri Ranga 
Rayal. He was raising his head in the Karnatic and harassed 
the districts there that had been conquered by Bijapur. Shahaji 
defeated him in two decisive engagements and conquered the 
districts of Akalkote,Bagalkote, Bangalore, Vaskote, Balapore 
and Shirta from him. By these conquests Shahaji earned 
the high favour of Randulla Khan, who, on the return of the 
expedition, frequently extolled his services in the presence 
of the sultan. The sultan was pleased with Shahaji's valour 
and gave him the conquered provinces in jahgir. Not long 
after, the districts of Ratanpore, Deogad, Kanakgiri, and 
Rajdurg were added to his jahgir, and his Maharashtra 
jahgir likewise received the addition of Indapar, Baramati,. 
and Maval. In addition to all this, the deahmukhi of twenty- 
two villages in the Karhad district was conferred upon 

Thus in the service of the Bijapur state, Shahaji had 
at last found a good arena for the display of his talents,, 
and, to his credit be it said, the sultan showed high 
appreciation of Shahaji's virtues. The sultan was con- 
vinced that Shahaji was one of the most competent and 
loyal of his servants. It was no mean task to restore order 
and establish a good system of administration in the Kar- 
natic and Dravid parts that had been so recently brought 
under the Bijapur kingdom. The sultan also saw that none 
but the most capable and devoted of his governors would be 
able to administer the newly acquired territory. The lead- 
ing politicians of the state concurred in the opinion that 
Shahaji was the most competent officer for this high post, 
and Shahaji was duly appointed and sent to this new pro- 
vince The province, having been but lately annexed to 
the Bijapur kingdom, was full of disorder and anarchy. It 
was the task of the new governor to extirpate the ele- 
ments of disorder and misrule and establish the authority 
of Bijapur on a sound basis. In a short time Shahaj i 


achieved these objects. Anarchy and misrule melted away 
before him. A new revenue settlement was introduced in 
the province, which, while it made the people happy and 
properous, resulted in a substantial addition to the royal 
treasury. In order to maintain the finances in order, 
Shahaji brought over from Maharashtra a battalion of 
Brahman finance-clerks or karkuns. The descendants of 
these men brought over to the Karnatic in the times of 
Shahaji are still to be found there bearing the various office 
names of Deshmukh, Deshpande, Kulkarni, Shirestadar etc. 
Shahaji had learnt his lessons in finance at the feet of Malik 
Ambar, and the true disciple of such an illustrious master 
was not to be dismayed by the finance problems of the 
Karnatic. What is truly to be commended in him is not 
that he did not harass or oppress his Karnatic subjects, but 
that in all his endeavours, he made it a particular point to 
cultivate their love and friendly sympathy. He was care- 
ful to send regularly to Bijapur the annual quota of 
revenue from the Karnatic and to retain a substantial 
surplus with himself. 

On going down to the Karnatic, Shahaji at first 
resided at Bangalore. When tranquillity was restored 
to the country he made Balapore bis headquarters. At 
that time a powerful prince of the name of Vijay Raghav 
reigned at Tanjore. He was at enmity with the Rajah 
of Trichinopoly. The latter made an alliance with Shahaji 
against Tanjore, offering to make a united war against 
Tanjore and conquer its territory, and promising to contri- 
bute five lakhs of rupees to Shahaji for his war expenses 
and all the booty. Shahaji invaded the principality of Vijay 
Raghav. The prince was defeated and fell on the field of 
tattle. Tanjore fell into the hands of Shahaji, who found 
an immense treasure there. Shahaji saw that Tanjore 
was indeed a fertile and wealthy country and determined 
to retain possession of it. He gave the Rajah of Trichi- 
Jiopoly to understand that he meant to keep Tanjore and 


he need not make any payment for the expenses of the war. 
The Rajah was irritated at this reply and declared war. He 
was defeated, and his principality too fell into Shahaji's 
hands. The Bijapur government confirmed him in posses- 
sion of these new territories 1 . 

When we survey these events of the career of Shahaji, 
a question that naturally and inevitably arises in our mind 
is how a spirit, so war-like and heroical, could choose to 
remain humbly contented with servile vassalage tq the throne 
of Bijapur. How could he, who was not dazzled by the 
pomp and splendour of Mogul power, and who set at nought 
the much vaunted strength of the imperial armies, forget 
his own worth, set aside his own ambitions and be content 
to attach himself to the waning fortunes of the Adil Shahi 
dynasty? The explanation is to be found in Shahaji's charac- 
ter. He was a cautious and far-sighted statesman. He 
was not a man to be misled by a passing caprice, or to be 
betrayed into a rash or irrevocable act by passion. The 
true statesman must at all times act with circumspection. 
He mast weigh time and circumstance. Situated as he was 
Shahaji had constantly to trim his sails according as the 
wind blew in order to save his fortunes from destruction. 
When the Nizamshahi dynasty was extinguished by the 
Moguls, he strove to re-kindle its dying splendour with the 
help of Bijapur. But the emperor separated Bijapur from 
this coalition by tempting offers and the vanquished Nizam- 
shahi dominions were divided between the two powers. 
This conjunction of powers had proved too strong for the 
single-handed resistance of Shahaji. He could count upon 
no support. Further resistance or endeavour to re-conquer 
the lost territory would bring down the united Mogul and 
Bijapur hosts upon himself. To enter upon a conflict with 

1 Jonathan Scott and the author of the Bundela Memoirs (Naskha-i- 
Dilkasha) give a different account. According to these authors the quarrel 
was between the Rajah of Tanjore, whose name is mentioned as Panchi 
Rangu, and the polygar Naik Janjappa of Mudgal, the latter of whom, 
enlisted the assistance of Shahaji and the occupation of Tanjore by Shahaji 
led to a subsequent war between him and the chief of Mudgal. 


such mighty powers was to invite his own destruction. 
Under the circumstances it seemed far more to his own 
interest to acquire a permanent jahgir and watch future 
events. It was no doubt with such motives that he had 
entered the service of the Bijapur Government. 

When he had earned the favour and confidence of the 
Adilshahi sultan and obtained the governorship of the 
Karnatic, Shahaji began gradually to develop his higher 
ambition. 'Some historians confidently assert that it was 
his object to lay the foundation of an independent princi- 
pality in the Karnatic 1 . His object in endeavouring to 
earn the popularity and grateful affection of his people was 
that he might confidently rely upon their zealous co-opera- 
tion should he ever come into a collision with the Bijapur 
sultan. That his conduct was shaped by some such motives 
becomes evident, when we consider that the deeds of grants 
and other aanads that he issued, some of which are still 
extant among the people of the Karnatic, make no mention 
of their proceeding from the higher authority of the sultan, 
but record the gifts as emanating from the durbar or 
court of the Eajah Shahaji Bhonsle. There is another piece 
of evidence bearing on his latent ambition. When Shivaji 
began to raid the Bijapur territory, the noblemen of this 
court began openly to murmur that Shahaji must be in 
collusion with his audacious son, and the sultan wrote 
to Shahaji on the subject, requiring him to bring back his 
rebel son to a sense of his duty. Shahaji replied to the 
court that lie had renounced his first wife and her son and 
married another, and that for some time he had no kind of 
Communication with them. The government was at liberty 
to take against them such steps as they liked. It seems 
that the Adilshahi sultan was at this time quite satisfied 
with this reply and did not in any manner proceed against 
Shahaji. It is quite clear, however, that this reply was a 
mere subterfuge. For, if Shahaji had really been out of 
sympathy with the daring and adventurous career which 
i Wilks's History of Mysore. (Vol. I, page 75 et aeq) 


Shivaji had just embarked upon, it was within both Shahaji's 
power and interest to put an end to his michievous enter- 
prise. But in excusing himself, under the pretext that he 
had nothing to do with his son and in refusing responsibi- 
lity for his acts, he only masked his real feelings under a 
cloak of disapproval. But it should be transparent to every 
student of history, that in reality he thought Shivaji's acts 
to be in agreement with his own deeper projects 1 . 

In course of time Shivaji's rebellious attitude became 
more pronounced. The Bijapur kingdom could put up with 
it no longer and determined that it was time to punish the 
father for the acts of the son. Notwithstanding the 
assurances of Shahaji their suspicions were re-awakened. 
The durbar was the more inclined to suspect collusion in 
view of the practical independence achieved by Shahaji 
himself in the Karnatic and the measures he was pursuing 
for the accomplishment of his object. The Bijapur autho- 
rities entrusted the task of arresting Shahaji for punishment 
to Baji Ghorpade, chief of Mudhol. To defeat Shahaji in 
the open field and take him prisoner was no easy task ; for 
a general like the Ghorpade it was well-nigh impossible. He, 
who had so often eluded the Mogul armies and baffled the 
.most renowned of Mogul generals, was not likely to fall 
easily into the hands of a second-rate officer of the Bijapur 
state. Ghorpade never dreamt of achieving such a feat. 
He resorted to stratagem. He invited Shahaji to an 
entertainment and had him arrested as an unsuspecting 
guest 2 . When his capture was thus made by treachery, 

1 Shahaji has aptly been called a king-maker; but the fact that his 
greatness was eclipeed by that of his greater son has been partly the cause 
of his claims to greatness not receiving the proper acknowledgment. It is 
only now that his real greatness is beginning to be realized even among the 
Mara*.hag. Vide Mr. Sardesai's "History of Modern India" part II, Vol. I, 
page 157, second edition. (iJarathi). 

2 The account in Modak's History differs widely from the generally 
accepted story given in the text. According to Modak's account Shahaji, 
having made himself independent of Mustapha Khan, his colleague in the 
Karnatic, was suddenly fallen upon and apprehended by Baji Ghorpade, 


Shabaji was lying encamped at Jirawady near Chandawar 
( Jinji ). How Shivaji at the command of his father 
retaliated upon the Ghorpade for this act of treachery will 
be described at the proper place. 

When Shahaji was thus arrested and brought to Bijapur, 
the sultan meditated his execution. After much discussion 
it was finally resolved that he should be confined in a stone 
dungeon, which was entirely closed in except for a small 
aperture; and it was threatened that if within a certain time 
Shivaji should not make his submission the aperture would 
be for ever closed and he be buried alive. The details of this 
story will be given in their proper place in a subsequent 
chapter 1 . Suffice it to say here that the Adil Shahi sultan 
must have had some substantial grounds for entertaining 
such a suspicion and peremptorily threatening the execution 
of such a valiant and influential officer as Shahaji. Shivaji 
extricated himself from this dilemma by negotiations 
with the Moguls 2 . Although on account of this interven- 
tion of the emperor the sultan did not dare to execute 
Shahaji, still he decided not to send him again to the Kar- 
natic, but to detain him as a prisoner at large at Bijapur. 
During this period Shivaji made no disturbance in the 
Bijapur territory. Shahaji won over the politicians of th& 

under the orders of Mustapha Khan. Shahaji's party was taken by surprise 
and Shahaji himself was captured in an attempt to mount and ride off from, 
the scene of the unexpected encounter. The Jedhe Chronology (Bharat- 
Itihas-Sanshodhak Mandal, Chaturtha Sammelan Vritta, page 179) says 
that Shahaji was arrested near Jinji by Mustapha Khan, which would mean, 
that Ghorpade acted as Mustapha's agent. 

1 Vide Chapter VIII. 

2 According to some Bakhary Shahaji's deliverance was due to the 
intervention of his tried friend Randulla Khan. The Rairi lakhar improves 
upon the story by a romantic account of Shahaji's impending execution 
already decreed by the sultan (who had prepared dispatches to that effect 
addressed to Baji Ghorpade) being averted by Bandulla, threatening to turn 
fakir and leave the court service for a pilgrimage to Mecca. In this way 
by his adroitness he is said to have obliged the sultan to yield to his wishes, 
nd thus saved the life of his veteran comrade. 


Bijapur state and, re-establishing confidence in his good 
faith, recovered his governorship and was again sent to the 

Thus relieved from immediate danger. Shahaji kept 
up ostensibly the most loyal and cordial relations with 
Bijapur. But to the end of his life he never abandoned 
his plans of aggrandizing his power so as to declare one day 
his independence. Of the further events of his life no 
historical records are available. The accounts of the Bijapur 
wars in the Karna+ic given by Mahomedan historians 
are very meagre, and here and there we meet with occasional 
references to the brave services of Shahaji. The jahgir he 
had received in the Karnatic from tUjMiiapur government 
he enjoyed for life and it was consid^lK* augmented from 
time to time. We have already nan ited the circumstances 
under which he had got possession of Tanjorejiad-Trichino- 
poly. In addition to these places, he exercised sovereignty 
over the fort of Ami, Porto Novo, and other towns. 

Away from far-off Maharashtra tales were brought from 
time to time of the successful endeavours of his son Shivaji 
to lay the foundations of an independent monarchy. v hahaji. 
was exceedingly gratified with these early indications of a 
noble career and had a vehement yearning to embrace such a 
valiant son. But the activities of Shivaji lay on the western 
outskirts of the Bijapur kingdom, and Shahaji had no 
opportunity for a long time to gratify his desire. Fortu- 
nately a few years later, a truce was effected between Shivaji 
and Bijapur, and the suspension of hostilities gave Shahaji 
an opportunity to visit his home in Maharashtra with the 
permission of the sultan and to meet Shivaji 1 . Shahaji might 
have complied with Shivaji's urgent wishes and stayed in 
Maharashtra for the rest of his life. But when'he received the 
sultan's permission to visit Maharashtra it was on the dis- 
tinct understanding that he was to return to the Karuatio 
and on no account to unite with his son. Had he broken 

i Vide Chapter XIV. 
1*8. I 


this covenant, the sultan would certainly have confiscated 
his possessions in the Karnatic. Shahaji had no desire to 
Jose the fruits of his toils, and so returned to the Karnatic. 

Shahaji did not live long after this visit to his son; he 
died within two years. The story of his death is as foltows: 
Two polygars of Bednore, Bhadrappa Naik and Shivappa 
Naik harassed the Bijapur dominions. The sultan com- 
missioned Shahaji and Sarja Khan with the duty of 
subduing these chiefs. Shahaji defeated Bhadrappa Naik and 
forced him to come to terms. He surrendered the territory 
he had conquered from the Bijapur kingdom and became 
a vassal of Bijapur with certain jahgir lands. The Adil- 
shahi sultan was pleased with this last service of Shahaji, 
wrote him a congratulatory lotter upon his victory and 
presented him with a robe of honour, horses, elephants and 
other ornaments and marks of the royal favour. The 
politicians of the state, each in his turn, sent congratula- 
tory epistles. While engaged upon these operations, 
Shahaji one day went out on a hunting expedition to a 
village named Bandekir 1 . He was hunting a hare, and 
while riding impetuously after the game, his horse's hoof 
was caught in a fissure, and both horse and rider came 
to the ground. Shahaji was kicked by his horse and 
immediately killed. His followers came searching for him and 
seeing him dead, brought up his son Venkoji, who performed 
'his funeral obsequies. Shahaji was seventy years of age 
at his death, which took place in January 1664. The sultan 
sent to Venkoji a letter of condolence and robes of honour 
confirming his succession to his father's position. A tomb 
was erected on the place where Shahaji died and under a 
sanad or charter of the Bijapur state the revenues of the 
village were get apart for its maintenance. 

Shahaji had three sons, of whom the eldest, Sambhaji, 
was born at Dowlatabad in 1623 to his first wife Jijabai, 
during their residence at that fort. Shahaji loved him very 
affectionately and always had him in his company. In 1653 

* On the Tungabhadra; elsewhere called basavapattan. 


Sainbhaji was killed in an assault upon, the fort of Kanak- 
giri. The chief of Kanakgiri had long been guilty of 
aggression upon the district of Balapore, one of Shahaji's 
possessions. Sambhaji was deputed by his father to pro- 
ceed with a force to punish this refractory prince. Sambhaji 
laid siege to the fort of Kanakgiri and opened a cannonade 
upon its walls, but himself fell a victim to a cannon shdt. 1 
His death was a great shock to Shahaji. His desire for 
vengeance was stirred to its depths. He himself headed 
a force against Kanakgiri, utterly defeated the chief and took 
the fort by assault. On this occasion the chief of Kanak- 
giri had been secretly aided by Afzul Khan, a distin- 
guished officer in the Bijapur service. Shahaji had a great 
desire to avenge himself upon Afzul Khan, but, . dreading 
the displeasure ol the sultan, abstained from this step. 
Little did he dream at that moment that Afzul Khan was 
destined to expiate this deed with his life and that the 
death of Sambhaji was shortly to be avenged by his youn- 
ger but greater brother 2 . 

The circumstances uncjer which Jijabai was left behind 
at the fort of Shivneri, at the critical period when Lukhji 
Jadhav was in hot pursuit of his son-in-law have already 
been described at tho beginning of this chapter. Shivaji, 
the subject of this history, was born here in 1627. This 
vwas the second son Shahaji had by Jijabai. In 1630 
Shahaji married Tukabai of the Mohite family. By her 
he had a son, Venkoji, who was born in 1631. On tho 

1 According to another account Sambhaji held a jahgir in his own right 
from the Bijapur state and was done to death by poison administered by the 

queen of Mahomed Adil Shaba, familiarly known as the Bari Saheba. The 
'Shivdigvijaya" bakhar slightly differs from the account followed in the 
text, in that it says that Kanakgiri was part of Shahaji's jahgir, but the forb 
was usurped by the chief Appa Khan. 

2 The date 1653 assigned in the text as the year of the death of Sambhaji 
ie bised on the authority of Grant Pnff and the Marathi chronicles. But on 
the authority of certain stone inscriptions discovered in the Karnatic the 
question is raised whether he did not live up to the year 1063. Vide Paran- 
oia' a "History of the Tanjore Dynast}" in his "ItihaJt S&ngraha" 1912, foot, 
note at page 23- 


conquest of the district of Chandawar, Shahaji kept Tukabai 
and Venkoji there. On the death of Shahaji, Venkoji succeed- 
ed to the entire jahgir in the Karnatic. Some years after- 
wards Shivaji marched upon the Karnatic for a share of the 
paternal jahgir, but the history of this expedition will; 
be chronicled at the proper place. 1 It is said that on his 
return from Shivaji's realm, the aged Shahaji called his 
younger son and addressed to him words of advice as follows : 
"Thy elder brother," exclaimed Shahaji, "has by his heroic 
enterprise secured a kingdom for himself. Thou art to 
succeed to my possessions in these parts, and as such thou 
shalt look after the family of my uncle, Vithoji, and my 
brother Sharif ji. Thou shalt govern thy possessions with 
justice and mercy. It is the grand plan of thy elder brother 
to be a world-conqueror and if by God's grace his noble 
ambition is realized, he will be the protector of all our 
family. But if by mischance he should meet with any 
vicissitudes of fortune, remember, my son, that I have 
acquired for you both this jahgir, with the full consent and 
sanction of the sultan. Remember that I leave it in 
trust for you both, though thou shalt have its immediate 
usufruct. Remember thou art my favourite son and the 
brother of the valorous Shivaji. Hearken to the advice of 
my chosen and trusty servants and thy path shall be thorn- 
less in this world." 

Vide Chapter XXVI. 


WE have already described in the last chapter how 
Jijabai far advanced in pregnancy was left behind at the 
fort of Shivneri, while Shahaji was being pursued by 
Lukhji Jadhav past the confines of the Nizamshahi king- 
dom. To look after his wife, Shahaji had detached from 
his secretarial staff three officers noted for their personal 
devotion towards himself. These were Balkrishnapant 
Hanumante, Sharnrao Nilkant and Raghunath Ballal Korde. 1 
The Jadhav had also on meeting his daughter at Shivneri 
deputed some men from his staff for her protection. She 
also seems to have found a watchful protector in Shrinivas- 
rao of Junnar. Though we find ker thus living in compa- 
rative safety amidst the troublous storms that were beating 
about her on all sides, a secret sorrow and anxiety seem 
to have preyed upon her mind as to the fate of her husband 
and her first-born, a child of three or four years, whom she 
had been compelled to part with at a time when they were 
fugitives before the vindictive rage of her father. Amidst 
these tormenting cares and anxieties, she made a solemn 
vow to Shiwai, the guardian divinity of the fortress, that 
if by her favour the gloomy clouds should be dispelled 
from Shahaji's fortunes and she delivered of a male child 
she would christen him after the goddess's name, as the 
fruit of her divine favour. The founder of the Maratha 
Empire was born on the 10th of April 1627 ( Monday, the 
-5th of the first half of Vaiahakh of the Shaka year 1549).* 

1 In Malhar Ramrao'a bakhar Hanumante's name is given as Krishna] i 
Hanumante. Instead of Shamrao Nilkant some chronicles give the name 
Sbankraji Nilkant. Malhar Ramrao mentions a fourth officer Sonopanb 
Dabir. Sabhasad in his well known bakhar says that these officers were sent 
with Jijabai from Bengalore. 

2 There are discrepancies about the date in the various bakhars. 
Malhar Ramrao and Shivadigvijaya give the second of the first half ot 
Vaishakh aq the date and Thursday as the day of the week. But the date 

and day d o not seem to agree. The Rairi'a bakhar giving the same date and 
-day as in the text gives the year aa S^aka 1648. Here again the date and 


The birth of this child, reserved by the call of heaven for 
such momentous events in the history of the Indian Empire, 
took place at a time of great political upheavals in the 
Deccan. He was born, however, in the comparatively 
secluded and at that time neglected neighbourhood of Poona. 
Shivneri is within fifty miles of that town. This was an. 
event of great rejoicing in the little colony of exiles and 
refugees at Shivneri, and was celebrated with such pride 
and pomp as their present means and the humble circum- 
stances of the place afforded. Women from the neighbour- 
ing villages coming to the fort with provisions were enter- 
tained with hospitality in honour of the joyful event aud 
presented with gifts at their departure. Shahaji who was 
then at Bijapur had the news sent to him by special messen- 
gers, who received handsome rewards from the delighted 
father for the joyful tidings they had brought to him. The 
child was christened Shivaji after the goddess Shivai, m 
consequence of the vow made to that effect by Jijabai. 

Jijabai spent three years at this fortress in company 
with her son. She was probably transferred to Byzapur 
from this place, for it will be remembered that in 1633, as 
described in the last chapter, she was captured by the 
Mogul army at Bijapur. On her release from the Mogul 
camp she was removed to the fort of Koudana by Jagdeorao 
Jadhav, and she seems again to have passed a part of her life 
at Shivneri and the fort of Mahuli. It does not transpire 
where she found safety during the tumultuous period of the 
interminable contests between the Moguls and Shahaji 
which then set in. So much at any rate is clear that she 

day cannot agree. In Wilks's History of Mysore and the Chronicle called 
the bakhar of the Maratha Swarajya the same date is followed as in the 
text. Calculations of an astronomical character upon certain data furnished 
by Mr. Kashinath Krishna Lele to the Kavyetihas >5angraha are in accord 
with the time followed in the text here. Vide Rajwade's "Marathyanchya 
Itihasachi Sadhane" (Materials for the History of the Marathas, Section 
IV.) The Shedgaokar bakhar gives Saturday the 3rd of the first hall of 
Vaiehaih, Shaka year 1549 as the birth-day, while the Jedhe chronology 
dates the event in shaka year 1551, Falgun, which would be February. 
1630 A. D. 


never sought shelter under the roof of her relatives on her 
father's side, in order to save herself or her child from the 
wrath of the Moguls. There is not a shred of evidence to 
show that she ever sought refuge with tha Jadhav family. 
It must also be considered that the Jadhavs were vassals of 
the Mogal emperor with whom Shahaji was at open war and 
it would have been extremely hazardous for the wife of Sha- 
haji to throw herself upon the protection of a family which 
had entirely passed under the Mogul domination, nor would 
Shahaji have ever approved of such a step. It follows, 
therefore, that Jijabai and her son led an isolated life in the 
midst of great political hazards and turmoils, moving from 
fortress to fortress within the sphere of Shahaji's influence. 
Shahaji did what he could from his head-quarters to ensure 
the safety of his wife and son. Had Jijabai indeed desired 
the protection of the Jadhav family-she, who had spurned 
the offers of her vindictive father in the delicate situation in 
which she was when she first came to Shivneri-that occasion 
had surely presented itself, when she was taken a prisoner 
to the Mogul camp. That she did not choose to accept the 
hospitality of Jadhav at that time of necessity and distress 
is a sufficient proof to show that she had no desire for any 
protection at the hands of her paternal relations. One 
might well imagine to himself the dreadful cares and perils 
to which her life was exposed in these days. Flying from 
fort to fort, in imminent danger of being surprised by the 
enemy, she had to look helplessly on at the dreadful politi- 
cal drama that was being played out, the most conspicuous 
figure in which was her own gallant husband, whom the 
numerous Mogul hosts were closing in upon from all sides. 
It reflects the highest credit upon the spirited Maratha lady 
that during all this time of stress and strife her confidence 
in her husband's courage and bravery and her own refined 
sense of dignity as a mother did not falter even for an 
instant. The annalists make no mention of the manner in 
which Jijabai conducted the education of her son Shivaji. 
It is, however, clear that during this time he seems to have 

made considerable progress in riding and horse management, 
archery and marksmanship, the use and exercise of the 
patta, the national Maratha javelin, and other warlike 
exercises, as also in reading and writing. 

When Shahaji became a vassal of the Adilshahi sultan 
he took his wife and* son to Bijapur. Shortly afterwards 
he was confirmed in the possession of his old jahgir by the 
Bijapur state, and was deputed to the province of the 
Karnatic as second in command to Randulla Khan. Upon 
this occasion he entrusted an experienced and faithful 
Brahman secretary, Dadaji Kondadev, with the administra- 
tion of the family jahgir* and placed Jijabai and Shivaji 
under his guardianship. The education of Shivaji was 
entrusted to his care. Dadaji Kondadev brought mother and 
son with all their retinue to Poona and had a spacious man- 
sion raised for their residence. In the following year 
Dadaji had to travel to Bangalore to submit to Shahaji the 
accounts of the jahgir. Dadaji was accompanied on this 
occasion by Shivaji and Jijabai, who again returned to Poona 
in his company. 

On Shahaji's return to Bijapur from his successful 
campaign in the Karnatic, he wrote to Dadaji Kondadev 
expressing his desire to bring Shivaji to Bijapur and cele- 
brate his marriage there. Shivaji replied that as Bijapur 
lay purely in a Mahomedan atmosphere, he preferred to have 
his marriage celebrated at Poona, where the ceremonies of 
the Hindu religion could be performed unobstructed with 
due pomp and solemnity. Such being the wishes of Shivaji, 
Dadaji Kondadev obtained Shahaji's consent to have the 
marriage solemnised at Poona. In consequence of this 
arrangement tbe marriage of Shivaji took place at Poona 
in 1640, with great pomp and eclat. The bride chosen was 
Sayibai, a daughter of the distinguished Nimbalkar family. 

In 1641, Shahaji invited Shivaji and Jijabai to Bijapur, 
and seems to have kept them with him for two or three 
years. As the boy watched the persecution and sectarian 


bigotry of this Mahomedan capital, the purpose began to form 
itself in his mind of overthrowing the supremacy of Islam. 1 
The rudiments of that political wisdom and sagacity, which 
afterwards evoked the ungrudging admiration of the whole 
of the Indian continent, were also instilled into his mind 
during this period. 

He was only fourteen, but already at that early age 
he was fairly advanced in all the arts of war. Handsome 
and endowed with great muscular strength he was most 
agile in his movements. With this he combined unique 
powers of observation. From infancy he was fond of 
examining the qualities of horses and elephants and visit- 
ing military depots and magazines. He behaved with 
remarkable courtesy towards persons eminent for their 
wisdom, learning or experience, and endeavoured to 
acquire knowledge and to win their favour by the tactful 
and respectful manner in which he inquired into the various 
subjects or studies they had mastered. He hated vice 
and luxury. He treated age and .experience with the 
honour they deserved. These qualities soon won him the 
high regard of the nobles and gentry in the neighbourhood. 

The nobles were so fascinated by the young Shivaji's 
manners that on one occasion they spoke of him with 
great enthusiasm in presence of the sultan, who at once 
expressed a desire to see a youth of such promise. It was, 
therefore, decided to introduce Shivaji to the court. But 
Shivaji was by no means pleased with the prospect of 
a meeting with the sultan. He pleaded with great 
modesty and submission that he was not inclined to flatter 
or to prostrate himself before the Mahomedans or their 
king, since they were so mean and insolent in their ways. 
He could not, he pleaded, tolerate the scant respect with 
which his religion and the Brahman expounders of that 
religion were generally treated in Mahomedan courts. 

1 The Baaatin-i-Saiatin gives details of the repressive policy of the 
Adilehahi sultans towards the Hindus, even in the halcyon-days of 
Sultan Mahomed Adul Shaha. 


When he passed to and fro in the streets, he constantly 
came across the hideous spectacle of cow -slaughter, and 
his blood boiled in his veins, and he could scarcely restrain 
the impulse to destroy the slayer of the kine. But out of 
regard for the feelings of his elders he had restrained his 
impulses. However he submitted that he could not contem- 
plate calmly the prospect of visiting or paying court to 
Mahomedan nobles or princes or in any way coming in 
contact with them. When such a meeting took place, he 
could not breathe freely till at least he had changed his 
clothes ! 

Strange fancies these in the case of a youth of four- 
teen! It was pointed out to him by the officers in- the 
service of Shahaji that his ancestors had risen to greatness 
by doing service to Mahomedan princes, that under the 
circumstances it was not becoming in Shivaji to hate the 
Mahomedans, and that in doing so he did not show proper 
reverence towards his elders. This sort of persuasion was 
also practised upon him through the mediation of his 
equals in age. Jijabai herself strove to persuade him to 
change his stubborn attitude, but without success. At last 
Shahaji called him to his presence and addressed him in this 
strain: "The Mahomedans" said he "are rulers of the 
land. What is the harm in serving them, while keeping the 
observances of one's own faith? It is a divine ordinance 
that in these unhappy times we should eke out our daily 
bread by serving the Mahomedans. If God had not 
decreed this, why should the Hindus have waned in power 
and the might of Islam waxed ? I have risen to my pre- 
sent position and power by steering my bark according 
to the times, and to keep and continue what I have attained, 
it is but fair that you should seek to win the favour of 
the sultan." To all these remonstrances Shivaji, with all due 
deference and submission, returned but one answer: "I bow 
down," he exclaimed, "to the word of command, but I pro- 
test, I cannot look on a passive spectator of the cruelty 
towards kine and the desecration and degradation of our 
shrines and priesthood ! " 


It is plain that no one could have more regretted than 
Shabaji the anti-Mahomedan sentiments which had by this 
time taken root in the mind of Shivaji and already threat- 
ened to overshadow other considerations. But he did not 
deem it prudent to chastise with severity or crush under 
the weight of authority the impulses of such a promising 
youth. Not that he was himself a blind admirer of 
Mahomedan excesses, but it had always been a part of his 
policy to conciliate the followers of Islam, and thus to 
accomplish his objects in life. He does not seem to have much 
resented the obstinacy of Shivaji. But by constantly 
speaking upon the subjest and by skilful appeals to Shivaji's 
filial obligations he succeeded in inducing his stubborn son 
to consent to accompany him to the durbar. Shahaji had 
instructed his son about the court etiquette of saluting the 
sultan by bowing down to the ground, as soon as he came 
into his presence. But Shivaji only made a slight 'salaam : 
and seated himself by his father. The Sultan, observing 
that Shahaji was accompanied by a boy, inquired whether 
it was Shahaji's son, and was told that it was so, and that it 
was the first occasion for young Shivaji to come to the 
durbar. This answer was given lest the sultan should be pro- 
voked at the scant salaam made by Shivaji, unaccompanied 
as it was by the courtly prostration. The sultan presented 
jewels and robes of honour to the young jahgirdar as a 
mark of his favour. But as soon as Shivaji returned home, 
he discarded the courtly dress and, as though it had been 
a contamination, had an expiatory bath. 

After this Shivaji often accompanied his father to 
the durbar, but on every occasion he made only a slight 
salaam and took his seat in the hall. This conduct 
naturally excited a suspicion in the mind of the sultan, and 
doubting whether this was done on purpose to affront 
him, the sultan once called Shivaji aside and questioned 
him point-blank about it. But Shivaji replied with great 
presence of mind that though constantly reminded to 
make his salute according to the etiquette of prostration. 


at the critical moment he forgot it and made the usual 
salaam. He could only make an apology for this and 
beg that the salaam might be taken to stand for a pro- 
stration. Besides he made no difference between the sultan 
and his father, and until he learnt there was a difference 
he would continue to make the salaam. The sultan burst 
-into a fit of laughter at this witty reply. 

On the way to the court, there were butchers' shops, 
in which were set out for sale beef and heads of slaughtered 


cattle. In the same manner hawkers sat in their booths 
with cooked flesh for sale opposite the palace gates. Shi- 
vaji was much offended at the loathsome spectacle and could 
scarcely restrain his indignation. But he had to restrain 
his angry feelings for a long while. Once it happened that 
while Shivaji was on the way to the palace, he came across 
& butcher in the act of slaughtering a cow. Shivaji 
instantly fell upon the offending butcher, belaboured him 
with blows and delivered the cow from the axe. This event 
was much talked of in the bazaars and even reached the 
sultan's ears but on account of the weight of Shahaji's 
influence, no inquiry was made into the matter. Shivaji was 
now quite disgusted with the constant scenes of cow- 
slaughter. He could bear it no longer, and thought to leave 
the Adilshahi capital for ever and never more visit the 
state durbar. With this resolution formed, he entreated 
his father not to press him any more to accompany him to 
the durbar, as he could not bear to look upon the cow- 
flesh booths on the way, that if as a servant of the state 
Shahaji was obliged to connive at these things, there was 
no such obligation upon him and that until this cruel 
slaughter and traffic in cow-flesh was put a stop to he could 
not think of attending the court. Shahaji was in great 
perplexity. For the sultan was sure to remark the absence 
of his son, and what answer was he to give ? In this per- 
plexity Shahaji consulted Mir Jumla, an old and tried 
friend at the court. After some deliberation, it was decided 
that Shivaji might stay at home for the day and that they 


should broach the subject with the sultan if they found him- 
in good humour. 

Accordingly the two nobles, one a Hindu and the- 
other a Mahomedan, attended the durbar and, seeing that 
the sultan was in very good humour, submitted their 
views in the audience-hall. Mir Jumla reminded the 
sultan that he was the father of his people, both Hindus 
and Mahomedans. The royal favour was bestowed equally 
upon all his subjects. There were both Hindu and 
Mahomedan officers in the service of the state, and it did 
the state great honour that it allowed its servants to 
follow each his own religion. According to the ideas of 
the Hindu religion, it was a gross sin to kill kine and 
to traffic in cow-flesh. But cow-slaughter openly took place 
in the thoroughfare round about the royal palace, and flesh- 
booths lined tho palace road. This was a mortal affront to 
the Hindu servants of the state, and to none more than to 
Shahaji, one of the sultan's most tried and honoured servants. 
But he did not dare, submitted Mir Jumla, to Jay the com- 
plaint before the sultan. His son had not attended the 
court that day, as he could no longer put up with the abo- 
mination of cow-slaughter, and had quarrelled with his 
father upon the subject. It was for the sultan to restrain 
this license. The sultan listened calmly to this petition of 
Mir Juinla's and thought a good case was made out rf quir- 
ing his immediate intervention. He forthwith issued an 
injunction against cow-slaughter in the vicinity of the 
palace and forbade the sale of cow-flesh within the city- 
limits. No one doing this in defiance of these orders would 
receive any redress for any retaliation or chastisement he 
might have at the hands of the Hindus. A proclamation 
was made to this effect and the slaughter-houses were re- 
moved out of the city, to an isolated place to the south. 
The butchers were ordered to migrate in a body to this 
place. When these orders were carried out, Shivaji began 
again to attend the durbar in company with his father. 
The sultan was struck with his lofty spirit and address, 


and occasionally signalised his favour with presents of 
robes and other marks of honour. 

As ill-luck would have it, one day a butcher with a 
basketful of cow-flesh was squatting at the city gate to 
sell his wares, just as Shivaji with a band of his chosen 
friends was coming out on horse-back. To glance at the 
butcher, to draw his sword and to cut him down was the 
work of a moment. The butcher's wife filled the air with 
lamentations and went to lodge a complaint at the court, 
and called the gate-keepers to swear to the truth of her 
complaint. The sultan, however, defended the ded as a 
condign punishment for breach of his edict on the subject. 
He paid her a small sum for the expenses of her husband's 
funeral and fixed a small payment for her maintenance. 

This event was naturally much talked of. Murmurs 
arose on all sides that in a Mahomedan capital the Maho- 
inedans had no hononr. Had the Mahomedan rale already 
become a dead letter? Strange that an infatuated king 
should allow such things to be done in the light of day ! 
And by whom ? By one who refused to make obeisance by 
prostrating himself as a vassal before his lord. And to 
humour this insolent subject, this same figure-head of a 
monarch deported the honest butchers from the town- 
limits, to the great inconvenience of loyal Mahomedans. 
What depths of madness ! This son of Shahaji's had lost 
all restraint and balance. He was running amuck among 
innocent Mahomedans. There was something rotten in 
this state of Bijapur. 

Such mutterings could be heard in all the thorough- 
fares, by no means disguised ^or measured in language ; 
and no doubt there was truth in this incoherent strain of 
impotent rage and abuse. These murmurs soon came to 
Shahaji's ears and filled him with dismay. Adroit man 
of action that he was, he could not help contrasting the 
lofty virtues and talents of his son with these erratic and 
wayward acts of violence. Was the noble life, of which 
such earnest was given by Shivaji's youthful brilliance, 


to be after all destroyed by the violence of his bigotry and 
race-hatred ? Had he made so much of his shining virtues 
and placed him on the high road to fortune and prefer- 
ment, only that he might by such a puerile indiscretion not 
only wreck his own career, but drag his father and the 
achievements of a life-time into ruin ? These thoughts 
flashed across Shahaji's mind and filled him with dismay. 
His wide experience of men suggested to him how he 
should deal with this case. He saw that mere rebukes or 
punishment would have the most undesirable effects upon 
a mind so proud and impetuous as that of Shivaji. The 
advice must be seasoned with an appreciation of his noble 
qualities and a lively appeal to his dutiful instincts. Armed 
with this resolution he is said to have addressed himself 
to Shivaji in Jijabai's presence to the following effect: 
"You are still in your teens, young man, and have no 
experience of life. It does little credit to your understanding 
to fly into a passion and commit excesses without pro- 
vocation. "Not to bow down before the Mahomedans to 
put your hand to your sword at the slaughter of a cow, 
is this the sort of conduct by which you can achieve success 
in life ? If we are to serve the Mahomedans, we must be 
prepared to submit humbly to them in these matters. Had 
I fallowed such a course of action, where in the world 
should I have been ? It was by serving the Mahomedans, 
young man, that your ancestors rose to greatness from 
the humble rank of a peon in the infantry to the highest 
eminence ! Need I describe the hardships and perils through 
which I have passed, in attaining to my present greatness ? 
Reflect upon the trials and tribulations of your father in 
the uncertain times of the Nizamshahi dynasty, and count 
the steps by which, when I had emerged from those clouds, 
I have risen to the full height of my position in the service 
of this Adilshahi state. It is natural that I should desire 
you to tread in my foot-steps, please and conciliate the 
powers that be and extend your fortunes. Nothing can 
exceed your happiness and glory, if following your father's 


example, you behave with prudence and circumspection-. 
Continue in these wild pranks and fancies, and the heavens 
themselves will not be able to pave us. We shall be sent 
away in exile and disgrace, despoiled of our fortunes and 
possessions. That such a catastrophe has thus far been 
averted is due to the intervention of our influential friends 
at the court. But if we have friende, we have enemies, 
and the moment they get an opportunity of injuring us, it 
is but the question of an hour to bring down upon us the 
royal displeasure and drive us away into exile. I appeal 
then to your own sense of duty and prudence and self- 
interest, and trust you will at once amend your ways.'' 
Shivaji listened in silence and replied not a word. 

Shahaji did not rest here, but got Jijabai to advise 
the young man in the privacy of her apartments with 
her own tender and persuasive eloquence. She dwelt on the 
respect for elders, the virtue of obedience and the gratefu 
co-operation with the ambitious labours of a father like 
Shahaji. She appealed to the high traditions of his ancestors, 
and conjured him not to stain the noble escutcheon, 
coming down from a long line of illustrious ancestors. 
Shivaji listened to these words of love and replied that 
the least wishes of his parents were sacred commands to 
him and he was always ready to act according to their 
wishes. "But in this matter," he protested, "I cannot alter 
my nature. I cannot reconcile myself to bend my knees 
before Mahomedans or to tolerate cow-slaughter and other 
insults to my religious instincts. Forgive me, but when my 
-^ea fall upon such atrocities, my passions rebel in my 
breasV"&fl<j I am no longer myself; I am helpless. Whatever 
may be the inscrutable dispensation of Providence, it is 
clear I cannot continue to eat the bread of a Mahoroedan 
prince. Something tells me it is pollution, a falling oft* 
from heaven, an obstacle to my religious ideals To save 
me fn<m Mich deeds in future let me be sent away, I pray,, 
far oft' from this place, yes, far beyond the barriere of any 
Mnhomedan state. If I say this, in all sincerity and 


frankness, it is not in a spirit of rebellion and disobedience,, 
but from a perfect knowledge of the feelings and passions in 
my breast, I entreat and implore you to grant my prayer." 

Jijabai communicated these wishes to Shahaji and 
pointed out the undesirability of punishing the boy for this 
sort of eccentricity, though otherwise so humble and docile 
and obedient. His mysterious hatred of Mahomedans, she- 
thought, agreeably to the feelings of a Hindu woman, must be 
a legacy inherited by him from a former birth. It was clear 
he could not be happy doing service to Mahomedans, and there 
was no use to seek to change his nature. She suggested 
that the best plan under the circumstances was to place him 
at a distance from the Mahomedau capital. If from love to 
his son he should keep him any longer, there was risk of 
his fortune and reputation being ruined. Shahaji bighed 
to hear this opinion of Jijabai and upon consultation with 
a few nobles who were in his confidence came to the same 
conclusion. About the same time, Dadaji Kondadev 
happened to come to Bijapur to submit the jahgir accounts, 
and he was ordered to escort Jijabai and Shivaji back to 

Before leaving for Poona, Shivaji married a second wife- 
at Bijapur. It is said that this second marriage took place 
at the express desire of the sultan. Once, when according 
to his custom Shahaji attended the durbar with his son, 
the sultan asked Shahaji whether his son was married. 
Shahaji replied that Shivaji's marriage was celebrated at 
Poona. The sultan ridiculed the marriage as celebrated in 
the absence of the father and far from the court and insisted 
that he should be married again in presence of the court 
with all the pomp and circumstance befitting his rank. In 
deference to the sultan's wishes Shivaji was wedded to his 
second bride chosen from the select Maratha nobility. All 
the omrahs of the court and the sultan himself attended 
the wedding, at which great festivities and exchanges of 
bridal presents took place. This second wife of Shivaji was 
named Soyarabai. 

L. s. 6. 


As described above Shahaji had to bid farewell to 
his wife and son, who came back to Poona, in the company 
of Dadaji Kondadev. This parting was final : they never 
lived again under the same roof either at Poona or Bijapur. 
The fact is that Shahaji soon afterwards marched to the 
Karnatic and had no .occasion any more to reside at Poona 
or Bijapur. Upon this slender foundation, some historians 
have raised a fictitious story of a quarrel between Shahaji 
and Jijabai, and the old quarrel between Shahaji and 
Lukhji Jadhav has been brought under contribution to 
lend a plausible colouring to this theory. But a close 
observation of the events as they have been thus far chro- 
nicled in these pages will show the absurdity of such a 
theory. For the first ten years after the birth of Shivaji, 
Shahaji was involved in such political complications that 
he had no leisure whatever to give to family life. Nor 
can the second marriage of Shahaji lend countenance to 
this view. For the custom of polygamy was much in 
vogue among the Maratha families in those times and still 
prevails among them. Hence a second marriage does not 
necessarily mean estrangement from the first wife. When 
Shivaji began his attacks upon the borders of the Bijapur 
territory it was natural that Shahaji tried to relieve him- 
self of all responsibility by giving out that he had no 
connection with Shivaji and Jijabai. But this at best was 
a, transparent pretext. Had there been a real cleavage 
between husband and wife, Shahaji would certainly not 
have taken his wife and son to Bijapur, as he did, as soon 
as his fortunes were well establishsd in the service of the 
Bijapur state. 1 If in 1643 again Jijabai and Shivaji were 
permanently stationed at Poona under the care of Dadaji 
Kondadev, we mu^t credit Shahaji with having done so, on 
account of the insuperable difficulty of keeping Shivaji at 

1 Grant Duff ( Ch. Ill ) seta forth the theory of a disagreement 
between Shivaji'a parents. Ranade (Ch. IV) assumes it as trne.*Mr. Sardesai 
assumes the theory of her disagreement with her husband but praises her 
or not seeking for shelter with her father's people ( Marathi Riyasat, I 
page 159. ) 


Bijapur. It is clear Shahaji was convinced that Bijapur was 
no congenial residence for a young man obsessed by a 
virulent hatred of Islam. Judging by these circumstances, 
we find no reason to accept the theory of a family feud to 
account for the divergence of the fortunes of father and son 
and of husband and wife, which commences from this stage. 
Jijabai's elder son, Sambhaji, always remained with Shahaji, 
a sharer in his toils and supporter of his ambitions. From 
this it does not follow, however, that Shahaji's love and 
affection for Shivaji were in any way less, 

A GREAT career is determined by favourable circum- 
stances for tbe growth of genius. It is also shaped in a great 
measure by a good education. Both these influences played 
a great part in moulding the mind and character of Shivaji. 
vThe first ten years of his life were spent in his mother's 
company, an influence of most vital character on the life 
of a man. It is the age when the mind is most tender and 
plastic, and the impressions then formed are the very founda- 
tion of life. The months and years as they roll on in their 
course only serve to render these early impressions more 
deep and vivid, their full development only requiring a 
train of favourable circumstances and events. Whether 
these early influences are to be productive of good or evil 
depends mainly on the character of the father and the 
mother, more especially on the latter. The virtues and 
disposition of the mother are strained and filtered into 
the character of her child, and the goodness or evil of the one 
depends on that of the other. We can see the foundation 
of Shivaji's greatness in the circumstances in which he was 
born. When the future hero was yet in the womb, Jijabai 
lived through a time of great stress and revolution in the 
state, and in that revolution her husband and herself played 
a conspicuous part. Living in the midst of constant alarms, 
with her husband.once the mainstay of the Nizamshahi state, 
in flight and exile, and the ungrateful Nizamshahi sultan 
blindly in league with her husband's and his own enemies, 
her own scorn and disdain of the puny Mahomedan powers, 
her contempt of their pusillanimity and grovelling in- 
capacity and her indignation at their impotent cruelty and 
barbarities were at that most delicate period of psychical 
excitement reflected and transfused into the mind of the 
future hero. Here then is some explanation of that mysterious 
and all absorbing anti-Mahomedan passion which possessed 
Shivaji from his earliest years. Nor was this all. The 
first ten years of Shivaji'u life were passed in the midst of 


constant alarm and fear of treachery, and naturally enkindled 
a relentless hatred against those-the Mahomedan powers-who 
were the authors of these atrocities. Add to this Jijabai'a 
proud and independent spirit, her personal ambition and 
self-reliance, her strong intellect and penetration. With 
these intense predisposing causes and influences constantly 
at play, is it a wonder that the smouldering discontent in 
Shivaji's breast burst into a flame in the form of an 
uncompromising anti-Mahomedan passion ? 

It follows then that Jijabai was the most powerful 
influence on the youthful genius of Shivaji. Jijabai was born 
of a family that had once wielded the sceptre at Devgiri, 
the same that acquired the name of Dowlatabad on the fall 
of its Jadhav ( Yadav ) sovereigns. The once mighty family 
had fallen upon evil times. It had to serve its Mahomedan 
lords in those very scenes which had witnessed its power 
and grandeur. The children of the Jadhav family were 
not the sort of men to forget its noble past and the grandeur 
of its traditions, least of all Jijabai, a woman of a haughty 
and indomitable spirit. The treacherous murder of her 
father and brother by the vindictive Nizamshahi sultan 
served to add fuel to the flame of her hatred of Mahomedan 
rule. Nor was she likely to forget that it was the Mahomedans 
*hat had quenched the light of the Sesodia Bhonsle family. 
Xater on for a time by his brilliant genius and valour, her 
husband Shahaji endeavoured to revive a Hindu sovereignty 
from the wreck of the Mahomedan state of Ahmednagar, 
but with all his valour and resources, he was forced to yield 
to overwhelming odds and remain content as an honoured 
vassal and feudatory of the Bijapur state. And how nearly 
had he succeeded ! With the puppet of a Nizamshahi 
prince in his grasp, Shahaji had destroyed one Mogul hosb 
after another and stirred up the living remembrances of 
a not quite forgotten past in the depths of hia loyal wife's 
heart. But inexorable fortune had stood in the way of 
his ultimate success, and the chagrin and disappointment 
occasioned by the failure was the crown of all her sorrows. 


And then the family tradition to which Haloji had given 
currency ,-that the House of Bhonsle would produce a 
world-compelling hero ever flashed across her mind, a 
prophecy which Shahaji's temporary success had all but 
verified. Despite her crushing disappointment and suffer- 
ing, this tradition kept all her passions and aspirations 
awake. She believed in it with the faith of a woman, 
with a religious heart, and she looked forward wistfully to 
its accomplishment. 

What though Shahaji had at last failed and seceded 
to the Mahomedan dynasty of Bijapur? Had not his tem- 
porary success proved that the defeat of the Mahomedane 
was no mirage, no idle phantom flitting before a fevered 
mind, but a tangible thing within the range of practical 
accomplishment ? This was the subject to which she con- 
stantly recurred in her conversation with her son. She 
poured forth into his eager ears the story of the fall froir 
royal power of both the Jadhav and Bhonsle Houses and 
pictured to him their former greatness, with the inevitable 
contrast of the inglorious present that could not but ob- 
trude itself upon his sensitive mind. Again by repeated 
recitals of the story of Shahaji's heroic achievements, she 
sought to enkindle in his heart the same noble ambition 
and love of heroic enterprise. In her daily discourses she 
ever laid stress on the inherent degradation, however great 
the worldly splendours, of service to an alien Mahomedan 
power, the steps of whose rise had been marked by the 
overthrow of many a Hindu sovereignty and whose pro- 
gress was attended with the slaughter of kine, the pollu- 
tion of temples and shrines and the violation of the Brah- 
mans, cruelty and treachery in all forms and guises. To 
these were added readings from the puranaa and the sacred 
texts, the main theme of which is the struggle of virtue 
and the ultimate triumph of good over evil. Shivaji from 
his earliest infancy developed a strong taste for these read- 
ings, listening with rapt attention to the recitals. It wae 
these readings which infused in him an overpowering sense 


of piety, religious zeal, and enthusiasm. His eyes kindled 
and his breast throbbed with religious fervour as he 
listened to the tales of ehivalry and self-sacrifice from the 
Ramayan and the Mahabharat. and he followed every tone 
and undulation of hia mother's voice, as she related the 
inspiring legends. It was as if she had said in so many 
words: "Go thou and do likewise". The seed was not cast 
upon rocky soil, for, from the time he began to understand 
things, these repeated counsels and exhortations began to 
take root, and by imperceptible degrees, a strong passion 
was kindled in his breast to emulate not only his father's 
exploits, but the epic chivalry of the puranas. 

By nature Shivaji was a man of great intellectual 
strength and alertness. His powers both of understanding 
and memory were of a high order. Jijabai was a woman, 
of great earnestness and courage, and the instinct for honour 
and esteem was the great motive force in all her actions.. 
By daily contact and conversation with his mother, Shivaji 
had assimilated these noble virtues in all their perfection. 
She watched over him with all her maternal solicitude and 
was careful to see that he followed the best example, moved 
in good company and kept away from the snares and bland- 
ishments of vice in all its forms. From early boyhood, 
she made provision for his military education. Thus the 
highest impulses of life and human character were evolved 
in Shivaji's heart by his close contact with this noble 
matron, bravery, enterprise, courage, love of truth and 
religious fervour. But more important than all the rest, 
there was one impulse that came to him from his mother, 
an impulse upon which all his greatness was founded, and 
which will for ever obtain for him a niche in the temple of 
fame and an honoured place in the world's great roll of patriots 
-his unquenchable thirst for liberty. He never faltered in. 
his opinion of the intrinsic unworthiness of the highest 
glory and honour that a servile allegiance to a Mahomedau 
prince could bring to a man, that indifference and ingrati- 
tude were the invariable return for the most loyal and 


devoted service to the sultan, and that an alien despotism 
like that of the Mahomedan states stood for all that was 
mean, vindictive and tyrannical. Of this the days of his 
own childhood had given him sufficient proof. Personal 
experience combined with maternal exhortation to inflame 
him with a passion for freedom. In boyhood already he had 
made up his mind to defy foreign domination even if it should 
cost him his life. It is well known how Dadaji Kondadev 
endeavoured to turn him aside from his determined course, 
but we find no account in any of the the extant chronicles 
of any attempt to dissuade him on the part of Jijabai. 
This very circumstance strengthens the view that it was 
Jijabai herself who was primarily instrumental in inspiring 
Shivaji with the enthusiasm and enterprise of revolting 
from the domination of Islam and unfurling the standard 
of Maratha liberty. That Jijabai endeavoured at Bijapur 
to persuade Shivaji to suppress his anti-Mahomedan senti- 
ments does not in any manner militate against this conclu- 
sion, nor need her conduct upon that occasion be taken to 
stand as an indication of her real opinion upon this subject. 
As a Hindu wife, to whom devotion and obedience to the 
husband is the highest dower, she had to carry out the 
instructions of her husband and become his mouth-piece, 
whatever her feelings on the subject might be. In short, 
it was due to the rare combination of a mother, who with 
her noble convictions and ideals could inspire and dominate 
her son's future, and of a son, who while allowing himself 
to be stirred to the noblest moods and passions could lead 
and impress the world with the resources of his master- 
mind, that the record of a career was made possible, by 
which the Hindu population of peninsular India was libe- 
rated from the yoke of Islam. 

In 1637 Dadaji Kondadev was entrusted with the ad- 
ministration of the jahgir lands by Shahaji, and the 
charge of young Shivaji's education was also made over to 
him. From this time forth, therefore, the burden of Shivaji's 
education fell upon Dadaji, and his mother's influence be* 


came secondary. This does not of course mean that Jijabai 
ceased altogether to look after the upbringing of her son. 
He was all in all to her, the prop of all her hopes and 
ambitions. The mysterious instincts of the maternal 
heart had enabled her to foresee his future greatness. In 
her impassioned moods, she often thought with ecstacy 
that Shivaji might be just the man to whom the restora- 
tion of the Jadhav and Bhonsle sovereignties had been 
reserved by fate, the hero whom the divine prophecy current 
in the family had ever been beckoning on to the task of 
national emancipation. She, therefore, continued to watch 
over him in spirit, with all the zeal of maternal solicitude. 
It was left, however, to Dadaji to initiate Shivaji in those 
arts and sciences and that practical knowledge which was 
essential to a person in his position. 

It will not be out of place to give a brief account of 
the great man to whom the education of Shivaji was thus 
confided. It is not known at what period Dadaji Konda- 
dev entered into Shahaji's service. Shahaji was early satis- 
fied with his tact, abilities and uprightness and appointed 
him to the management of his jahgir estates at Poona, Supa, 
Baramati, Indapun and the Maval tracts in Maharashtra. 
These districts he administered with great efficiency. The 
long wars of the Moguls and the Deccan Mahomedans had 
reduced these parts to mere wildernesses. To this were 
added the horrors of a most terrible famine in the year 1630. 1 
Dadaji re-populated these districts and reclaimed them for 
cultivation by holding forth the inducement of immunity 
from the land-tax for a succession of years. There was at 
once an influx of cultivators from the adjoining districts, 
and the lands in a short time had changed their forlorn 
aspect. The people were contented and happy. Bumper 
crops swelled the granaries. Dadaji then instituted 
a survey and classification of the land and introduced the 
revenue system of Malik Ambar, the essence of which was 

This terrible famine is referred to in Jedbe's Chronology (page 178) 
and in the Padiahahnamah of Abdul Hamid. 


that the revenue dues were to be based on the ascertained 
crops of the year. This gave a great stimulus to agricul- 
ture. The settlements made with the agriculturists gave 
them permanent proprietary rights subject to the payment 
of revenue, and a large residue of the income after the 
deduction of revenue still remained for the enjoyment oi 
the prosperous peasantry. 

The district of Maval was inhabited by a poverty- 
stricken people called the Mavalis. Even by toiling day and 
night these semi-civilized people found it difficult to earn 
enough to provide food and clothing. Dadaji saw the fidelity 
and industrious habits of these people and assiduously 
set to work to ameliorate their condition. He encouraged 
them to till their rocky and barren soil by granting 
remissions of revenue taxes. Many of them he enlisted in 
his service as peons or soldiers and engaged them in the 
collection of revenue. They were satisfied with the most 
meagre pay, one or two rupees a month, and a bushel or 
two of the coarsest millet, such as nachni or vari. It was 
a mountainous country infested by wild animals. To put 
an end to the mischief they caused from year to year, 
Dadaji maintained a corps of Mavali javelin-men and gave 
them a reward for each tiger or wolf that was slain. 
Many wild beasts were exterminated in this way, and the 
country became more settled. 

The country was also infested with brigands. Dadaji 
endeavoured to minimise the evil by establishing watches 
and a sort of rude police. 1 He encouraged the plantation 
of fruit-trees and orchards. Groves of mango and other 
trees grew on all sides. He kept the fortresses under 
Shahaji in an excellent state of repair, installed suitable 
garrisons in each of them, and recruited a small army 
of Maval is for general defence. In this way Dadaji adminis- 
tered the jahgir and considerably augmented its income. 
All the balance, that accrued to Shahaji's credit after pay- 
ment of the different charges, such as salaries of peons and 

1 Vide Chitnis, page 29 and the Tarikh-i-Shivaji (page 9 (a) ). 


soldiers, clerks and executive officers and other incidental 
expenses, was faithfully remitted to Shahaji's head-quar- 
ters. An anecdote illustrating Dadaji's extraordinary sense 
of duty and uprightness has been recorded by the Maratha 
chroniclers. It is said that while Dadaji was going one 
day in the company of Shivaji through one of Shahaji's 
orchards he happened quite casually to pluck off a mango 
from its stem. Instantly it occurred to his mind that 
what he had done was a misdemeanour, and he commanded 
his attendants to mutilate the hand with which he had 
committed the offence. Shivaji replie'd that his reasoning 
wrts not correct, that he. had cultivated the park and was 
its master. On hearing this reply he shortened one of the 
sleeves of his robe and to the time of his death he wore a 
shortened sleeve 1 . 

Dadaji was then a man of extraordinary integrity; and 
devotion to his master was the ruling passion of his life. 
He was already advanced in age and experience when 
Shahaji nominated him to the jahgir. He was very pure 
in his morals and pious in the observances of his religion, 
It was an article of faith with him that his personal in- 
terests and prosperity were identical with those of his 
master. It was natural that Shahaji felt not the slightest 
misgivings in his heart in giving over his son to the tute- 
lage of such a man, who united with a most exalted sense 
of righteousness a complete devotion to his master's person 
and interests. Needless to say that Dadaji acquitted himself 
of the trust beyond the most sanguine expectations of his 

He spared no pains to see that Shivaji and Jijabai should 
labour under no privation. He thought that a warrior's 
son should have the best military education obtainable, and 

1 The Rairi bakhar gives a slightly different version of the story, b\ 
making the mango the property of a peasant cultivator. Shahaji is reported 
to have heard of the incident and marked his sense of appreciation of 
Dadaji'a integrity by a present of 700 pagodas and urged him to wear 
his sleeves as usual. The version followed in the text is that of Chitnis- 
(P. 29. ) 


provided every facility towards this object. He made him 
go through a regular system of drill and physical disci- 
pline. Jijabai had laid the foundation of this discipline. 
Dadaji carried it forward with great zeal. Besides physical 
culture Dadaji arranged for a course of intellectual 
discipline 1 . This too had been anticipated by Jijabai and 
was promoted with greater zeal by Dadaji, on the mother 
and son coming to reside at Poona. Shivajimade considerable 
progress in Urdu and Persian and had made a beginning 
in the elements of the Sanskrit language 3 . It is said that 
certain devotional odes composed by Shivaji contain a 
number of Urdu words. Dadaji's religious temperament 
served to foster Shivaji's own instincts for piety. He got 
many opportunities to listen to religious lectures and 
rhapsodies from the puranas. His natural enthusiasm for 
religion was stimulated by Dadaji's example. 

The seed of all this had already been sown by Jijabai. 
But there was another departmant in which Dadaji was a 
past master, and that was finance. He knew the art of keep- 
ing the peasantry happy while doubling and trebling the 
revenue. He had the tact and courtesy to extract the best 
work from his servants without wounding their feelings. 
He excelled as a judge, and his decisions were conclusive 
and impartial. He took a paternal interest in the welfare 

1 Vide Chitnis's bakhar (page 28). While it may be admitted that 
the account in the Shivdigvijaya is too extravagant for credence, 
it is not too much to assume that if the warrior class of the time of the 
puranas could successfully unite an all round intellectual culture 
with the military eraft, a boy brought up with such an absorbing admira- 
tion of the puranic lore might have received a fairly good literary 

2 Vide Mr. Raj wade's work in Marathi, entitled "Materials for the his- 
tory of the Maratha ', Vol. IV,page 74. The same author in a learned article 
on the subject of Shivaji's literary education contributed to the Marathi 
Magazine, "Saraswati Mandir" ( Vol. 5, No. 5 ), has completely exploded 
Grant Duffs hypothesis of Shivaji's illiteracy. Most of the Maratha 
nobility contemporaneous with Shivaji, as also those who preceded or 
followed him in point of time, knew the simple arts of reading and 
writing. This is the contention of Mr. Bajwade, and the present author 
hag no hesitation in endorsing that opinion. 


of the people. Shivaji studied with close and minute 
observation these arts of administration under Dadaji. 
Shivaji's faculty of observation was very early developed. 
His questions were at times very trying even to the experts 
in the various subjects. He paid to Dadaji the honour due 
to his position and experience and made it a point to acquire 
from him his varied knowledge of affairs. Now there were 
some affairs which Dadaji used to transact without Shivaji's 
knowledge. Shivaji took this to heart and one day expressed 
himself rather frankly upon this subject. " What though 
I am young \ " said he, " Your duty it is to acquaint me 
with all affairs, that I may acquire experience under your 
guidance. For are you not to me in the position of a 
father ? How could I otherwise learn wisdom ? " Dadaji 
admired this boyish curiosity and consulted him thereafter 
upon all affairs. Young Shivaji discussed the pros ^nd 
cons of every question with the gravity of an elder. Dadaji 
trained him to give decisions in disputes, where the most 
complicated issues were involved. With . his wonderful, 
grasp and penetration the most complex problem could 
never elude his judgment, and he could use these precedents 
in dealing with similar questions that recurred from time 
to time. It was thus under the kind guidance of Dadaji that 
Shivaji mastered the various subjects of finance, agriculture, 
the discipline of hia infantry and cavalry, and supervision 
over ths various grades of servants in his service. This 
early knowledge and experience, it is needless to say, was 
of immense service to him in the near future. 

But there was one subject upon which there was the 
greatest divergence of opinion between Dadaji and Shivaji, 
and that was the attitude of Shivaji towards the Mahomedan 
rulers. The hatred of Islam which he had almost literally 
sucked in with his mother's milk, and his ambitious plans 
of the restoration of a Hindu sovereignty were never approv- 
ed of by Dadaji. Dadaji was not a man who could even 
dream of the great ambitions of his ward. He never 
possessed that wide outlook of vision. His was a philosophy 


of simple contentment. He thought, and from the ordinary 
stand-point of human prudence rightly thought, that his 
duty was in the first place to behave with submission and 
humility towards that power, owing to whose favour and 
benevolence, his master enjoyed his jahgir, and in the second 
place to protect and administer the jahgir to the highest 
advantage of his master. To incur the wrath of the 
Mahomedan rulers-were it only by seeking to expand the 
jahgir-was too audacious an enterprise for the placid mind 
of Dadaji to think of. Soon after the return of Shivaji 
and Jijabai from Bijapur in the company of Dadaji Konda- 
dev, Shivaji communicated his ambitious plans to the trusty 
confidante of his father. " I do not consider it proper," said 
Shivaji, " to live as an underling of the Mahomedans on 
the wealth my father has earned in their service. I am 
resolved to carve out my fortune with my own right hand. 
What good is it to have been born in the Bhonsle family, 
if I add no new honours to the family escutcheon ? The 
worth of a manly life, what is it to be found in, if not in a 
life of toil ? Not surely in fortune's smiles ? Do you not 
see how the Mahomedan domination has crushed the life out 
of Hindu society and religion? Kine and Erahinans, gods 
and shrines have been polluted and desecrated in all the 
land, and no champion has sprung forth from the groaning 
soil. I have pondered deep over this subject and have 
resolved to devote my life to this object of reviving our 
independence and our religion. I cannot recall the past ; 
but the future is in my hands." Dadaji was astonished at 
the proposal and tried to divert his mind from the project. 
"How impossible", he exclaimed, "is the task you speak of 
and how dreadful '. The whole land lies panting under the 
oppression of Islam. All forts and positions of strategic value 
are commanded by them. Their armies man the garrisons. 
Enough for you to have and keep what your father has 
wrested from the general wreck. Try to think of aggrandising 
your fortunes and that moment you will be declared a 
public enemy, and you will involve your father in your ruin. 


Just think of your father and his fiery valour ! Even he 
had to bend before the Mahomedans. " 

Later on when Shivaji began to realize his plans of 
forming an independent Hindu state and in pursuance of 
the same to make expeditions against the Bijapur territory, 
Dadaji was filled with consternation. He called Shivaji 
and began to expostulate with him in the most vehement 
terms. " You have embarked, " he said to Shivaji, " on 
a most hazardous enterprise, which will one day bring you 
and your jahgir to ruin. On the four sides of the continent, 
the great Mahomedan sovereignties are holding undisputed 
sway, each in the plenitude of its power and glory. 
What are you and your puny resources before their power ? 
Don't you see that you are only jeopardising your father's 
position ? He is there in the midst of the enemy, in the 
power of the sultan. For your rash acts the sultan is sure 
to retaliate on your father. You will be evicted from your 
jahgir and will be a bye-word in the land. It is to your 
own interest to maintain loyal relations with the Adilshahi 
dynasty, if indeed you value your estates. " This chilling 
advice was repeated from time to time. Shivaji, as was his 
wont, always listened in calm silence, but to the eternal good 
fortune of all Maharashtrians, he did not allow himself in 
the least to be swerved from his glorious enterprise. 

It is said that when Dadaji saw how ineffective all 
his counsels to Sdivaji upon this one subject were, the upright 
man was filled with dismay, not knowing what to do. 
Shivaji's conduct preyed upon his heart, and the good man 
could only think of the counsequences with a shudder. 
The boy had been confided to his care, to be brought up as 
a youth of character and noble promise. But he had con- 
ceived this wayward passion and lent countenance to law- 
less acts. The excesses of the son were bound to recoil upon 
the innocent head of the father. And had not Shahaji 
the right to ask of him how he, of whom he had expected 
so much, had allowed his son to run wild, governed by a 
frenzied passion for liberty? Yes, the blame would rigLtly 


fall on him, and not all his past services would avail tc> 
atone for it. With such remorseful thoughts the good man 
sickened and slowly pined away. 1 

Dadaji indeed did the only thing he could do under 
the circumstances, to shield himself from blame, and that 
was to inform Shahaji of the strange passion for liberty 
now awakened in Shivaji's breast, warning him to take 
the proper steps to suppress it in time. Shahaji did not 
take particular notice of the warning and ordered uo change 
whatever in Shivaji's discipline or mode of living. The 
truth is that Shahaji knew the true state of affairs at Bijapur 
better than any man of his time, and he was himself secretly 
preparing for the inauguration of an independent sovereignty, 
of which more will be said at its appropriate place. 
The conclusion, therefore, which thrusts itself inevitably 
upon our minds is that the glorious thoughts of founding 
a new Hinda dynasty were not implanted in Shivaji'e 
mind by Dadaji Kondadev, who on the other hand laboured 
hard to counteract them ; and indeed had Dadaji to deal 
with a common man without insight, the current of those 
thoughts would have been stopped for ever. The real, 
impulse then came from Jijabai. How true is it that one 
sweet and loving word from the lips of a mother makes 
a deeper impression on the heart than ten thousand speeches! 

Filled with the ambition to do great deeds, Shivaji did 
not hearken to Dadaji's advice. But this disobedience only 
affected his master passion. In other regards nobody could 
be more docile. Shivaji honoured him like a father, did 
whatever he commanded him and always remembered in. 
his actions that Dadaji was the trusted friend of Shahaji. 
Dadaji sought to wean Shivaji from his violent enterprise 
by occupying his mind with other subjects. He took him 
round the different jahgir villages, explaining the revenue 

1 In the bakhar, called the Bakhar of the Marathi Swarajya ( Chro- 
nicle of the Maratha Empire ) Dadaji ia represented to have resorted to 
poison and committed suicide, being unable to withstand thia consuming, 
anxiety. The Tarikh-i- Shivaji tells the same story. 


systems and the forms of administration. He entrusted 
many of his duties to Shivaji who executed them with 
great skill and enthusiasm. But this did not divert his 
mind from his cherished schemes. It only brought him 
into immediate contact with the revenue officers, admini- 
strators and other persons of rank within the limits of the 
jahgir and created in him a greater sense of confidence 
for administrative work. 

Dadaji's spirit groaned in him to see that nothing 
could stop or stem Shivaji's violent ambition. He was 
agitated with a devouriug anxiety, which shortly affected 
his health. Jijabai and Shivaji attended him with assiduity. 
Shivaji was always by his bed-side They tried all remedies 
that were suggested to them But medicine and attendance 
notwithstanding Dadaji kept steadily sinking. When the 
moment of death was at hand, Dadaji chadded the keys of 
the treasury to Shivaji and described the management of 
the hill-forts, the districts and the army, exhorting him 
to deal kindly with the officers, and expatiating on the 
merits of every individual. He also had the clerks and 
officers brought into his presence and with his dying 
voice exhorted them to serve Shahaji with loyalty and 
devotion, and making them clasp young Shivaji's hand he 
adjured them to look upon him as their master. Having 
settled these public duties, he is said to have exhorted 
Shivaji to look after his family and dependents and to have 
expressed a cordial wish for his happiness and glory and 
the fulfilment of his noble vow to inaugurate a new state, 
for the protection of cows and Brahmans and the higher 
glory .of his religion. With these words on hi* lips, the 
loyal Dadaji Kondadev expired. He was seventy years 
old at his death. 

We have so far described two sources of Shivaji's 
education, the one being Jijabai and the other Dadaji 
Kondadev. But there was a third source, and that was 
Shahaji himself. True, the period of the operation of this 
educative force was brief, but, brief as it was, it was of the. 

L. 3. 7 


highest value in its effect upon Shivaji's career. In his short 

sojourn at Bijnpur Shivaji had endless opportunities to 

watch the working of the various departments of the Bijapnr 

government, the methods of administration, the etiquette 

of the court and the manners and fashions of the nobility. 

Shahaji commanded great influence at the Bijapur court and 

was on terms of cordiality with many of the leading 

Jtlahomedan and Maratha nobles, and Shivaji, instead of 

idling his time like the sons of the other nobles, turned these 

opportunities to good account. He frequently visited and 

made constant observation of the cantonments, the w^r-horses, 

the artillery paiks and the batteries, and, constantly making 

inquiries of expert officers, he resolved his doubts and 

registered all vital information upon the tablets of his 

memory. Shahaji himself was gratified at his son's desire 

to learn and indulged him in these pursuits. Shahaji had 

often his son beside him when arguing subtle questions of 

war or diplomacy. He had him in his company when 

attending the durbar, where his remarkable faculties of 

comprehension and observation found active exercise. All 

this produced two general effects: first, by being always in 

the company of his father, he got much useful information 

of vital influence upon his subsequent career ; and secondly, 

his disgust of Mahomedan rule was accentuated and embittered 

by all he had witnessed, and became the master passion of 

his life. 

Such was the discipline by which a great career was 
moulded and made possible. It was more or less a moral 
and an administrative discipline. As to whether, in addi- 
tion to this, he made a systematic study of any great 
authors or not, we have no information in the authentic 
chronicles. The account in the chronicle called the Shiv- 
digvijaya is very much exaggerated and is not supported 
by any other sources of information. From the praises of 
'.Shivaji by such saintly poets as Vaman, Tukaram and 
Eamdas, among his contemporaries, it might be inferred 
that he had a fair acquaintance with books. But it is plain 


that the biographers of Shivaji, being more or less men of 
action, set little store by bookish knowedge and scarcely, 
if ever, refer to it. And the life of this great man has 
to convey, among others, this lesson that practical wisdom 
is often times a more efficient factor of success than lite- 
rary knowledge. 


THE Marathi chroniclers are silent upon the early 
preparations of Shivaji in furtherance of his ambitious 
plans. That ambition in its essence comprehended the 
deliverance of his country from a very unbearable 
Mahomedan tyranny, the raising of the fabric of an in- 
dependent national government, and the expulsion of 
Mahomedan bigotry from the land. The scanty material 
available on the subject has been laid under contribu- 
tion but with extreme caution and reserve in the account 
that follows. 

On his return to Poona, as described in the last chapter, 
Shivaji went out on various reconnoitring expeditions over 
the surrounding mountain tracts under pretence of a 
personal inspection of his jahgir. Attended by persons 
who from birth were familiar with the geographical condi- 
tions of the upland parts of the Western ghats, and form- 
ing acquaintance with the chiefs and men of position in 
every town and village, he surveyed all those inaccessible 
regions with a close scrutiny into the mountain fortresses 
and places of military advantage. He examined the routes 
of communication, the by-paths and mountain defiles, the 
glens and tne valleys. His companions admired the ardent 
zeal he manifested in informing himself about the topogra- 
phical conditions of these mountains. It was natural for 
them to be astonished that this young heir of a rising jah- 
girdar bhou Id expose himself to sun and shower, surmount- 
ing ascents and precipices, defying the attacks of wild 
beasts and a hundred other dangers, apparently with no 
other motive than an insatiable thirst for geographical 
iniormation. Young Shivaji spent whole days and nights, 
wandering from foieso to forest and mountain to mountain, 
with the swiftness of foot and gliding movement peculiar 
to the aboriginal tribes of these mountains. It was not easy 
for his companions to conceive how necessary these tours of 


inspection were to the career to which the young chief felt 
himself to be called as it were by the voice of duty. While 
making these explorations he was silently achieving another 
object of equally great importance, that of winning over 
a loyal body of followers and supporters. 

There was a kind of personal magnetism by which young 
Shivaji attracted every heart towards himself. A few 
moments' conversation sufficed to draw with a magic 
fascination thd highest and the lowest persons in the land 
to follow his least inclinations. In conversation with young 
Shivaji every man instantly forgot all the restraints of 
reserve and laid bare before him his most secret thoughts 
and the innermost impulses of life. Shivaji put all men at 
their ease with such magic tact and courtesy that all 
thought they were pouring out their hearts to one who was 
their equal. He listened to their tales of sorrow and anguish 
and won them over to his heart with the closest bonds of 
affection, friendship and gratitude. His purse was alwaya 
at the call of these companions of his early boyhood. 

This lavish generosity entailed a large expenditure 
which considerably exceeded his slender allowance. Dadaji 
remonstrated with him for this drain on the jahgir reve- 
nues "You are, of course, the master," said Dadaji, "and I 
am bound to make any payment to anybody you want on your 
account. But when you exceed your allowance, it must be at 
the expense of the annual remittance to be sent to Shahaji, and 
I shall have to account for the shortage. You must there- 
fore get your allowance increased, and I shall have no objec- 
tion to your extravagance. " Shivaji retorted it was not 
for Dadaji to be anxious about his prodigality, and he would 
procure his father's sanction for the expenses beyond his 
fixed allowance. Dadaji was quite mystified at this reply. 
He did not see that there was rhyme or reason in Shivaji'e 
mad extravagance. He had no wide range of thought or 
outlook upon affairs. His practical wisdom and philoso- 
phy was directed to the one absorbing task of procuring 


the largest possible revenue for Shahaji from year to year. 

Thus did Shivaji go on forming a large circle of clients 
and dependents, every one of whom was imbued with 
a thorough faith in his master's nobility of heart. Their 
enthusiasm kindled into a loyal devotion and self-sacri- 
ficing passion towards the person of Shivaji. It was 
a strange attraction they felt towards him. In this circle of 
dependents, a large number of those who had won the entire 
favour and confidence of Shivaji were the Mavalis. These 
were rude and semi-civilized people, with an aspect any- 
thing but prepossessing. But under their rude exteriors, 
burnt hearts the most faithful and upright amoung Shivaji's 
followers. They had a strong faith in the unerring wis- 
dom of their master and executed his most difficult orders 
with a display of sagacity and agility for which no one could 
have given tnem credit. They were brought up in the 
creed of passive obedience and unquestioning service. To 
them once a master always a master. Inured to poverty 
and frugal in their living, the employer who provided 
them with the means of coarse subsistence and clothing 
earned fro-n them such a gratitude that they would court 
the greatest dangers and sacrifice their lives in his service. 
Dadaji Kondadev was the first to detect the sterling vir- 
tues in the heart of these rude mountaineers, and he main- 
tained a corps of them in his service. Sbivaji did not take 
long to ascertain their qualities. By his affection and 
generosity towards these humble people he made them his 
own. These mountaineers lived in the highlands of Shivaji's 
jahgir. They obtained a precarious living from the roots 
and shrubs in the mountain forests. They fwere quite at 
home in the zig-zag paths and mountain defiles over these 
woodlands. When Shivaji went on his tours of inspection 
he took these men as his guides. He soon became their 
idol. Only in him had they found in their experience of 
centuries one who was not repelled by their rude rusticity 
and sylvan manners, but who on the contrary treated them 
with courtesy and affection. This conviction bred in them 


a great pride and enthusiasm for their master, for whose 
prosperity they would renounce their fortunes, the ties of 
personal affection and life itself. Their spirit of self-sur- 
render was many a time put to the proof, and no adversity, 
however great, could turn them away from the feet of the 
master. The leaders of these Mavalis, occupying the rank 
of deahmukha among their tribes, were the earliest and 
closest of Shivaji's friends. The names of three of them 
have become famous in Maratha history. These three were 
Yesaji Kunk, Tanaji Malusare 1 and Baji Fasalkar. These 
three men commanded great influence among the Mavalis. 
They had a share from the beginning in all the young 
ambitions of Shivaji, and as the exigencies of his statecraft 
developed themselves in course of time, they performed the 
most glorious feats and exploits, sacrificing even their lives 
on the altar of personal friendship and devotion. 

Although Shivaji's ambitious designs received scant 
encouragement from Dadaji Kondadev, he succeeded in 
winning over all the assistant staff of that loyal financier. 
When the deshmukhs or procurators of revenue, from the 
various towns came on business to Poona, Shivaji was for 
hours closeted with them, setting forth his projects, asking 
their opinions and pleading for their adherence; and such was 
the fascination exercised upon their minds by his speech and 
courtesy, that the conversation invariably terminated in 
a league of enduring friendship. When Shivaji himself went 
in person on his tours of inspection over his paternal 
estates, he allowed no opportunity to elude him of inter- 
viewing the various deshmukhs and drawing them into his 
alliance. Such of the Maratha nobility and gentry in the 
neighbourhood as had occasion to visit him at Poona were 
entertained in such a lavish and magnificent st}le, that 
they invariably departed his fast friends and sympathisers. 
Much as they might criticise his comparative youthfulnest 

1 Tanaji Malusare however was not strictly a Mavali deshmakh. 
He was a deshmukh of Umrathe in the Konkan lowland? baneath the 


and inexperience, they could not help testify ing to his courage 
and enthusiasm, or acknowledging the practicability of the 
schemes he submitted to their approval. Their assent was 
promptly given, and their cordial sympathy and co-operation 
was secured to the cause. There was indeed a singular persua- 
siveness in the youthful hero, which, along with the cordia- 
lity of his offers, his religious enthusiasm and the unmis- 
takable ring of sincerity in his hatred of Mahomedan rule, 
made even the most self-centred of them partake of his 
enthusiasm, reciprocate his feelings and embrace his pro- 
posals. They had besides the object-lesson of Shahaji's 
great triumphs; and the conviction was easily bred in them 
that the son of such a father would certainly lead them forth 
to victory and deliverance from the thral lorn of Islam. 
Thus they became willing partisans in the causr ; and the few 
who hesitated or refused soon had occasion to repent of their 

It is time to review very briefly the influences which 
seemed to favour a id for the restoration of the national 
independence of Maharashtra. 

The first asset in the cause of the national regeneration 
that Shivaji possessed was the example of his father. He 
had the great example before him of the defender of the 
Nizamshahi dynasty against the Moguls, and the reviver 
of that sovereignty after its extinction. It was plain that 
the ultimate discomfiture of Shahaji could only be ascribed 
to the overwhelming armaments of the Mogul invaders. 
The curtain had fallen upon these early activities of 
Shahaji, only to disclose a new scene of almost regal pomp 
and splendour in the Karnatic. The experiences of Shahaji, 
both in his victories and failures, had established the fact 
that with a proper band of disciplined followers it was not 
only possible but easily practicable to overthrow the Maho- 
medan power in Maharashtra and to establish an inde- 
pendent Hindu sovereignty in its place. Fired with a 
desire to outshine his father's greatness, Shivaji had the 
sagacity to perceive and to remedy the defects in his system. 


He often openly expressed hia regret that Shahaji should 
have thought it necessary, after his distinguished career 
against the Moguls, to take service under Bijapur and shine 
by the reflected light of the Adilshahi dynasty. 

Another circumstance which confirmed Shivaji in his 
ambitious resolves, was the discontent of many of the local 
chiefs and procurators of revenue or deshmukhs, with the 
Mahomedan government. 1 Emboldened by the prevailing 
disturbance and misrule, the inevitable precursors of revolu- 
tion and change, these men carried on an uncertain war and 
brigandage among themselves. It was indeed a time of 
"betlum omnium contra omnes," and the Bijapur govern- 
ment exercised little of the rights of a sovereign state over 
these parts. It was almost an impossible feat to unite to- 
gether these warring chiefs under a common standard or to 
give their bellicose spirit a higher purpose. Shivaji suc- 
ceeded in the seemingly impossible task, healed the scars of 
private feuds and concentrated their powers to be brought 
into action for the higher ideal of a national enterprise. 

The third circumstance, which it is necessary to advert 
to, is the fact that the districts of Poona. Supa, Maval and 
other tracts had for a long time been under the Nizamshahi 
state of Ahmednagar, and the troublous times of the Mogul 
invasions and the rapid vicissitudes through which the 
Ahmednagar state had passed had produced a general laxity 
of administration, with next to no supervision on the part of 
the central government. It is true indeed that these districts 
had at the time of the final partition and territorial adjust- 
ment passed under the Bijapur flag, but this change was so 
recent and the transfer had created such complications, 
that the Bijapur government had scarcely felt its way to 
bring under its direct authority these frontier parts of its 
dominions. There was a marked insufficiency of the 
military garrisons and equipments in the hill- forts, and the 

1 A good deal of light has been thrown upon the eocial, political and 
economic conditien of the Maval deahmukha by Mr. Raj wade in the later 
volumes of hia work ( Vol. 15 to 18). 


growing dissensions in the Bijapur council were not calculated 
to improve the situation. But the government of Bijapur 
had lulled itself into a belief in its security by continuing 
these districts in jahgir to Shahaji, who had held them from 
time to time since the times of Maloji. Dadaji Kondadev had 
administered the jahgir with great bkill and wisdom. The 
people were happy and prosperous under a practically 
Hindu regime and had no desire to pass under the direct 
authority of the sultan. What wonder then that when 
they saw a noble spirit like Shivaji, himself the son of an 
approved leader like Shahaji, embarking upon the ambitious 
plan of a revived Hindu sovereignty and marked his never- 
failing genius and enthusiasm in all his operations, they 
came forth to acclaim the hero and devote themselves 
unreservedly to his cause and service ? 

That Shivaji had the ability to conduct the affairs of 
a new monarchy from its very foundation has been amply 
shown by the original administrative reforms he introduced 
as a ruler, the rudiments of which he had learnt at home t 
in listening to the conversation of Dadaji Kondadev, Jijabai 
and the jahgir officers. To this was joined the experience 
he had gained during his short residence at Bijapur. On 
account of the pre-eminent position of Shahaji at that court, 
Shivaji was able to watch the despatch of public business 
on some of the most momentous questions then engaging 
the attention of that state. Shivaji's followers therefore 
had no misgivings on this ground. Nor on tha other hand 
was there much fear to be entertained on the ground of 
the arduous nature of the task and the inadequacy of the 
means for its fulfilment. The peculiar facilities for the 
undertaking of such an enterprise, which were offered by 
the political situation of the time, Shivaji had seized upon 
with an intuitive judgment that well qualified him for the 
duties of a ruler. More than this could not be expected 
and surely was not needed for a general of such natural 
talents and abilities, stimulated as his ambition ever wan by 
the impulsive zeal of his mother and the glory shed on the 
Bhonsle name by his father. 


IN THE last chapter a brief sketch was attempted of 
the early preparations of Shivaji for the realization of his 
ambition : the exploration of mountain fastnesses and hill- 
forts mountain paths and defiles, and the mustering toge- 
ther of a band of devoted friends and supporters. In this 
chapter we propose to trace his earliest activities as parts 
of a premeditated aggressive programme. 

At the outset we meet with a heresy to which certain 
historians, the principal of whom is Mr. Raj wade ( Vol. 
IV, page 73 of his "Materials for the History of the Mara- 
thas" ), have given currency. These historians maintain 
that the beginnings of independence were made not by 
Shivaji but by Dadaji t Kondadev and his officers at the 
instance of Shahaji himself, and that at a time when 
Shivaji was barely eleven or twelve years of age. In support 
of this contention, Mr. Raj wade quotes the chronicler, 
Sabhasad, to the following effect: "Immediately on the 
return from Bangalore to Poona, Dadaji captured the 
twelve Mavali glens and slew the Mavali deshmukhs who 
were raiding the country." 

It does not however follow from this statement that 
the idea of an independent Hindu state had been already 
conceived and its execution entrusted to Dadaji Kondadev 
by Shahaji. The context of Sabhasad's statement makes it 
clear that the districts of the twelve Mavals, with Bara- 
mati and Indapur, were added to S* a' aji's jahgir for his 
eminent services in the Karnatic, and that in 1638 on his 
return from Bangalore, Dadaji Kondadev in pursuance of the 
orders he had received from Shahaji proceeded to take posses- 
sion of the recently ceded districts by a war of conquest and 
the defeat of the local deshmukhs. Shahaji was just feeling 
his way to a permanent position at the Bijapur court, and 
he was not likely to contemplate any act of rebellion against 
Bijapur at the imminent risk of wrecking his new-built 


fortune. As a motive for this imaginary plan of forming 
an independent monarchy in the Maval districts, in. concert 
with Dadaji Kondadev Mr. Raj wade points to the private 
enemies of Shahaji in the Karnatic, such as Afzul Khan, 
Maloji Ghorpade and other nobles of Bijapur who looked 
askance upon his rising power in the Karnatic. Such pri- 
vate enmities had probably no existence in point of fact so 
early as 1638. The animosities between Shahaji and Afzul 
Khan and other nobles of Bijapur began eight or ten years 
later. The history of Bijapur at this earlier period of 
Shahaji's career in the Karnatic makes scarcely any allu- 
sion to Afzul Khan and the other enemies of Shahaji of a 
later time. And if Dadaji had ever concerted with Shahaji 
a plan for establishing an independent power in the Maval 
districts, it is difficult to conceive why seven or eight years 
later the same individual should have entered such emphatic 
protests against Shivaji's designs. Such a position would 
have been quite ridiculous for a prudent man of affairs like 
Dadaji to take up in dealing with the enterprising pro- 
gramme conceived by Shivaji and is entirely at variance 
with the received tradition that the pertinacity of Shivaji 
brought Dadaji to an early grave, or, as is sometimes asserted, 
made him commit suicide by resorting to poison. Nor 
was an experienced statesman like Shahaji likely to entrust 
such a serious charge to Dadaji's insignificant force of a 
thousand men or thereabout when he had whole regiments 
at his command in the Karnatic. Nor is there any shred of 
evidence that a large army was ever sent under Dadaji 
from Bangalore to .Maharashtra. Lastly there is this con- 
sideration: why should Shahaji have ever confided an 
enterprise of such gravity and consequence to another, 
when he was himself the greatest military leader of his 
time in all the Deccan ? In short, the best that can be said 
for this theory is that it is an inconsiderate attempt to cast 
a shadow upon Shivaji's greatness by transferring the origi- 
nality of his design to a lesser personage. Our line of argu- 
ment is quite consistent with the view that Shahaji himself 
had his own designs of independence, a subject which we 


have sufficiently adverted to in a foregoing chapter. The 
crux of the question is whether upon Shahaji's advice 
a plan for a campaign of independence in Maharashtra had 
ever been conceived. If such an attempt had really been 
made, what circumstances conspired to put an end to it 
And why should Dadaji have shown seven years later such 
a total change of front on the subject ? 

As against our line of argument an objection may be 
raised somewhat to this effect. If Shahaji harboured no 
designs for independence in Maharashtra, it may be argued, 
why shouldT he not have taken steps to punish Shivaji,- 
nay even expel him from his jahgir, when complaints 
were made by Dadaji Kondadev, and when the Bijapur 
government itself took him to task for it ? It is easy to 
reply to this objection. By the time Shivaji began his 
aggressions against Bijapur, Shahaji's authority was well 
rooted in the Karnatic, his jahgir possessions had been ex- 
panded on all sides, and nis will was supreme law in the 
south. The Bijapur governmept was rent by party fac- 
tions, and he had profited by the confusion to place his 
authority on a sort of autocratic basis. It was at such 
a time that the complaints against Shivaji came to him, 
a time which Shahaji felt was eminently favourable for such 
an attempt. With a secret approval of his son's designs 
and a belief in their practicability, and yet wishing to have 
no interruption in his chosen paths to independence, he 
disavowed responsibility for Shivaji's actions and professed 
a sort of time-serving neutrality upon this subject. His 
conduct clearly shows that the thoughts of liberty were in 
his heart, nor was he so debased or perverted as to prefer 
a gilded servitude to true independence. But there is 
nothing in his conduct to lend countenance to the view 
that he had begun to defy the Bijapur government so early 
as 1638. It is true that in the latter part of his career he 
was practically independent in the Karnatic. But never 
did Shahaji like his BOD openly defy the Bijapur govern- 


Shivaji Raw the Mogul and Mahometan power spread 
over the western ghats, but he was shrewd enough to see, 
as others were not, that the foundations of the Mahome- 
tan power over the ghats were not rooted deep enough 
to defy either the assault of a foreign power without or 
of rebellion within. It was apparent that the Mahomedan 
powers had always made little of these mountain fastnesses 
and had never troubled themselves about strengthening 
their outposts on the frontiers or garrisoning the hill-forts 
with sufficient forces for defence l He therefore resolved 

i From papers published by Mr. Rajwade (Vol. XV*of his ''Materials 
for a History of the Marathas") some evidence of Shivaji's pioneer attempts 
for independence, dating already as early as i645, is now iorth-coming. 
From a letter of Shivaji in reply to the Prabhu Deshpande, kulkarni of the 
vale of Rohida, in which the name of Dadaji Kondadev is mentioned as 
being privy to certain intrigues between this deshpande and Shivaji himself, 
an attempt is made to represent Dadaji Kondadev as not merely the 
promoter but the inspirer of Shivaji's plans. Dadaji's work in the conquest 
of the Maval? was however a part of his administrative duty as the 
procurator of Shahaji's jahgir, and was probably made in pursuance of bis 
general orders for the settlement of the district. Whatever the original 
compact with this Prabhu family might have been, it is clear from 
Rajwade (Vol. XV pp. 272-73) that they undertook to devote themselves to 
the prosecution of Shivaji's designs for the achievement of Swarajya and 
espoused his cause, though the enemies of their fnmily carried tales to 
the local Bijapur authorities at Shirval. The Jedbes, who were the desh- 
mukhs of Rohida, very early espoused Shivaji's cause. They had originally 
been in the Bijapur service, but about the time when Randulla Khan and 
Shahaji marched against the Moguls ( 1635 A. D. ), they joined Shabaji 
( Jedhe Chronology, p. 178 ) probably with a view to enlist his support 
against the Khopde family who disputed the deshmukh rights over that 
particular district. The result of this intervention was that at a later 
date we find the Khopdes on the side of Afzul Khan, while the Jedbes and 
most other Maval deshmukhs or at least their followers remained on the 
aide of Shivaji, whom they also assisted in the war with the Mores of Javli 
(Jedhe Chronology, pp. 180 and 181 ). Another enemy of the Jedhe family 
was Bandal of Hirdas Maval who had usurped their lands. Dadaji 
Kondadev marched agaist Bandal. but was defeated (Rajwade's Vol.XV,316, 
393 ) and had to retreat to his head-quarters at Shivapur. In the end with 
the help of Kanhoji Jedhe, Dadaji Kondadev made his peace with Bandal 
and brought about a good understanding with the leaders of the twelve 
Mavals, excepting the Khopdes, and after the death of Dadaji we find them 
co-operating with Sbivaji in all his operations. In 1648 we find Jedhe Naik 
was with Shahaji in the South and was arrested along with him by 


io direct his first operations against the ghat country, 
subjugate the hill-forts and carry the adjoining tracts of 
mountain land along with them. He knew that, do what 
the Mahomedan powers could, they would nf ver get per- 
manent control over hia highlands, unless and until the 
Hindu population itself chose to put themselves entirely 
in their hands. The first part of Shivaji's programme 
therefore was to make his own what the Mahometans had 
so long failed to dominate, and use the hill-forta both for 
purposes of defence and offence, as strategical positions 
commanding the entire ghat country and compelling the 
'adherence and allegiance of the deshmukhs in the neigh- 
bourhood. On nearly all the hill-forts there were nominal 
garrisons maintained by the Bijapur government, who were 
practically like mounted sentinels keeping watch. It was 
not to Shivaji's interest, nor was it then in his power, to 
declare open enmity with them. He resolved to carry his 
point by stratagem. About twenty miles, to the south- 
west of Poona, lay the fort of Torna. Shivaji despatched 
Yessaji Kunk, Tanaji Malusare and Baji Fasalkar to open 
negotiations with the governor of the fort, asking him to 
make over the fortress for the present to Shivaji, who, it 
was represented to them, was in communication with the 
sultan for the purpose. By these insinuations, reinforced 
by persuasive gold, the fort of Torna fell into Shivaji's 
hands in 1646 1 . 

Mustapha Khan. After his liberation Shahaji thanked him and exhorted 
him thenceforth to anchor his fortunes with those of Shivaji at Poona and 
support him with all his power. Thus it was that the Jedhes, the Silim- 
kars and even the Bandals co-operated with Shivaji enthusiastically in the 
wars with Chandrarao More and Aizul Khan ( Vide Jedhe Chronology pp. 
179,-lSO). This is clear proof that fchahaji not only secretly sympathised 
with the plans of Shivaji but did hia best to promote them by furnish- 
ing hia son with the services of a most loyal body of auxiliaries. It will 
be eeen that in his petty wars Dadaji Kondadev only foiled out the policy 
of Shahaji, the eventual complications of which that able administrator 
did not probably foresee. 

1 Khafi Khan eaye that the first fort captured by Shivaji was 


This was the first overt act of spoliation against Bijapur, 
and to lend it an ostensible colouring and retain possession 
of his prize, Shivaji promptly despatched his deputies to 
Bijapur, representing to that government that the taking 
over by Shivaji of the fort of Torna was entirely in the 
interest of the government, tht*t a loyal servant like him bad 
better be in charge of a sequestered fortress like Torna, in 
preference to adventurous officers,and that in virtue of his new 
position as governor of the lort, he would be able to compel 
the deshmukhs to render true accounts of revenue to the 
state, thus saving immense sums of money annually to the 
government. Asa practical proof of his good intentions, he 
undertook to pay over to the government a far larger 
revenue than the average of the last ten years. The govern- 
ment took a long time to draft a reply to these representa- 
tions, which was just what Shivaji wanted, for in the 
meanwhile his agents were lavish with presents and bribes 
among the officers of the court and secured a favourable 
reply to the petition. Meanwhile the fortifications of Torna 
were being radically overhauled and renovated, and when 
completely restored the name of Prachandgad was given 
to it. In course of these operations Shivaji had the good 
luck to unearth a quantity of buried treasure among the 
debris of the fort. Shivaji ascribed the find to the favour 
of the goddess Bhawani and caused a rumour to be spread 
that this was A proof of her favourable interest in his enter- 
prise This made his cause a popular cause, and the 
enthusiasm of the multitude knew no bounds. Shivaj 
devoted the treasure to the purchase of arms and ammuni- 
tion and the erection of a new fort of his own. 

To the south-east of Torna fort, at a distance of about 
three miles there was a barren mountain called Murbad, 1 
of considerable strategical value. This Shivaji resolved to 
transform into a fortress-town with impregnable defences. 
The mountain spurs projected on three sides. They were also 

1 Variously called Mudrodev and Durgadevi Mount by other chro- 
niclers. The Shedgarkar uakhar calls it Mnsaldev ( p. 19. ) 


strongly fortified with ramparts. The central fort wa* 
christened Rajgad and it was adorned with a spacious 
palace. The projecting redoubts were named Suvela,. 
Sanjivani, and Padmavati respectively. The Shivadig- 
vijay states that only the projecting forts were the crea- 
tion of Shivaji. The central fort existed before and 
was won by a stroke of diplomacy. Dadaji Kondadev 
had reclaimed the dense jungh around the village of 
Khedber between Poona and Shirval and by the careful 
culture of mango groves in this wilderness converted it 
into a thriving centre, under the name of Shivapur, after 
the name ot his master Shivaji. This new town was peopled 
by inhabitants from the Maval and Konkan regions, who 
gladly acknowledged the authority, of Shivaji. At Shivapur 
he uve laws and heard cases, civil and criminal. 


While the entrenchments of fort Rajgad were ii> 
progn ss, a report of these doings of Shivaji reached the 
Bijapur government. The sultan immediately issued orders 
to Sliivaji to put a stop to the fortifications and demanded 
explanation of these acts from Shahaji in the Karnatic. 
That warrior replied that neither had Shivaji consulted 
him in these things, nor was he doing anything upon his 
father's advice; but he and his family were loyal vassals of 
the Adil.-hahi state, and that being so, whatever Shivaji 
was doing in the way of fortification must be for the improve- 
ment or safety of his jahgir. The Bijapur state possessed no 
reliable fortress in the neighbourhood of his jahgir, and 
Shivaji ini^ht have thought of curing this defect. In this 
Shivaji could not be said to be doing any disservice to the 
Bijapur state. S'ich was the purport of Shahaji's reply. 
At the same time he wrote to Dadaji and Shivaji protesting 
against the-e acts of his son and exhorting him to reform 
his ways. Dadaji had already notified Shahaji of the latest 
doiii/s of his son and exhausted his eloquence in vain to 
bring back S ivaji to the piths of worldly wisdom 
and easy security, with what effect, has already been* 

L. S. 8 


Soon after followed the death of Dadaji Kond-idev, and 
Shivaji took up personal charge of the jahgir, administer- 
ing it in the name of his father. Shortly after, Shahaji's 
agents came to demand the arrears of the jahgir revenue. 
Shivaji dismissed them with the curt reply that the produces 
of the sterile fields scarcely sufficed for the cost of adminis- 
tration, and as the Karnatic estates of his father were both 
extensive and fertile, he had better maintain himself on 
that source of revenue. Shahaji does not seem to have 
resented this answer. It would seem that he was gratified 
with the early promise of a great career in the resourceful 
conduct of his son. Some time later he voluntarily made 
over to Shivaji the entire charge and usufruct of the Maha- 
rashtra jahgir, with au expression of delight at the skill 
and statesmanship of which his son had already given 
unmistakable evidence. And wisely indeed was this step 
taken by Shahaji. There were civil dissensions at Bijapur 
and anarchy reigned in all departments of government. 
The wiser plan for Shahaji was to watch events calmly, 
with a firm grasp upon his Karnatic possessions. Shivaji's 
progress in Maharashtra was also fraught with grave danger 
to his personal security. By keeping a distance between 
himself and Shivaji and putting him in full authority over 
his Maharashtra interests, Shahaji might be free at any 
moment to renounce any responsibility for his daring acts. 
With this prudent counsel, Shahaji now settled for good in 
the Karnatic. 

Now it happened that among these jahgir estates was 
the district of Supa, which hitherto had been administered 
by Baji Mohite, the brother-in-law of Shahaji, being 
in fact the brother of his second wife. He was also 
in charge of a squadron of 300 horse. On the death 
of Dadaji, Shivaji wrote to him to bring the squadron 
and the jahgir accounts personally to Poona. Mohite did 
not obey this order and, instead of replying to the message, 
expressed his astonishment to the bearer of the despatch 
that Shivaji should play the landlord in the life-time of 


his father, whose great position alone had hitherto screened 
him from condign punishment . for his acts of lawlessness 
and rapacity within the Bijapur territory. He wound up 
this solemn denunciation with an .expression of alarm for 
:he safety of Shahaji, should his. son persist in his hare- 
urained enterprise, not forgetting to give the gratuitous 
counsel : ne sutor ultra crepidam. The messengers made 
a faithful report of these utterances to Shivaji, and one 
can well understand how his blood must have boiled in 
his veins at this representation of his acts. His revenge 
was swift and sudden. The Shimga festival coming on, 
Shivaji called on this refractory step- uncle with a small 
guard of Mayalis, under pretence of asking and receiving 
the customary Shimga presents. The trick succeeded. 
Mohite was taken prisoner, his territory and horse captured 
and the jewels and treasury seized. 1 Mohite was treated 
as became his rank and relation with Shahaji. Shivaji 
tried his best to persuade him to side with him. But per- 
suasion had no force with Mohite, who with his followers 
was at last sent to Shahaji in the Karnatic, with a proper 

A small event this, but it had great influence upon the 
minds both of supporters and strangers. They saw the 
sort of man they had to deal with. A man who had acted 
so sternly towards the brother-in-law of his father, and 
withal a faithful and zealous officer of Shahaji, was cer- 
tainly not a person to be trifled with. The circumstance 
aroused a sense of responsibility and fear among his 

The fort of Chakan lies to the east of Poona. It com- 
manded the line of communication between Poona and the 
Deccan plateau. The possession of this fortress went a 
great way towards securing the sovereignty of the country. 
The fortress had recently been the scene of important events 

1 other bakhars speak of a midnight raid upon Supa resulting in the 
capture and imprisonment of Mohite and hie followers. The Jedhe chro- 
nology gives a very late date to this event, viz. 1656. Sabhasad calls him. 
Sambbaji Mohite. 


in the career of Shahaji. That redoubted warrior had first 
obtained it in jahgir from the Nizamshahi sultan. When 
Shahaji had to fly the country from the vindictive pursuit 
of Jadhav, the possession of this important fortress passed, 
into the hands of two turbulent polygar chiefs, Martand 
Dev and Honappa Deshpande. These chiefs were reduced 
and taken prisoners by Shahaji's friend, Murar Rao Jagdev 
of Bijapur, who made over the fortress again to its legiti- 
mateowner, Shahaji. Dadaji Kondadev, in his administrative 
capacity as Shahaji's minister of affairs, had a ^pointed 
Firangoji Narsala as havaldar, or garrison commander 
of this fort. On the death of Dadaji, Firangoji made him- 
self independent at Chakan. Shivaji opened negotiations 
in a conciliatory spirit and induced him to surrender the 
fort. Firangoji submitted quietly and was rewarded with 
a continuation of the garrison command of the fort in 
Shivaji's service. The old officers under Shahaji threw in 
their lot with Shivaji, excepting an old cavalry officer, Bilal 
Pagya, whd was permitted to revert to his old allegiance 
at Shahaji's head-quarters. 

In course of time, Firangoji Narsala captured the fort of 
Shivneri and planted Shivaji's flag upon his birth-place. 
Fir&ugoji was entrusted with the command of this fcrt, in. 
addition to his former command, and it was left to him to 
introduce , Dadaji Kondadev's improved revenue system 
in the neighbouring villages. 

Shivaji now turned his attention to the fort of Kondana, 
in the immediate vicinity of Poona. With his innate mili- 
tary instincts, .he at once saw how indispensable the posses- 
sion of this fort was for the permanent security of Poona. 
The seizure of this fort would strengthen Shivaji's jahgir 
possessions around Poona. But it was no light task to 
capture this fort. The Bijapur government maintained a 
strong garrison upon the fort under a Mahomedan officer, 
Shivaji was not yet powerful enough to advance openly to 
an encounter with such a force, an event which would have 
been the prtlude to a larger movement on the part of the 


Bijapur government. An open war with Bijapur at this 
stage of his career would have been a suicidal act. Shivaji 
therefore made up his mind to win over the fort by bribing 
the commander, and in this he had immediate success. The 
fort was no sooner won than Shivaji proceeded to overhaul 
its fortifications. With its new entrenchments and muni- 
tions of war, the fort entered upon a new career of vigorous 
activity under the name of Sinhagad, or the Lion's Fort. 

The fort of Purandar and the neighbouring territory 
was in the charge of a capable Brahman officer, Nilkant 
Haibatrao, who held the fort and lands in inam from the 
defunct Nizamshahi dynasty. When the Nizamshahi terri- 
tory came in course of time to be annexed to the widening 
Mogul Empire, Nilkant succeeded in carving out an in- 
dependent for tune "lor himself within the secluded fastnesses 
of fort Purandar. He maintained a friendly attitude 
towards Shivaji and Dadaji till his death, which occurred 
within a short time after that of Dadaji. He left behind 
him three sons, of whom the eldest Nilopant succeeded in 
swallowing up the entire patrimony, regardless of the 
interest and birth-right of his younger brothers, Pilaji and 
Sankraji, who not unnaturally maintained that they should 
all have equal rights to the succession and command of the 
fort. The family bickering had been in progress for some 
time, when Nilopant observing what strides Shivaji was 
making in the expansion of his power cultivated his 
friendship. Shivaji was much perplexed over this fort, the 
acquisition of which seemed essential for the success of bis 
enterprise. Open hostilities were impossible on account of 
the ties of alliance which had descended from sire to son. 
Public opinion was sure to be outraged by a declaration of 
hostilities. But for the efficient military control of his jahgir 
districts of Baramati, Indapur and Supa the acquisition of 
Purandar became an act of imperative necessity. Shivaji saw 
the accession of military strength the fortress was bound to 
bring to his possessions, and the insecurity to his own inter- 
asts that the passing of the fort into hostile hands was sure 


to bring in its train. 'This, at any rate, he was resolved tc 

While the fraternal dissensions were at their height, 
Shivaji, with a chosen band of his Mavalis, entered the 
Purandar territory, with the ostensible purpose of a tour in 
the Supa district. No sooner were the two younger brothers 
apprised of Shivaji's approach than they sent to invite 
him to fort Purandar to arbitrate upon the dispute. 1 
Upon this Shivaji made a halt and quartered his men at 
the temple of Narayan under the fort. A sudden march 
upon the fort might rouse Nilopant's suspicion, and this 
Shivaji wanted to avoid as much as possible. On the other 
hand the younger brothers had no courage to descend and 
openly join Shivaji. In this uncertainty, the soldiers and 
officers of the garrison began to reflect upon the growing 
evils of the fraternal strife. Things were drifting they 
could not see how and might end in the seizure of the 
fort by an outsider. Far better they thought if the fort 
were to pass under Shivaji, their ueighbour, than 
under an utter stranger. Shivaji owned the surrounding 
country and was fast becoming the lord of the hill- 
forts round about. Under his iron hand anarchy was 
impossible. What leader more valiant and chivalrous could 
they ever hope to serve ? Such thoughts were passing 
through their minds. They concerted their plans and deter- 
mined to invite Shivaji to the fort. They represented tc 
the dissentient brothers the wisdom of cultivating friendly 
feelings between their family and that of Shivaji, and that 
the valiant leader being under the walls of the fort and 
the time being that of the Divali festival, the most festive 
time of the year in the Deccan, it would be but an exercise 
of common courtesy to welcome him to partake of the 
hospitality of the fort. They further advised the brothers 
to lay their mutual complaints befor Shivaji and abide by 

1 The author of the Rairi bakhar says that Shivaji asked for and 
obtained from Nilopant permission to spend the autumn at the foot of fort 
Purandar, and upon this Shivaji came into the country under the fort in 
company with Jijabai. 


bis decision. Thus persuaded, the three brothers descended 
from the fort with the object of according a warm welcome 
to Shivaji and invited him in the most cordial terms to 
accept their hospitality in the auspicious season of Divali. 
Shivaji protested that he wag not alone and could not indeed 
leave his followers in the season of festivity. Upon this 
the welcome was extended to the whole party, and for three 
days they enjoyed the hospitality of the fort. During this 
time, it io but due to Shivaji to say that he used all per- 
suasive arts to pour oil upon the troubled waters, but 
nothing that he could think of could heal the feuds in the 
family. The arts of reconciliation were tried in vain. The 
two younger brothers pleaded that they had no hopes of 
justice at the bands of their brother and offered to put 
themselves under Shivaji's protection. On the night of the 
third day, while the company were conversing, Nilopant 
feeling drowsy retired to sleep. Shivaji suggested to the 
younger brothers that they should seize this opportunity 
and imprison a brother who turned a deaf ear to all con- 
ciliatory proposals. The brothers eagerly fell in with this 
proposal. Shi/aji called his Mavalis and enlisted the 
sympathy of the garrison forces for a concerted coup de 
main with the mutual help of his own soldiers and the 
garrison. Nilopant was surprised while asleep and put under 
arrest. The three brothers were marched out of the fortress, 
which itself was taken possession of by Shivaji's men. 
Their inam lands were equally divided among them, and 
they were ordered to reside on the lower heights under 
the fort. In course of time they were given offices in 
Shivaji's government and prospered in his service. Thus was 
the fort of Purandar captured without a drop of blood, 
with the result of a great accession of military strength to 
Shivaji's districts of Supa and Indapur. 

Soon after this event, Mankoji Dahatonde captured the 
fort of Visapur under Shivaji's orders. An Abyssinian 
officer of Shahaji, Sidi Bilal the Abyssinian, was in autho- 
rity at this fort, and Shivaji intended at first to continue 


him in command. But when the proposal was made to him, 
the Abyssinian replied that Shivaji was a lawless adven- 
turer, his career one of unrestrained violence, his course 
ultimately bound to end in ruin: he would not take service 
under Shi vaji's flag. Shivaji showed no resentment at this 
scathing criticism on the part of a veteran officer of his 
father. Without the least insult or indignity to his person, 
but rather with many marks of esteem and laden with a 
profusion of favours, the veteran was allowed to return to 

In this manner did Shivaji proceed to reduce the nume- 
rous hill-forts bordering upon his jahgir and render his 
position as secure and impregnable as possible. Upto this 
period he had had no occasion to court open hostilities with 
Bijapur. True indeed, two or three forts, such as those of 
Torna and Kondana, were seized directly from the military 
authorities of the Bijapur government ; but they had been 
taken without shedding a drop of blood, and there was this 
excuse in their case, that they lay immediately upon his 
jahgir estates. While their maintenance in the highest state 
of efficiency was naturally more possible from the fact of 
their being vested in Shi vaji's hands, and on the retention 
of them to a great extent depended the permanent security 
and tranquillity of his jahgir, the turbulent deshmukhw, or 
revenue lords, of the neighbourhood would now be under 
greater control, and what was of far greater moment, they 
would no longer be able to avoid paying their contribution 
of the government dues. The forts of Chakan, Purandar 
and several others had passed under usurping chiefs who 
defied the government. In reducing these restive chiefs, 
Shivaji could maka it appear that he was in reality doing 
a service to Bijapur. It was therefore quite natural that 
the Bijapur government made little of this apparently 
insignificant movement of Shivaji. How could they be induced 
to believe that young and inexperienced as he was, the son 
of a loyal veteran like Shahaji could ever lend himself to 
*he prosecution of any seditious designs against the state ? 


His schemes must of necessity, so they thought, be in the 
interest of the sfoverument. Another circumstance contri- 


buting to the same result was the fact that the reigning 
Adilshahi sultan ( Mahomed Adil Shaha 1626-56 ) was 
absorbed in the erection of monumental edifices, the archi- 
tectural beauties of which still redeem the ruins of the 
Bijapur capital. His political programme comprehended the 
subjugation of the whole of the Karnatic country, in the 
prosecution of which enterprise Shahaji had already rendered 
such splendid service. The sultan must have thought 
that to confiscate Shahaji's jahgir and take stringent 
measures against young Shivaji's present career would 
lead to unnecessary irritation and unpleasantness in his 
relations with a gallant officer who had already rendered 
such meritorious service to the state. It is needless to 
expatiate at large upon Shivaji** objects and purposes at 
this btage of his career. Suffice it to say that he was lay- 
ing deep the firm foundations of that imperial edifice under 
whose arch the people of Maharashtra were able to breathe 
freely the spirit of liberty and independence. The moun- 
tain forts were the keys that opened up before him the 
dominion of the surrounding territory. Under the shadow 
of their rocky walls, his own realm could thrive in pros- 
perous security, in spite of all the alarms of war. 

In this manner Shivaji brought under his rule the 
whole territory from Chakan fort to the Nira. Each fort 
was re-entrenched as it was captured and kept in a state 
of high efficiency under a garrison of his faithful Mavalis. 
The deshmukhs of the districts around paid in their dues 
of land revenue without a murmur. Tne revenue system 
of Dadaji Kondadev was introduced everywhere. Favour- 
able settlements were made with the ryots, with the result 
of great regularity in the payment of revenues; and a 
desire to improve the land was bred in their minds by reason 
of the sense of security they began to feel about their 
estates. Shivaji actively promoted this instinct for im- 
provement, and bin efforts made him the idol of the people. 
The Hindu cultivators in all directions hailed him as an 


ideal sovereign. His officers admired his wisdom and 
sagacity. Admiration and gratitude ripened into a feel- 
ing of reverence. Among the Mavalis this sense of reve- 
rence was most intense. They looked upon him not only 
as their king, but almost as their father. They were 
ready to sacrifice their lives for his glory. They were 
resolved to carry out his behests, regardless of consequences. 

Not less important than the efficient management of his 
territorial possessions was another part of his policy, which 
was the retention in his service and favour of as large 
number of followers as possible, and of men of ability both 
military and civilian. There was an emulous zeal to join 
his service. Shivaji was an extemely good judge of character 
and ability. He was deft in assigning the right duty 
to the right man, and wherever possible this was done by 
Shivaji in person. He never let slip an opportunity of 
extending his patronage to a brave soldier or a capable 
civil officer. Men of honour and ability swarmed round 
him from all parts, and Shivaji left no stone unturned to 
infuse his own spirit of enthusiasm in them, and convert 
them into efficient instruments of the great cause looming 
before him in the future. 

In a short time, he was at the head of ten thousand 
Mavalis and three thousand horse, including the scattered 
cavalry left behind by Shahaji, which was now mustered 
together. There were civilian officers deputed by Shahaji 
and others nominated by Dadaji Kondadev, who still con- 
tinued under Shivaji and rendered him every assistance. 
They were nerved to action and fired with enthusiasm 
by the exalted spirit with which they saw their master 
dash forward for the glorious stake of national independ- 
ence. They recognized that talent for enterprise and 
genius for invention which swayed Shivaji's comparatively 
youthful form. They obeyed his least wishes. Shivaji on 
his part was not slow to honour and appreciate, where 
honour and appreciation were due. Acknowledgments of 
merit and promotion followed in quick succession. For the 


present, Shivaji was resolved that the idea of Swarajya or 
independence should be commensurate with the boundaries of 
his jahgir, and with a view to instil this idea, and as a fore- 
taste of the future, he appointed Shamraj Nilkant Rajekar 
(Kanzekar) 1 to the rank and office of Peshwa or prime 
minister, Balkrishna Dikshit to that of Muzumdar, (acoun- 
tant general), Sonopant to that of Dabir (foreign secre- 
tary) and Raghunath Ballal Bokil to that of Sabnis ( pay- 
master ). Besides these, Yessaji Kunk, Tanaji Malusare and 
Baji Fasalkar were appointed to the command of the Mavali 
troops, Shivaji himself being the commander-in-chief of 
his army. The honour of Sirnobut ( marshal of the 
royal drum) had not yet been conferred upon any indivi- 
dual, though some chronicles describe the appointment as 
having been made as early as this period. 2 In short, 
though Shivaji's power had not yet extended beyond the 
natural boundaries of his jahgir, the foundations were laid 
and the machinery of self-government was already in motion, 
to work with an added impetus, when the outline was more 
fully filled in and the entire superstructure was complete 
in all its parts.. 

1 The Shivdigvijay gives 1643 as the date of the appointment, and 
this seems to have been accepted by Mr. Raj wade; but such an early date 
does not seem probable. In the bakhar of Chitragupta the name of the 
Peshwa is given as Sankraji. Raghunath Ballal Sabnis was probably Raghu- 
nath Ballal Korde. 

3 According to Sabhasad and Chitragupta, the Maratha commander 
of the Supa district, Tukoji Ghor, had the honour of the Sirnobut conferred 
on him. But the same authorities record a little later that the honour 
was conferred upon Mankoji Dahatonde ( alias Dutonde, alias Datavda ). 

FOOT XOTE TO PAGE 91: The passage from Sabhasad referred to by Mr. 
Rajwade occurs at page 7 of that bakhar. It literally seems to mean that 
"the Maval deshmukhs were bound and subdued and the lawless raider? 
amongst them were killed." But the passage has been differently inter- 
preted, the word "bound" being interpreted as "bound Co the cause," or 
"united." The twelve Mavals referred to in the passage are in the neigh- 
bourhood of Poona. They are little valleys generally named after the 
rivulet irrigating the mountain declivity in each case. They are (1) Rohid- 
khore, (2) Velvand, (3) Muse, (4) Muthe, (5) Jor, (6) Kanad, (7)Shivthar 
(8) Murrain, (9) Powd, (10) Gunjan, (11) Bhor and (12) Pavan. There were 


similarly other Mavala in the neighbourhood of Junnar, such as Shivner, 
Bhimner, Ghodner, Parner, Jamner etc. (Vide Sardesai'a Marathi Riyasat, 
1907, p 166). These Mavals have the characteristic suffix khore or net*. Aa 
to the fact of Shivaji's seal being found impressed on a document published 
by Mr. Raj wade in his volume XV and dated as early as the year 
1639 A. D. , and the inferences drawn from the date and the language of 
the motto of the seal ("This is the seal of Shivaji, the son of Shahaji, 
whose glory waxes over the world like the cre&cent glory of the moon") 
by historians like Messrs. Kincaid and Sardesai, it seems to us that the 
use of such a seal even at so early a date cannot be taken per se aa an 
evidence of a set purpose to inaugurate an independent kingdom, since it 
was customary for every jahgirdar to have his own seal; and the language 
of the motto might he taken as a piece of conventional extravagance How- 
ever it is important in the light of other circumstances as furnishing an 
index to the hidden motives in the mind of Shivaji, and possibly also of 
SLahaji, viz; the irrepressible desire for jounding aa independent) 
monarchy. Beyond this there is no warrant to infer that the empire- 
boilding actually began as early as 16?9. 


IN the last chapter we attempted to trace a faint out- 
line of the pioneer labours of Shivaji as the founder of a 
sovereign power. In this chapter we shall follow the further 
expansion and development of his boldly conceived plans. 

The country enclosing the jahgir domain of Shivaji 
was, as we have already observed, in the hands of ambiti- 
ous nobles, who owed more or less a sort of hereditary alle- 
giance to Bijapur, but for the most part were engaged in 
adventurous warfare among themselves. On the southern 
bank of the Nira, as far to the east as Shirval and south- 
wards up to the mountains that- skirt the upper courses 
of the Krishna, a petty deshmukh of the Maval regions. 
Bandal by name, held despotic sway. His head -quarters 
were the fort of Rohida. He harboured an ancient grudge 
against Shivaji and envied his rise. He always maintained 
the defences of his fortress in a condition of high effici- 
ency and had a strong garrison. When fort after fort fell 
before Shivaji in his victorious career, Bandal was resolved 
that his fort at any rate should form an exception. He 
looked moreover with greedy eyes upon the fair fields 
around the fort of Purandar. When Purandar was surren- 
dered to Shivaji, Bandal was naturally all the more anxious 
for the safety of his fort. 

The uplands of the western ghats, from the Krishna 
to the Warna, acknowledged the' rule of Rajah Chandra- 
rao Mo/e. Javli was the head quarters of this chief and 
the fortress of Hashamgad was in his power. Shivaji's 
arts of conciliation were not likely to succeed with him. 
With his large feudal forces he defied everybody. 

Wai was under a mokassadar of the Bijapur govern- 
ment, who also had Pandavga.i, Kamalgad and other forts 
tinder him. Another great Mahomedan officer had charge 
of Kolhapur and the important fort of Panhalla in its 


Kalyan had once been under the Nizamshahi kings of 
Abimednagar. By the treaty made with the Moguls in 
1636, Bijapur had acquired possession of this strategical 
position. The district was divided into two parts and 
administered by separate officers. The northern half ex- 
tending from Kalyan-Bhiwandi to Nagotna was under a 
Mahomedan noble of high family, Mullana Ahmed by 
name, whose head-quarters were at Kalyan-Bhiwandi. This 
was an extensive tract of land and comprised many of 
the hill forts on the ghats and the lowlands beneath. 
These fortresses were as a rule rarely kept in an efficient 
condition. The southern half of the province was under 
the sway of an Abyssinian nobleman. It was, indeed, in 
some sort, a jahgir which his Abyssinian forefathers had 
enjoyed from the Nizamshahi government, in acknow- 
ledgment of the services of the naval contingent main- 
tained by them for the defence of the commerce on the 
western sea and the conveyance of Mecca pilgrims to and 
from the Red Sea. Not that it was a hereditary jahgir in 
its origin. The best naval officer of the Abyssinian corps 
in the service of the Nizamshahi state generally enjoyed 
this jahgir with the style and title of vizier. This high 
admiral had a staff of officers and sailors, who were 
generally of Abyssinian origin. Thus it came to pass that in 
course of time there arose a small but powerful colony 
of these Abyssinians on the Konkan littoral. The head- 
quarters of the Abyssinian naval squadron was Daiida- 
Rajpari. There was a little island off this harbour, which 
was strongly fortified. This island became famous under the 
name of Janjira. At the time under review Fatteh Khan 
was the high admiral of the Abyssinian corps. He had 
many forts under him, the principal of which were those 
of Tala, Ghosala and Rairi. These forts were all in charge 
of Maratha officers. 

The Bijapur government had for a long time ruled 
over parts of the Konkan. That government had ceded 
considerable districts in jahgir to the deshmukhs of the 


Deccan and the jahgirs had been handed down from father 
to son. They absorbed the major part of the revenue among 
themselves. The chief command of the harbour towns of 
Dabhol (Dabul), Anjenwel, Ratnagiri and Rajapur was 
however 8till centred in the hands of government officers, 
who collected the revenue in the surrounding territory. 
Predominant over the rest of these deshmukhs was the 
Sawant family of Wadi. This Deshmukh was virtually 
master of the mountainous regions on the frontiers of Goa, 
which owned the rule of the Portuguese. Next in power 
under Sawant was Surve, the deshmukh of Shringarpur. 1 
On account of the isolated state of their jahgir the Surves 
were comparatively independent like the Mores of Javli. 

Such was the political condition of the neighbouring 
jahgirs and fiefs, when Shivaji launched forth upon his 
venturous enterprise of enlarging his dominions, and under 
the circumstances it was perfectly natural that % he should 
direct his first energies against these fief- holders. As for 
the ghat-matha regions and the lowlands beneath, Shivaji 
was already, thanks to the co-operation of his Mavali 
friends, in full possession of all the requisite information 
and had made the deshmukhs his own. For a similar 
purpose in order to sound the views of the Konkan desh- 
mukhs and governors of forts, as also to make reconnais- 
sances in that region and announce his general intention of 
declaring his independence of the Mahomedan government, 
Shivaji despatched Brahman and Prabhu officers of acknow- 
ledged merit as diplomats. They traversed the Konkan 
in its various parts and conciliated the sympathy and 
adherence of several deshmukhs and Maratha nobles. 

Shivaji had by this time a very large following and 
several more were ready to throw in their lot with him. 
The difficulty was how to maintain this steadily growing 
number of followers. The revenues accruing from the terri- 

A Grant Duff gives Dalvi as the family name of this chief. Chietni, 
Sabhasad and Chitragupba style him Surve. We think Surve was the 
cognomen and Dalvi an agnomen of this family. 


tory already in his possession fell far short of his growing 
requirements. Prompt payment is the secret of military 
obedience. A large increase of cavalry und infantry was a 
sine qua non to the enterprise he had entered upon. The 
forts recently captured entailed a vast expenditure for their 
defence, while their safety from future assault on the part 
of the enemy depended on a large supply of food and pro- 
visions being constantly maintained for the emergencies of 
war. All this meant monwy, and it was essential that the 
scarcity of specie should no longer come in the way of his 
aspirations. Shivaji therefore set about to procure money. 
He commenced to borrow on a large scale from wealthy 
capitalists, and against those, who would not willingly part 
with their gold, compulsion was resorted to. There is no 
denying the fact that there was a grave injustice in (his. 
But Sbivaji believed that the great cause he had embai ked 
upon was to the advantage of all and rendered imperative 
a large accumulation of capital. 

While in this anxiety he received news that Mullana 
Ahmed, the subhedar of Kalyan, was forwarding a large 
sum of money to the Bijapur government by way of Wai, 
through the Konkan. Resolved to intercept this prejious 
treasure and divert it to his own ambitious purposes, 
Shivaji set off with 30 horse and the flower of his Mavali 
infantry and falling upon the convoying party dispensed 
them in no time, transferring the precious treasure immedi- 
ately to the fort of Rajgnd. 1 The con voting force deputed 
by the subhedar was by no means contemptible, for lha 
subhedar had every reason to fear the emergency of the 
treasure being cut off by Shivaji or the marauding chiefs of 
the neighbourhood. In the contest that ensued, Shivaji 
lost about ten of his followers and had something like 
25 men wounded. On Mullana's side about 25 were killed 
and a hundred wounded. With nis wonted liberality, Shivaji 
rewarded the gallant soldiers who had rendered him this 

1 According to the Shivdigvijay the convoy waa looted by Yessaji 
Kunk and Tanaji Malusare under ohivaji'a orders. 


useful service and devised means for the maintenance of the 
families of those who were killed or wounded. This fresh 
proof of his liberality still further enhanced his popularity. 

This event was followed by the outbreak of open hosti- 
lities with Mullana. Abaji Sondev who was despatched 
against him captured Kalyan by a surprise attack, seizing 
all its forts, and taking . Mullana prisoner. No sooner did 
Shivaji hear the joyful news than he proceeded in person to 
Kalyan, and liberating Mullana sent him with all honour to 
Bijapur. Now in the assault on the fort, Abaji had seized 
upon the daughter-in-law of Mullana. 1 Abaji informed Shivaji 
that he had made prisoner a woman of distinguished beauty 
and prayed that Shivaji might accept her as a fit person 
for his zenana. Shivaji bade him introduce her in open 
durbar; and when the beautiful lady was introduced, 
apparelled in the loveliest raiment, Shivaji smiled and 
exclaimed, " Would that my mother had equalled her 
in beauty, for then he who was born of. her might have 
been as beautiful!" These words caused great amaze- 
ment in the assembly. To those gathered there such 
self-restraint appeared truly marvellous. Shivaji conti- 
nued his speech: "It is written that he who hankers after 
victory, should beware of love's meshes and other people's 
women. It was this which brought low the proudest 
towers of strength like Kavana of Lanka. What then of poor 
mortals like ourselves ? Let the king look upon all persons 
as his children/' These words of wisdom created a great 
impression upon the assembly. No circumstance could 
have stamped more vividly upon their minds an idea of tne 
magnanimity and high worth of their master. The truth 
dawned upon their minds that they had to deal with a man 
whose rectitude would never swerve an inch, and in whose 
service no act of iniquity on the part of his followers would 
ever find countenance. Shivaji treated the lady with great 

1 The version of the Shivdigvijay is that she was a daughter o 
Mullana and had been openly made over to Abaji by her father for a sum 
of money. The text follows Chitnis, page 34, which is corroborated by the> 
Tarikh-i-Shivaji, page 14 (a) 

L.S. 9. 


consideration, presented her with ornaments and robes of 
honour befitting her dignity, and sent her with a proper 
escort to her father-in-law at Bijapur. 

Abaji Sondev having earned the grateful acknowledg- 
ment of his generous master for the conquest of Kalyan 
was rewarded with the governorship of that important 
province. The reformed system of revenue was speedily 
introduced here, and the ryots oppressed under Mahomedan 
misrule now breathed a new atmosphere of hope and 
confidence. The old village organizations and institutions 
that had disappeared during years of confusion and anarchy 
were revived. The annual grants once conceded to temples 
and Brahmans were restored, and those which had remained 
despite the adverse circumstances were confirmed. The 
poor Hindu subjects were gratified at this beneficent and 
auspicious commencement of Shivaji's regime, and his fame 
as a merciful and benignant ruler spread far and wide. 

This was the beginning of Shivaji's great triumphs. 
A spirit of noble exaltation and emulation now entirely 
possessed the hearts of his followers. .Mullaua having been 
so cheaply got out of the way, Shivaji's further career was 
signalized by the capture of fort after fort. The officers of 
the different forts were won over where possible ; if they 
proved obstinate in tKeir opposition, a surprise attack 
followed, leading inevitably to the capture of the fort. The 
Mavalis and warrior chiefs under Shivaji were as a rule 
armed with full information concerning the intricacies and 
vulnerable points of the different fortresses, and where this 
information was lacking, it could be procured from local 
experts. The sentinel guards of the hill- forts could be 
corrupted where other means failed, or the local contractors 
of supply outside the fort, who undertook to provide the 
thatching and roof-material against the expected monsoon 
for the buildings within, could be won over to the side of 
the assailants against the garrison who employed them. 
In this manner Shivaji's warriors could enter a fort, carry- 
ing on their heads bundles of hay, under which their 


swords were concealed, and with the assistance of the senti- 
nels who were already in the secret, they could make an 
onslaught on the rest and conquer the fort. By this plan 
of operations, the forts of Kangari, Tung, Tikoni, Lohgad. 
Rajmachi, Kuwari, Bborup, Ghangad, Kelna, Mahuli and 
others were captured. The deshmukhs in this territory 
who were a perennial source of oppression tc the ryots 
were reduced to allegiance, either by conciliation or by 
force, and the Maval region was delivered finally from their 
tyranny. The Hindu population of these districts hailed 
with delight the advent of a capable Hindu ruler, who put 
an end to the rule of Islam and the reign of terror and 
license that had accompanied it. They had a foretaste of 
freedom under Shivaji's banner and rejoiced in the unre- 
strained exercise of their religious rites. 

The Hindu inhabitants of the southern half of the pro- 
vince of Kalyan which was under their Abyssinian ruler 
now envied the happier lot of their brethren in the northern 
half of the province. There were at the time two Maratha 
officers of the rank of Jamedar, Sodawlekar and Kodaw- 
lekar, in the Abyssinian service. They sent word to Shivaji 
that they were quite tired of their dependence on their 
Abyssinian oppressors and undertook to give over the for- 
tresses of Tala and Ghosala to Shivaji, should he be pleased to 
make an expedition into the Konkan. They held out the 
prospect of a large accession of territory with the conquest 
of these forts and the secession of a large number of Maratha 
combatants from the service of the Abyssinians. Under 
the-e favourable auspices, Shivaji turned his attention in 
that direction, with the result that the fortresses above 
mentioned fell before him. With them was conquered the 
neighbouring fort of Surgad and the low-lands commanded 
by its guns. It was however difficult to maintain his firm 
hold over this conquest, for the Sidi or Abyssinian ruler 
was a powerful chief. On this account, Shivaji erected new 
fortifications, the chief of which was at Birwadi, uponaspot 
prospected for the purpose. The fortifications of Rairi were 


also strengthened, and the fort of Lingana was built there- 
upon. This fort was afterwards further entrenched and 
became famous under the name of Baigad. In all these forts 
Shivaji maintained his own garrisons. 

It was in this campaign that Shivaji obtained his 
famous sword Bhavani. As Shivaji was returning from 
a visit to the temple of Harihareshwar, he was told that 
there was a famous long sword worth 300 hons ( pagodas ) 
with a chief, Gowalkar Sawant by name. It was suggested 
to Shivaji that he should wrest this sword by force. Shivaji's 
-reply was characteristic. He said, "A brave man should 
never covet what belongs to another. You will remember 
the puranic legend about that precious stone called the 
Syamantmani. The feuds that arose from the theft of that 
diamond required all the energies of the Lord Shri Krishna 
to settle. We poor mortals had better not raise such storms 
for trifles. ' Impressed by his austere attitude his people kept 
silence. Now while these conversations were going on in 
Shivaji's camp, the Sawant received independent advice 
from his ministers to seize the opportunity for conciliating 
Shivaji and seal the compact of amity by making him present 
of the precious sword. The Sawant saw the wisdom of this 
proposal and seeking an interview with Shivaji presented 
him with the sword. Shivaji was highly gratified with 
the gift and in return presented to the Sawant, as an 
earnest of his good will, a purse of 300 hons and a robe 
of honour, and also received him into his service. Shivaji, 
it may be said without exaggeration, simply adored this 
word. He never started on an expedition without it. 
He gave it the name of his tutelary deity Bhavani. From 
the time of the acquisition of this sword, he never knew 
defeat in any campaign. This he attributed to the sword, 
and he loved and adored it as something divine. During 
:he nine days preceding the Dasara, dedicated to the wor- 
ship of the goddess Bhawani, he placed the sword on the 
consecrated altar next to the image of the goddess and 
worshipped it as a visible favour from Heaven. On the 


tenth day, the auspicious festal day of the Dasara, he used 
to take it up devoutly from the altar and with this Bhavani 
blade in his hand set out upon his campaign. 

In the course of the Konkan campaign, Shivaji attacked 
Rajapur. This was a town under the Abyssinians. Shivaji 
established a strict blockade and prepared to pillage the 
town. On the other hand the kamavisdar or civil commis- 
sioner in charge of the town made some show of resistance, 
but being thoroughly worsted had finally to yield. Shivaji 
levied contributions from the rich merchants and wealthy 
citizens of the town. But no material wealth Shivaji 
found in this town could compare with that sterling speci- 
men of humanity, the loyal Balaji Avji, whose accession 
to Shivaji's side dates from this expedition against Rajapur. 
The father of Balaji Avji was Abaji Hari Chitre, once 
a de-wan or minister under the Abyssinian chief. In a fit of 
passion occasioned by a trifling offence the Abyssinian put 
Abaji Hari and his brother to death and ordered the women 
and children in their family to be transported to Muscat and 
sold into slavery. This dire sentence was on the point of 
being executed. However, Abaji's wife, the mother of Balaji, 
was a woman of remarkable prudence and sagacity. She 
won over the sailors of the ship which was destined for 
Muscat and induced them to take them to Rajapur and in 
the mart of that town sell them as slaves. At Rajapur was 
her brother, Visaji Shankar, a merchant of great local influ- 
ence. Yisaji bought them without letting the sailors 
know that they were his relations. The eldest son of this 
lady was Balaji and the other two were Chimnaji and 
Shamji. Visaji gave a good education to these three 
children. Balaji was a karkun or clerk under a revenue 
officer in charge of a kasha. On hearing the news of 
Shivaji's arrival in the Konkan, he wrote to him detailing 
the tragic misfortunes of his family. Shivaji was filled 
with admiration at Balaji 's hand- writing as exhibited 
in that letter and wrote in reply that he would with 
pleasure entertain Balaji as a karkun in his service 


Upon this Balaji replied that he laboured under considerable 
obligations to his uncle and until that debt was cleared 
he could not think of joining Shivaji. On Shivaji's arrival 
at Rajapur he inquired after Balaji Avji and ordered him 
to be brought into his presence. Balaji was accordingly 
brought before Shivaji. Balaji's mother, unable to conjec- 
ture the cause, was filled with terror and came with 
maternal solicitude before the conqueror, prostrating her- 
self before him and narrating the tragedy of her life. 
Shivaji was overwhelmed 7?ith deep emotion at the recital 
of this narrative, so full of pathos, called up her two 
younger sons, and gave her an assurance as to their safety, 
entreating her to look upon himself as a fourth son, and to 
send them all to try their fortunes in his service. The 
good opinion that Shivaji had formed about Balaji from his 
hand-writing was greatly heightened by the personal in- 
terview. Pleased with his brilliant talents and the honour- 
able precedents of his family he appointed Balaji to the 
post of Ghitnis or Private Secretary. Chimnaji being 
versed in accounts was appointed to the Audit Depart- 
ment, and the youngest of the three, Shamji, was placed 
in charge of the stores at fort Raigad. 

Balaji Avji was in the highest favour with Shivaji. He 
was the first person in his confidence and the repository 
of the most secret of his plans. This confidence was the 
well-merited reward of his unimpeachable loyalty and 
uprightness. Despatches of the greatest consequence and 
significance passed through his hands. Possessed of great 
activity of mind and considerable literary ability,he could at 
once grasp the vaguest thoughts floating in the mind of his 
royal master and express them with a lucidity, apposite- 
ness and precision that was simply astonishing. An anec- 
dote told about him, whether true or false, is very charac- 
teristic of the man. In the course of a busy campaign he 
had received orders from Shivaji to write despatches on 
gome affair of moment. Balaji's time was somehow occupied 
with other urgent affairs, and until night-fall he 


found no leisure to carry out the mandate. At night Shivaji 
summoned him to hia presence and inquired whether the des- 
patches were ready. Balaji was in great perplexity. He 
was quite aware that if he were to confess his fault., 
Shivaji would make an example of him for inadvertence 
and negligence as regards his express orders. He thought 
he must somehow tide over the present difficulty, and with- 
out any sign of dismay replied in the affirmative. 
Shivaji's next order was that he should read it aloud. 
Balaji opened his desk and, taking out a blank piece of 
paper, pretended to read out the despatch from the blank 
paper, and he did this without halting or stammering 
for a word. Shivaji was pleased with the supposed 
despatch and praised him for the deftness and skill with 
-which he supposed him to have executed it. But this was 
too much for the torch-bearer who was holding up the 
light on the paper. He burst into a fit of laughter, and 
on Shivaji's inquiring the cause, he let the cat out of the 
bag. Balaji had to confess his fault and explain how he 
had no leisure to write out the despatches. Gratified with 
the marvellous proof of Balaji's powers of memory, Shivaji 
for once excused this dereliction on the part of his trusty 

FOOT NOTB to page 116: The Bhawani was a "firemg" i. e. a sword of 
European (Portuguese or Spanish) make. It was a Jong straight-bladed . 
word, probably from the famous armoury of Toledo in Spain. 


THE disturbances caused by Shivaji in the Bijaput 
territory had been overlooked for two or three years ; but 
the Kalyan affair was the last straw, and even that apathe- 
tic and indulgent government had now to bestir itself. For 
the plunder of the royal treasure on the way to the capital, 
the conquest of Kaiyan and the out-lying forts, and the 
rumours that were now bruited abroad about Shivaji's future 
projects had caused great consternation and raised an out-cry 
against the lethargy of the government. The sultan^ 
Mahomed Adil Shaha, hastened to the wrong conclusion 
that the master mind of Shahaji must be at. the bottom of 
this affair. Nor was this suspicion quite unreasonable. On 
the retirement of Randulla Khan from the Karnatic, Sha- 
haji had succeeded to the government of that province, and 
having in a short time won popularity and affection from 
the grateful population both by his conciliatory spirit and 
consummate statesmanship, as described in the second 
chapter, he was now half way towards the establishment 
of an independent sovereignty, under nominal allegiance to 
the Adil Shahi dynasty. Added to this was the fact that 
the country which was the scene of Shivaji's incipient 
activities was one which in quite recent times had owned 
the practically absolute authority of Shahaji. It was 
natural under these circumstances that Mahomed Adil 
Shaha should have jumped to the conclusion that Shahaji 
was the real author and inspirer of his son's rebellion. 

But for a time the Adil Shahi sultan could do nothing 
more than nurse his suspicion in secret. To declare open 
hostilities against Shahaji was really not in his power; but 
to despatch a sufficient force against Shivaji was under the 
circumstances quite as inexpedient. Such an overt act of 
hostility against his son might possibly precipitate th<* 
growing ambition of Shahaji into active defiance, and Sha- 
haji's defiance might, between the Mogul on the north and 


the rebellious chieftains in the south, jeopardize the very 
foundations of the Adil Shahi empire. The sultan there- 
fore decided that the only way open to him was to make 
peaceful overtures to his powerful vassal and pointed out 
to Shahaji how regrettable it was that the son of a loyal 
vassal like him should turn traitor, fall upon the sultan's 
forts all round his jahgir in Poona, and end with the 
atrocious seizure of Kalyan. He enjoined him in his own 
interest to see to it that Shivaji was adequately chastised 
for such rebellious conduct and compelled to give up h,is 
marauding career and make submission as became a loyal 
citizen and vassal of the Adil Shahi state. This injunction 
culminated in threats of reprisals against Shahaji in 
person and his son, and a hint that if Shahaji was not able 
to manage his son, he should hand him over to the Bijapur 

Shahaji replied that Shivaji was no longer in his 
power. He was not responsible for his evil ways. He was 
himself a loyal servant of the state and had no art or part 
in Shivaji's doings. Should any direct charge be made 
against him, he would come to the sultan's presence to 
answer in person. It was open to His Majesty to move hi& 
forces against Shivaji, put him under arrest or wreak his 
royal will in any manner upon him. He would not oppose 
it. It was for His Majesty to reduce Shivaji to allegiance, 
and he had nothing more to say on the subject. Such 
was the tenDr of Shahaji'a reply, but it brought no con- 
viction to the sultan's distrustful mind. He sent secret 
despatches to Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol to procure the 
arrest of Shahaji by stratagem. Only thus he thought he 
could bend Shivaji to his will. 

Such is the traditional account of the cause of Shahaji's 
incarceration as handed down to posterity by Chitnis and 
other Marathi chronicles, and as accepted by all leading 
historians from Grant Duff to Kincaid. But the Jedhe 
chronology ( page 179 ) says with characteristic brevity 
that Shahaji was arrested near Jinji, along with the 


Mavali deshmukh Kanoji Naik Jedhe o Bohida by 
Mustapha Khan. The Basatin-i-Salatin states that Shahaji 
was arrested by Baji Ghorpade and Yeshwant Rao Asad- 
Khani by treachery under orders from Musbapha Khan 
for disobedience. It would seem from these authorities 
that the neighbourhood of Jinji was the scene of the 
arrest and that Mustapha was in authority, and got Baji 
Ghorpade to arrest Shahaji for non-compliance with his 
orders. Prof. Jadunath Sarkar quotes a Bijapur chronicle, 
the Muhammadnamah ( pp. 371-372 ) to show that 
Mustapha was the Adil Shahi commander-in-chief in the 
south and that Shahaji was in charge of siege-operations 
around Jinji. Shahaji wanted to retire to his own 
country leaving the siege- works incomplete and said he 
would do so without writing for permission, when 
Mustapha got him arrested and had him sent to Bijapur. As 
will be seen from a foot-note at page 47 in the second chapter, 
this version is also followed by Modak in hin History of the 
Adil Shahi Dynasty (Marathi). Modak constantly copies 
the Basatin-i-Salatin and the Adil Shahi chronicles like 
the Muhammadnamah. But the Jedhe chronology is an 
altogether independent piece of evidence. However if Baji 
Ghorpade acted treacherously upon the orders of Mustapha 
Khan, it is just possible that the latter acted upon the 
orders of the sultan. 

Whatever the original reason for the arrest of Shahaji 
might have been, the sultan treated the captive as a hostage 
for the submission of his son. Naturally, therefore, have 
the Marathi chronicles represented the whole event in this 
light Incidentally it may be remarked that here is pre- 
sented to us an array of facts that establishes beyond doubt 
the attitude of Shahaji as regards the movement his great 
son had entered upon. There is first the presence of Mavali 
chiefs in Shahaji's camp. There is the fact that at this 
particular time of his career Shahaji wanted to retire to his 
country in. defiance of orders from his superiors. There is 
lastly the fact that immediately after his liberation he 


'bound the Jedhe family ( Vide Jedhe chronology, pp. 179- 
180 ) by solemn oaths to serve Shivaji in all his wars, even 
against the Mogul and the Adil Shahi armies. 

How Ghorpade effected his treacherous object has al- 
ready been described in the second chapter. Shahaji was 
'brought to Bijapur and enjoined to put a stop to Shi vaji's re- 
bellious acts. Other nobles of the court were asked to exhort 
Shabaji to the same purpose. But to all of them Shahaji 
returned a reply in the same strain as before. At length the 
sultan compelled Shahaji to compose in his royal presence an 
urgent letter to Shivaji, calling upon him to come straight- 
way to' Bijapur and make a complete restitution of all forts 
and territories seized from the government, and apprising 
him of the forlorn condition to which he had been reduced 
by Shivaji's disobedience. 

The receipt of this letter and paternal mandate pre- 
sented a great dilemma before Shivaji's mind. On the one 
hand it was unfilial to disobey his father and desert him 
in the perilous situation in which he found himself. On 
the other hand obedience to his father's command meant 
disgrace, forfeiture and surrender. To surrender the 
hard-won forts and territories, to declare submission and 
vassalage tD the Mahomedan despots of the Deccan, to leave 
his great designs half-executed were proposals from which 
his nobler instincts recoiled. And what could he gain in 
exchange ? That, the hatred of which had been the main 
spring of all his actions, a state of sordid and servile de- 
pendence upon the powers of Islam ! In this disconsolate 
frame of mind he was observed by his wife, Sayibai, who 
inquiring into the cause and learning the reason, replied to 
Shivaji's request for advice that it was not for a woman to 
advise in affairs of such moment, that Shivaji indeed had 

captains and ministers more qualified to give an opinion, 
but so far as her home-spun wit as a simple woman went 
she thought it nobler to pursue the great design of liberty 
and independence and freedom of worship. She asked 

) him to act with unshaken faith in Providence ; that pri- 


vate affections must give place to political forces ; and that; 
Sbahaji himself would have applauded such a plan, were 
he not an exile on foreign soil This was some re-assurance 
to Shivaji's perplexed mind. His mother, ministers and 
officers concurred in this line of reasoning. Strengthened 
by these re-assurances Shivaji replied to Shahaji's letter that 
his coming in person to Bijapur would serve no useful pur- 
pose and he was not prepared to surrender the conquests 
he had made. They must follow-the father and the son 
-the divergent lines of fortune ordained for them by 
inevitable destiny. 

This letter was submitted by Shahaji to the Adil Shah; 
sultan, with fresh importunities that he might be now set 
at liberty, and that the sultan might take such action 
against Shivaji as he deemed proper. But the sultan was 
not satisfied with these representations of Shahaji and per- 
sisted in the belief that Shahaji was the secret instigator of 
his son's rebellion. He thought that the direst punishment 
in his power must be inflicted to curb his obstinacy. The 
sultan ordered a wall to be built with a stone niche just 
large enough to accommodate a person seated. Shahaji 
was confined in this niche, which was all but built in, except 
for a single opening, and he was threatened that even this 
opening would be permanently closed in with masonry, if 
Shivaji did not make his submission within a given time. 
Twice during the day he was released for a few minutes 
from the niche and again confined in that living tomb. 

The news of this horrible punishment inflicted upon 
his father by the enraged sultan came to Shivaji's ears and 
filled him with sorrow. The thought that the impending 
death of his father should be due to his acts was most 
maddening ! His high ambition and enterprise ha d thus 
far not provoked any censure from his father, and this 
he had so long interpreted as a mark of his acquiescence 
and even of his approval. Inspired by this silent sympathy 
and approbation, he had zealously carried forward his 
designs, never dreaming they would lead him to suck 


a tragic issue. For he was sure of the great prestige of 
-iis father in the Karnatic and never imagined that he 
would ever be at the sultan's mercy. The treachery of 
Ghorpade had led to this unexpected denouement. 

It is critical occasions like these that test the mettle 
of a truly heroic spirit. The crisis brought forth the most 
eminent qualities of Shivaji's character. His unswerving 
filial devotion was in the first instance put to a glorious 
proof. Had he been merely selfish and greedy of power, 
he might have recked little of the safety of his father. 
For in the very age in which Shivaji lived, Aurangzeb 
waa soon to exchange' a father's love for a throne. Had 
Shivaji been governed by a similar strain of ambition, why 
think of voluntarily surrendering a power and sovereignty 
built up with such patient toil from the debris of an alien 
empire, merely to rescue his father from his impending 
fate ? But Shivaji was not a man of such sordid ambi- 
tion. Another great virtue of Shivaji that was tried on 
this occasion was his iron determination not to leave half 
done what he had so well begun, for all the dangers and 
obstacles in his way. His filial duty and affections and 
his ambitious labours for the political emancipation of his 
countrymen now seemed to be at cross purposes. One 
seemed to demand the sacrifice of the other. It was left to 
Shivaji's statesmanship and resourcefulness to steer straight 
between Scylla and Charybdis, without the least detriment 
to his ambition or the pious affection due to his father. 

Up to this time Shivaji had maintained the most friendly 
relations with the Moguls. One obvious reason for 
this was the fact that it was highly inexpedient to be at 
war simultaneously with two Mahomedan powers. Besides 
the provinces on the Mogul frontier were well-secured and 
iortified. The Mogul emperor himself must have thought 
fit in the interest of expediency to have friendly relations 
with Shahaji, of whose valour he had a foretaste, and with 
his son Shivaji. Lastly Shivaji must have looked upon 


this power as an asylum in reserve for any extreme 

Apprised of the intentions of the Moguls with regard 
to the Deccan powers, Shi vaji saw that the temper of the 
Mogul emperor was such that any aid he might solicit 
against Bijapur would be granted without demur. With 
this knowledge of the currents of political thought, Shivaji 
decided to assume a supplicatory attitude towards the padi 
shah, invoking his patronage and instant aid against the 
danger Shahaji ran of being immured in the fortress wall, 
and offering, both for himself and Shahaji, to enter inta 
the Mogul service. Shivaji petitioned that the part Shahaji 
had formerly played in arresting the onward march of the 
Mogul standards in the Deccan might be generously forgiven 
and urged that in saving the life of such a distinguished 
general the emperor would strengthen the foundations of 
the Mogul power in the Deccan and couid count upon the 
grateful assistance of Shahaji and himself. Shahajahan 
had personal proofs of Shahaji's dash and daring and from 
time to time had heard favourable reports of Shi vaji's valorous 
enterprise. Such towers of strength he thought he could not 
afford to despise in his future plans against Bijapur and 
Golconda. With these views, he graciously complied with. 
Shivaji's request. 1 

The Emperor Shahajahan accordingly sent peremptory 
orders to the Bijapur durbar that the Rajah Shahaji Bhonsle 
be immediately set at liberty. 3 Shivaji was informed that 

did nob negotiate directly with the emperor at Agra, bub 
with his son Prince Murad, governor of the Deccan. This ia amply borne 
out by the Parasnis MS. and Appendix A at page 149 of Mr Kincaid's 
history, where by a strange mistake a letter under the seal of Murad is 
described as Shahajahan'a letter to Shahaji. From one of the letters of 
the Mogul authorities it is clear that Snivaji sent Kagho Pandit i probably 
Raghunatb Ballal Korde) to treat about the restoration of the deshmukh 
rights over Junnar and Sangamner which had been formerly granted to 
Shahaji v Vide note oh page 2V, Chapter II). 

2 Prof. tSarkar thinks that notwithstanding these Mogul promises 
the Mogul government did not probably in the end actually intercede 
for tihahaji. 


the imperial court had forgiven Shahaji's pa8t offences and 
were prepared to admit him again to military service 
under the empire, and as to Shi vaji himself they were prepared 
to grant him a mansab or command of 5000 horse. The Adil 
Shahi sultan dared not despise the peremptory mandate of 
the Mogul. The tenure of his power was precarious and 
depended on a recent treaty between himself and the 
Moguls. In displeasing the latter power, he was sure to 
incur the gravest, risks to his independence. Shahaji was, 
therefore, released on his giving sureties for his loyalty in 
the future, but he WHS oriered to remain at Bijapur as it 
were on parole. 1 This event took place in 1649. For four 
years thereafter Shahaji remained in enforced inaction at 
Bijapur. He tried every expedient to get permission to 
march to the Karnatic, and his friends tried to intercede 
for him, but the sultan was inexorable. At length after 
four years when it became obvious that the slackening of 
government control in the absence of the powerful grip 
of Shahaji had encouraged all the elements of anarchy 
and unrest in the province of the Karnatic to come to a 
head, and it was felt that none but a brave and experienced 
commander like him could be safely trusted to deal with 
the rebellious naiks and deshmukhs of the south, he again 
received orders to march to the scene of his power and 
greatness. But before proceeding southwards he was com- 
pelled to pledge his word that he would in no way molest 
the treacherous Ghorpade of Mudhol or his jahgir. The 
sultan did not content himself with this promise; but 
further to reconcile them to each other and induce them 

1 borne of the bakhars attribute tbe credit of Shahaji's eliverance 
to the intercessory aid of his friends Randulla Khan and AJurarpaufc. It 
is said that these veteran ministers represented to the sultan that the cruel 
execution of such a tried and experienced commander would redound to 
the discredit of the state and cause disaffection among the sultan's vajsals. 
There is no ground to believe such a story, for both these ministers seem 
to have been dead by this time. The tradition of the strange device by 
which Randulla Khan attempted to intercede for his friend ia referred to 
in a foot-note in the second chapter. Prof. Jadunath Sarkar ia inclined 
to think that Malhar Kamrao Chitnis ia right when he ascribes the release of 
ji to the mediation of Kandulla Khan. 


to let bygones be bygones, he got them to make an ex- 
change of their inam and jahgir lands. In accordance 
with the terms of this exchange, the Ghorpade gave to 
Shahaji all his jahgir in the Karnatic and received from 
him all his rights and titles in the district of Karhad. 

But Shahaji did not bury the past in oblivion. No 
sooner did he reach the Karnatic than he sent word to 
Shivaji that as a true son of Shahaji it was left to him 
_io wreak vengeance on Baji Ghorpade. In fact this was an 
unnecessary spur to a willing horse. Shivaji hated the 
Ghorpade with more than a mortal hate and was only 
waiting for an opportunity to avenge on him his dastardly 
conduct towards his father. But he had to wait for nearly 
eight or nine years for this consummation of his wishes. 
About 1661, the chiefs of Sawantwadi, Khem Sawant Desai 
and Lakham Sawant Desai, called for the help of Bijapur 
against Shivaji, and upon that occasion the services of 
Baji Ghorpade were lent to them by the Bijapur govern- 
ment. Ghorpade marched from Bijapur into the Konkan 
at tha head of his forces, but before descending to the 
sea-board he paid a visit to his jahgir town of Mudhol. 
No sooner did Shivaji hear tidings of these movements of 
Baji Ghorpade than he swooped down from Vishalgad 
and by forced marches suddenly presented himself before 
Mudhol. A desperate encounter took place between 
Shivaji's and Ghorpade's forces and in the melee Ghorpade 
was slain. Mudhol was laid waste with fire and sword. 
All the kith and kin of Ghorpade perished or were seized 
and executed. The massacre is said to have reached three 
thousand. 1 Never before or since did such cruelty stain 
Shivaji's wars. Savage as the punishment meted to the 

1 A son of Baji Ghorpade, named Maloji, managed to make his 
escape during this crisis. This Maloji afterwards rose to great eminence 
and succeeded to the paternal jahgir. At a subsequent date Shivaji 
attempted to conciliate him and in a letter addressed from Bhaganagar 
( Hyderabad ) made overtures to him to unite with the Bhonsle power and 
jointly turn the scale against the Mahomedans. But Maloji remained 
obdurate and to the end served his Adilshahi sultan. 


Ghorpade family was, it illustrates the price Shivaji con- 
sidered must be paid for the treachery which had all but ex- 
tinguished before its time the glorious career of Shahaji. It 
illustrates above all his keen sense of filial duty. 1 

During the period of five years, 1649 to 1653, when 
Shahaji was at Bijapur on parole, Shivaji abstained strictly 
from any act of hostility against Bijapur, Nor was it 
possible for him to take the offensive against the Moguls, 
whose friendship had so recently stood him in such good 
stead, and an estrangement with whom was again likely 
to endanger the life of Shahaji. He had indeed to con- 
gratulate himself that the Bijapur Government was so far 
cowed by the threat of Mogul intervention that they did 
not insist on his surrendering the conquered forts and pro- 
vinces as they might have done by fresh threats to Shahaji. 
who, while he lived on parole at Bijapur, had constantly 
this sword of Damocles hanging over his head. Shivaji 
turned this period of enforced quietude to good account, 
overhauling the conquered fortresses and completing the 
revenue settlements in his new provinces. The Bijapur 
government seems at this period to have been under the 
impression that any further protests against Shivaji would 
directly have the effect of making him throw in his lot 
with the Moguls and with their active support or conni- 
vance renew his depredations upon their territory on a still 
more extended scale. 

* From a letter of Shivaji to his father ( Vido Kincaid voJ i, 
it would seem that the latter gave a clear mandate for vengean * againsb 
Baji Ghotpade. It was Shahaji himself who informed Shivaji about the 
proposed movement of Baji Ghorpade to carry succour to Lakham Sawanto 
and Khem Sawant of Wadi. 

i an 


THE alliance between Shivaji and the Moguls wag- 
destined to be a deceptive move in Shivaji's game of poli- 
tics. By this diplomatic stroke he had cut a gordian 
knot which might have proved too serious for the resource- 
fulness of any statesman of the time. His readiness to enter 
the Mogul service was a feint that had deceived both the 
Bijapur and the Mogul governments. In reality he desired 
nothing of the kind. When the deliverance of his father 
vras once achieved, his ardour for the Mogul service at once 
cooled. While tempting the Padishaha with this offer, he 
was resolved to remain true to the vow of his earliest youth: 
never to do service to a Mahomedan ruler whatever the 
gains or emoluments. 

But Shahajahan, through his viceroy, Prince Murad, 
continued his demands that Shivaji should according to 
the terms of his promise enter the Mogul service and receive 
a mansab or command in the military forces of the empire. 
Shivaji met these proposals with great tact. He sent 
an envoy to the imperial governor, Prince Murad, alleg- 
ing that his family possessed the hereditary rights of 
sirdeshmukh over the provinces of Junnar and Ahmednagar, 
but for some time these dues had been withheld from them. 
He should, therefore, be restored to the enjoyment of his 
family rights over these provinces. 1 Shahajahan did not 
acknowledge these demands at the time, but replied that 
when Shivaji came to the imperial court his rights would, 
be duly considered. In this manner Shivaji put off to a 
future date the question of entering into the service of the 

In 1657 Shahajahan deputed his son Aurangzeb and the 
experienced general Mir Jumla to lead an army against 

1 Vide Parasnia'a MS, and Kincaid, Appendix B. page 149, where 
Murad acknowledges the demands of Shivaji made through . his envoy 
Ragho Pandit (Raghunath Ballal Korde (?) and replies that the same would 
be considered when he reached the royal camp in person. 


Bijapur for the express purpose of conquering and annex- 
ing that kingdom. They carried in rapid succession the 
barrier forts on the frontiers of that kingdom, such a 
Kalyani, Bedar and others. Shivaji, ever watchful for 
the preservation of his interests, wrote to Aurangzeb 
that he owed service to the head of the empire and 
was prepared to render all possible assistance to the Mogul 
generals in their present campaign, on condition that the 
secure possession of the Bijapur forts and territories already 
under his power was assured to him. He on his part 
would be quite willing to co-operate with the Mogul forces 
in the conquest of Dabhol and other positions on the 
Konkan sea-board. It was quite in the nature of things 
that the imperial commander knowing Shivaji's worth 
should close with this proposal. Aurangzeb assured 
Shivaji that ho did not meditate any interference with the 
Bijapur territories already under his sway and informed 
him that he should by all means turn his victorious arms to 
the Bijapur possessions in the Konkan low -lands. 1657 A.D. 1 

Such was the purport of Auragzeb's letter to Shivaji. 
Aurangzeb seems to have been anxious to have a personal 
conference with Shivaji and urge upon him the expediency 
of his making common cause with the Moguls against 
Bijapur and the numerous benefits that might accrue to him 
from such an alliance. Aurangzeb at a later date wrote to 
Shivaji upon this subject. His desire was to yoke Shivaji to 
active service under the empire. But Shivaji was too astute 
a statesman to swallow the alluring bait. He kept up his 
repeated assurances of loyalty and service to the padishaha, 
but always managed to avoid the abject dependence of an 
imperial courtier. Thus playing adroitly upon Aurang- 
zeb's wishes and fears he secured the peace and tranquil- 
lity of his possessions from the grand Mogul's invading 
hordes. With the Mogul and Bijapur forces engaged in a 
deadly conflict, he set about concerting measures for the 
expansion of the Maratha power. 

1 Grant Duff, I, 161-62, and Prof. Sarkar's Aurangzeb, II, 261-09. 


It will be remembered that Shivaji had often asserted 
certain hereditary claims upon Junnar and Ahmednagar. 
The former was reputed a wealthy town in those days. 
The emperor had so far turned a deaf ear to Shivaji's 
claims. Shivaji determined to retaliate by surprising these 
towns. With this plan he suddenly fell upon Junnar by 
a night attack and sacked the town. He carried away the 
richest spoils to Poona, about 300,OUO pagodas, 200 horses 
and other valuables. The booty was safely transferred to 
Rajgad by officers deputed for the purpose. Shivaji made 
a similar attempt upon Ahmednagar, but did not succeed 
here so well as at Junnar. 1 For while he was plundering 
the suburban parts and the business quarters of the town 
immediately after the first onslaught, the city forces poured 
down in sufficient strength from the citadel and stopped 
the spoliation. However the first shock had already yielded 
a considerable booty, including 700 horses and four elephants. 
Shivaji carried them off in triumph through the ranks of. 
the garrison forces, though not without many casualties 
in his gallant little army. 

With these additions to his treasury, Shivaji resolved 
-apon enlarging his cavalry forces. The sack of Junnar 
and Ahmednagar had as above described resulted in the 
capture of many horses: These he supplemented with his 
own purchases, and besides maintaining his own bargirs* 
he began to entertain in his service many a willing shile- 
dar. The general in command of the cavalry force which 

1 On the authority of Kambu's Amal-i-talib, Prof. Sarkar says the 
attack on Ahmednagar was made by Minaji (Manaji) Bbonsle and Kashi. 
Was this the same Minaji Bhonsle who as a Mogul mansabdar is said to 
have treacherously surrendered the fort of Mahuli to Shahaji (Vide Abdul 
Hamid's Bidthanamah in Elliot, VI 1, page 57). The same authority 
states that at the time when Shahajahan gave a mansab to Shahaji, 
the emperor also gave a mansab to his son Samaji (Sambbaji) and his 
brother Minaji, while the Marathi chronicles generally state that an 
imperial mansab was conferred upon Kheloji, the eon of Vithoji Bhonsle. 

2 These represent two classes of cavalry soldiers, the shiledar main- 
taining his own horse and being a sort of cavalier, the bargir uoing a 
horse lent by the state. 


up to thib lime had served under Shivaji was Mankoji 
Dahatonde, who had received the title . of sirnobut or 
lord of the royal drum. Mankoji was an old veteran 
who had seen service in the stirring times of Shahaji's 
fights with the Moguls. He had maintained Shivaji's cavalry 
in the highest state of efficiency. On his death, the 
brave Netaji Falkar was appointed to succeed him. Palkar 
commanded great influence among the Maratha gentry, 
many of whom now eagerly sought to obtain commissions 
as shiledars in Shivaji's cavalry. 

Meanwhile the Moguls were inflicting defeat after de- 
feat upon Bijapur, and this augured very unfavourably 
for Shivaji's future career. For it was plain that the ex- 
tinction of the Bijapur kingdom would turn the Mogul 
conqueror upon Shivaji himself. Anticipating this exigency, 
Shivaji sought to conciliate Aurangzeb, submitting himself 
and his fortunes to the Mogul protection and offering an 
humble apology for the spoliation of Junnar and Ahmed- 
nagar. With a petition couched in these terms he sent 
his envoy Baghunathpant Korde, a trusty officer well 
versed in the diplomacy and finesse of Indian courts, to the 
imperial camp, that he might add verbal assurances to the 
entreaties for pardon made in the petition. 

Fortunately for the future of Shivaji's enterprise, 
Aurangzeb received a confidential report of Shahajahan's 
illness from the princess Roshanara, who watched over his 
ambitious interests at the capital, and the imperial general 
concluded a hasty peace with Bijapur and with as large 
a force as he could collect in the southern subha, he imme- 
diately set out for Delhi. Emboldened by the sudden 
diversion of the imperial forces to the north, Shivaji forth- 
with sent another embassy representing his regret for the 
necessity that had led to the spoliation of Mogul territory 
by his forces, offering to place a large force of cavalry at 
the service of Aurangzeb, and undertaking the defence of 
the imperial territory in the south during Aurangzeb's 
enforced absence. In return, Shivaji prayed, he might 


be reinstated in the hereditary rights and privileges he 
claimed over certain territories that had passed under the 
Moguls, as also the jahgir lands of his family which had 
now come under the imperial power and the commission of 
deshmukh or zamindary rights over the districts of 
Juunar and Ahmednagar. The restoration of these rights 
and dues would be an ample return for his proffered service 
to the imperial crown. In conclusion he pointed out that 
the government of the Konkan districts had long been 
neglected by the Adil Shahi power and represented that 
the transfer of this province to himself would be of very 
great advantage to the empire. 

These were serious demands couched in the adulatory 
language of court etiquette, but the great excitement in the 
Mogul camp did not leave to Aurangzeb sufficient leisure 
to indulge in resentful feelings. He rather chose for the 
present to leave Shivaji in a state of expectancy with re- 
gard to his demands and encourage him to continue his 
disturbances in the Bijapur territory, for in this the wily 
prince discerned the only means of preservation for the 
Mogul conquests in the Deccan during the strenuous civil 
wars which were now impending and were certain to 
jeopardize the security and integrity of the empire Resolved 
to pursue this line of conduct Aurangzeb made answer in 
the most guarded manner possible. In the first place, while 
censuring Shivaji's conduct, he was pleased to extend to 
him that royal mercy which he craved. Secondly, he granted 
permission to Shivaji to turn his attention to the con- 
quest of the Konkan. Lastly Shivaji was desired to depute 
Abaji Sondev to a conference where Shivaji's hereditary 
;rights and perqu : sites would be duly considered, and pend- 
ing a final adjustment of these claims Shivaji was required 
to send 500 horse to the assistance of the Moguls and keep 
his forces in a state of readiness and efficiency for the 
maintenance of peace and security in the Mogul province. 1 

These negotiations led to no tangible results in the 

1 Parasols M S 


nd. It was only a make-believe sort of alliance on either 
side. In fact there was no time to seal a conpact of per- 
manent friendship. Aurangzeb was too much occupied 
by the stress of the civil wars that followed. It was his 
unnatural task to fight, slay, or execute his unfortunate 
brothers and to imprison his father in his helpless dotage, 
literally wading through slaughter to an inauspicious throne. 
That was just what Shivaji wanted. Bight well did 
Shivaji know that the demands which he had made were too 
ambitious for the haughty prince to grant. On his part 
it was only a ruse to gain more time to pursue his ambi- 
tious plans in a leisurely manner. 

Tradition has it that on reaching Delhi, when Aurang- 
zeb finally resolved to usurp the throne and imprison, 
his helpless father in his palace, he wrote to the Deccan 
nobles to come to his assistance, and that among others 
Shivaji too received such an invitation. Whereupon it 
is said that Shivaji shuddered at the contents of the 
letter and openly expressed his horror of the unnatural 
crime formulated by Aurangzeb in such a cold-blooded 
fashion. Nay, the story goes that he spurned the poor 
courier who was the bearer of the proposal and drove 
him from his presence and had the traitorous missive 
bound to the tail of a mongrel cur to be dragged over 
the mire and filth of Poona. On hearing of the contemp- 
tuous manner in which this proposal was received by 
Shivaji, Aurangazeb is said to have burst forth into a 
passion and vowed to avenge the indignity. But this 
plan of revenge he never had the opportunity to carry out, 
and it would even seem that his resentment must have 
been of short duration. For shortly afterwards when the 
news of the death of Afzul Khan at the hands of Shivaji 
reached Aurangzeb's ears, he congratulated the Maratha 
warrior by letter and presented him with two or three 
hill-forts on the borders of Bijapur. Not content with this 
he advised Shivaji to continue this plan of aggression 
against Bijapur and promised to confer on him tax-free 


all the lands he might succeed in wresting from the Bijapur 
government. It is obvious that in all this Aurangzeb 
was inspired by thoughts of his future dealings with the 
Adil Shahi dynasty, reflecting no doubt that Shivaji's 
pioneer work in the dismemberment of that kingdom would 
render his programme all the easier of accomplishment. 
.As to the ultimate defeat of Shivaji he took it as a matter 
of course. Little did he then dream, with all his political 
sagacity, that the most stubborn problem of all his life, 
reserved as the crowning wreck and disgrace of his 
declining years, would be just this the war with the newly 
founded Maratha power. 



AFTER the complete liberation of Shahaji from the 
Sultan's watch at Bijapur and his return to the Karnatic. 
Shivaji revived the aggressive policy he had slackened in 
the interim. His object was now to win over from the 
sultan the entire region of the Konkan and the uplands of 
the ghats, and to round off these possessions with the 
conquest of new hill-forts. The news of these freshly 
awakened activities threw the Bijapur durbar once more 
into consternation. For they were in the dilemma that 
if they were to move their forces openly against Shivaji, 
he might in all prcbability enlist the sympathy of the 
Moguls and demand their protection, and thus they would 
only accelerate their downfall. Thoughts of public 
hostilities could not therefore be entertained, but a force 
of a thousand horse was entrusted to a nobleman, Baji 
Shamraj by name, who undertook the arduous task of sur- 
prising Shivaji and making him prisoner. Shivaji was then 
encamped at Mahad. Baji Shamraj with the active support of 
Chandrarao More of Javli formed an ambuscade in the defile 
of the Parghat, lying in wait to fall upon Shivaji unawares 
and apprehend him. But Shivaji was apprised of this plot 
of Baji by his faithful scouts, and the result was that far 
from Shivaji falling into the trap, Baji Shamraj's party 
itself was suddenly attacked and dispersed in all directions. 
Shamraj returned to Bijapur defeated and crest-fallen. 

The active support lent to his enemies by the More 
family naturally rankled in Shivaji's mind, and he now 
set about to teach them a lesson they would ever remem 
ber. 1 Ghandrarao More held sway in the districts which 
formed the watershed of the Krishna and the Warna. 
He entertained more than a thousand Mavalis in his 

1 Chandrarao More was the hereditary title of the fief-holders of 
Javli. The feudal lord of Javli at the time was Kriahnaji Baji. (Parasnia: 
Itihas Sangraha, Sphuta Lekh I, 26.) 


service and was one of the principal feudal lords under 
the Bijapur durbar. The payment of the annual tribute 
left him an ample surplus upon which the family had thriven 
and prospered for centuries. He was the lord of many a 
hill-fort and mountain defile, his principal position being 
Hashamgad. Several times before this Shivaji had tried 
to win over this mighty chief and bind him to his interests, 
and had represented that he might either stop the tribute 
paid to Bijapur and divert it to Shivaji or might enjoy 
all the revenue to himself, on no other condition than that 
of helping him with a force of 5000 in time of need. To 
these proposals the loyal More had systematically turned 
a deaf ear. 

Now it was quite apparent that this little world of 
hill and dale under the rule of the More family stood in 
the way of Shivaji's complete domination over the zone of 
the highlands of the Western Ghats. It comprehended 
many a mountain fastness, the keys to the mastery of 
fields and pastures in the valleys. Shivaji's ultimate plans 
to strike at the Mahomedan power required that he should 
be first safely ensconced among these rocky wilds as the 
undisputed master of the Western Ghats. This must in- 
evitably bring him into collision with the More family. 
But the More's was an ancient name, and he had thousands of 
brave Mavali retainers in his service, and many a gallant 
warrior and chief strove night and day for its prestige. 
Among them Suryarao, the brother of Chandrarao More, 
and Hanmantrao, his private secretary, were men of 
acknowledged military genius. To put his forces against 
those of the More family in an open encounter was in 
Shivaji's opinion likely to prove a bloody experiment with- 
out much probability of ultimate success. Shivaji, therefore, 
according to the traditional bakhar account, had to act with 
circumspection and avoid any act of overt hostility. With 
this object in view, he got two of his officers, Raghunath 
Ballal Korde and Sambbaji Kavji, with a small escort to 
proceed to the principality of Javli to reconnoitre the place 


and report on its hill-forts and positions of strategic value. 1 
To facilitate this plan, Shivaji's officers feigned as an excuse 
for their intrusion that they had come on an embassy to 
negotiate a match between Shivaji and Chandrarao More's 
daughter. Relying upon this assurance More gave orders 
to arrange for the comfort of his guests. Now More was 
much addicted to drink. He had not the least suspicion 
of the ulterior intentions of these alleged ambassadors. 
These men on the other hand were scrutinizing everything 
they saw or heard. Raghunath Ballal did not take long to 
discover the reckless security in which the drunken More 
lived and the dissensions that existed in his garrison. Con- 
ceiving the plan of surprising and assassinating the un- 
guarded chief within the walls of his own fort, he consulted 
his comrade Sambhaji Kavji and with his concurrence 
wrote to Shivaji that they had it in their power to settle 
the last account with More, provided Shivaji advanced 
with his army in the vicinity of Javli and at a given 
signal appeared on the scene. Shivaji descended from 
Bajgad with a small army and came by forced marches 
to Mahabaleshwar by way of Purandar. He arranged his 
troops in the forest and remained on the alert for further 
developments, having notified Raghunathrao of his arrival. 
Having set the trap ready, Raghunathrao proposed a con- 
fidential conference with Chandrarao and his brother 
Suryarao. In the course of the conversation he found an 
occasion to draw his dagger and killed the brothers on 
the spot, and set forth straightway to descend the castle 
with the band of his followers, who were drawn up all 
ready for the start * But they were interrupted by the 

1 According to Chitnis, Sabhasad, and Shedgaokar Raghunath Bolla! 
Sabnis was sent upon this mission, with a few soldiers. According to 
Shedgaokar Bakhar. Sambhaji Kavji was later on sent to Hamantrao and 
murdered him. 

2 According to the verdion in the Shivdigvijay, Ragho Ballal came 
to an interview with More's secretary, Hanmantrao, on pretence of a 
marriage alliance, and finding him off his guard killed him by treachery. 
Upon this Shivaji marched upon Chandrarao More, defeated and slew 
him in the field and captured Javli. The Rairi bakhar gives nearly the 


sentry mounted at the gate who had meanwhile received word 
of the murders committed within. Shivaji's men forced 
their way at the sword's point through their ranks and 
made good their escape into the forest. The retainers of 
More made little serious attempt to pursue the treacherous 
guests. For the lord of the castle having himself fallen, 
who was there to rally the pursuers and keep up their 
spirits? Shivaji now descended from Mahabaleshwar by 
the Nissan ghat, or Pass of the Stairs, to Javli and 
blockading Hashamgad on all sides gave battle to the More 
hosts. Chandrarao's sons Bajirao and Krishnarao and the 
minister Hanmantrao fought with the energy of despair. 
But at length Hanmantrao fell dead on the field and More's 
brave sons were wounded and made prisoners. 1 These brave 
warriors with the ladies and children of the More family 
were kept in confinement upon fort Purandar. Shivaji 
intended to confer a suitable jahgir on the heirs of More 
so as to keep up the prestige of an ancient name. But 
they were detected in a traitorous correspondence with 
Bijapur for arranging a flight to that court. This cor- 
respondence was intercepted and put in evidence against 
them. They were found guilty of treason and executed. 
The ladies of the family were then set at liberty. 

Such is the traditional account of this event, as it has 
come down to us from the pens of the leading chroniclers. 
As regards statements of details they differ muoh from one 
another, as will oe seen from the foot-notes. Let us put 
together these divergent statements, and they lead to one 

same version with this addition that Hanmant was first overtaken and 
alain in a battle at Mahabaleshwar and next Shivaji advanced againat 
Chandrarao More and defeating him conquered Javli and Mahabaleshwar. 
1 There are other versions: ( 1 ) According to dabhasad this Hanmant- 
rao was a brother of Chandrarao More. On the conquest of Javli he retired 
into the Konkan and set up a small principality there. Fearing he 
might return and repeat hia attempts for the recovery of Javli, Shivaji 
sent Sambhaji Kavji on a diplomatic mission to Hanmantrao. The 
envoy opened the discussion of a marriage alliance between Hanmant and 
Shivaji and despatched the unsuspecting chief with his dagger. (2) 
Chitnis omits these gruesome dataila and only says that Sambhaji killed. 
H anmantrao. 


conclusion, that there was an offer of a marriage alliance, 
that under pretence of such an offer, either Chandrarao 
More himself or his captain and kinsman, Hanmantrao 
More, was treacherously slain, either by Raghunath Ballal 
or by Sambhaji Kavji. For it is too much to believe that 
Eaghunath Ballal proposed a marriage alliance to Chandra- 
rao More and stabbed him, and at the same time to believe 
that after this murder had taken place Sambhaji Kavji 
made a similar proposal to Hanmantrao and murdered 
him. We hold that if Chandrarao More was deceived and 
murdered, Hanmantrao, who is described as a brave and 
wise man, the actual administrator of Javli and the only 
pillar of strength to the More family, was too shrewd 
a man to fall into the same trap. The probability is that 
if the one was murdered, the other was not. Hanmantrao 
would not be deceived by offers of a marriage alliance 
{ Shedgaokar bakhar, 81), if Chandrarao More had been 
done to death by a similar treacherous proposal. 

The Jedhe Chronology tells us plainly that the fight- 
ing with the Mores was a prolonged affair and not to be 
settled by the murder of one man or another. This chro- 
nology gives no account of treachery, it speaks only of 
fighting. The struggle lasted for above five months, from 
December 1655 ( Pousha of Shaka 1577) to at least April 
or May 1656 ( Vaishakha of Shaka 1578 ). Under the 
first entry ( December 1655 ) we are told that Shivaji 
captured Javli with the help of the Jedhe deshmukh and 
the followers of Bandal and Silibkar (Silimkar) and other 
Mavli chiefs, and we are distinctly told that with their 
help Shivaji fought and took Javli. Before proceeding 
to the second entry, we will remark that this first entry 
confirms the statement of the bakhar account published 
in Parasnis's Itihas Sangraha, Sphuta Lekh I, 26, where 
we are told that after mutual recriminations and chal- 
lenges, Shivaji sent an ultimatum to Chandrarao ( presum- 
ably through Raghunath Ballal Korde ) and descending 
from Mahabaleshwar by the Pass of the Stairs ( Nissan 


ghat), laid siege to Javli for a month. This account 
further states that at the fall of Javli, Chandrarao More 
escaped to Bairi, seized it from Shivaji's men and fought 
the fort for three months, at the end of which he was forced 
to capitulate. Now these statements ( Itiha* Sangraha 
Sphuta LeJch I, 26-^9; II 11, and Parasnis's Mahabaleshivar, 
19-21) are supported by the second entry in the Jedhe Chro- 
nology ( pp. 180-81), which is undoubtedly an independent 
authority. This entry, under the month of Vaishakh, Shake 
1578, reads as follows: "In Vaishakh the Rajah Shivaji 
took ( recovered ) Rairi. Along with him were Kanhojz 
Jedhe deshmukh, of Taluka Bhore, and Bandal and Shilib- 
kar deshmukhs, and a force of Mavalis. Haibatrao and 
Balaji Naik Silibkar ueed their mediation and Chandra- 
rao descended the fort. The Itihaa Sangraha account 
further states that Chandrarao More was pardoned and 
re-established in some of his old possessions and honours 
as a fief-holder under Shivaji, until he opened an in- 
triguing correspondence with the Ghorpades of Mudhol,. 
when he was executed at Chakan, perhaps along with his 
sons, and then the glory of Javli came to an end. On the 
other hand the Jedhe entry concludes with a statement that 
Shivaji rewarded the services of Haibatrao Silibkar in 
bringing about a reconciliation with Chandrarao and that 
the territories of the latter were divided between him and 
his brothers. There is nothing contradictory between this- 
and the Itihas Sangraha account. They mutually confirm 
one another. The Shedgaokar bakhar says expressly that 
the quarrels of the brothers wrecked the realm of Chandra- 
rao. Reconstructing the whole story, we may proceed to 
state, as related in some of the bakhars, that Hanmantrao 
More still continued to defy Shivaji after the submission 
of Chandrarao, that Sambhaji Kavji was therefore sent to 
him ( Sabhasad 10 ) perhaps under pretence of a marriage 
alliance ( Sabhasad and Shedgaokar ) and that under 
some such pretence he stabbed him to death ( Chitnis, 
Sabhasad and Shedgaokar ). When it is considered that 
Hanmantrao belonged to the More family and that 


Chandrarao More was only the hereditary title of the 
fief-holders of Javli, it seems possible that the Marathi 
chronicles describing tho events full two generations after 
they had occurred would make a muddle of the whole 
affair and some of them proceed wrongly to state that 
Javli was taken by tricking Chandrarao More into a 
proposal of marriage. There is nothing improbable in such 
a reconstruction of the whole event, which is the only in- 
telligible form in which it commends itself to our accept- 
ance in sympathy with the general tenor of the conflicting 
versions. Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji, 54 ) might well have 
spared his gibes against recent "discoveries" of "old 
chronicles", for it is not necessary to press upon the 
reader the acceptance of that part of the Itihas San- 
graha narrative which asserts that Chandrarao More had 
attempted to seize Shivaji by treachery and had intrigued 
with the Ghorpades of Mudhol against him. This attempt 
to represent that event in a retaliatory light has unneces- 
sarily provoked the ire of Prof. Sarkar. That intrigue 
was probably the last incident of the tragic tale. It led to 
executions and .reprisals, and the practical extinction of 
the More family ( Shivdigvijay, 131) though, as Prof. 
Sarkar shows, some of the members of the More family 
unquestionably escaped and attempted to avenge themselves 
by co-operating with the Rajah Jaysingh at a later date. 

In this manner was effected the conquest of Javli 
and the fortifications comprised in that demesne. Shivaji's 
flag was now flying over all its hill-forts. The large trea- 
sures in gold and specie accumulated by many generations 
of the More family fell intact into Shivaji's hands. Under 
the auspices of the Mores a Brahman named Babaji 
Kondadev had waxed in power in the valley of Shivthar. 
This man now constituted himself into a sort of indepen- 
dent ruler, plundering the neighbourhood and defying 
Shivaji's authority. He was arrested and though under 
ordinary circumstances he would have been straightway 
executed for his arrogant defiance, his character as a member 


of the priestly class excited commiseration in Shivaji's eyes. 
Instead of inflicting the extreme penalty of the law, 
Shivaji ordered his eyes to be put out. 1 

The deshmukh of Hirdas in the Maval region, Bandal 
by name, was another of these turbulent chiefs whom 
Shivaji had long meditated to bring under his allegiance. 
He had hitherto evaded Shivaji's peaceful proposals. His 
head- quarters were the mountain-fort of Rohida. Accord- 
ing to Chitnis, about this time, Shivaji concerted a success- 
ful night attack upon this forb and Bandal found himself 
overwhelmed on all sides. Bandal knew well that he had little 
hope of safety, being so completely hemmed in by Shivaji's 
forces. But he was resolved never to yield and launched 
a violent attack on Shivaji. Both parties put forth their 
utmost efforts. Bandal himself rushed over the field, sword 
in hand. He was at length defeated and fell mortally 
wounded. The few surviving followers of Bandal made 
their submission, the chief among them being Bandal's 
minister, Baji Prabhu Deshpande. Shivaji, pleased with 
Deshpande's bravery, treated him with great generosity, 
confirming him in his privileges and estates. When Shi- 
vaji had received further proofs of his loyalty, he got him 
to enlist in his service. He was placed in charge of a 
battalion of infantry. What signal services he rendered 
to Shivaji, and in bow heroical and self-sacrificing a 
manner, will be seen in the sequel. 2 

1 Sabhssad gives a different name, viz. Baji Kodanerao, and the 
Shedgaokar bakhar names him Dadaji Mahadev ( pp. 20, 21. ) 

3 Chitnis's version is followed in the text as regards the conquest 
of Hirdas Maval. On the other hand the Jedhe Chronology, as mentioned 
before, says that Bandal deabmukh, or at any rate his followers, co-operated 
with Shivaji, in capturing Javli. Prof. Sarkar remarks that the twelve 
Mavals were completely conquered by Dadaji Kondadev, and rejects 
this version of Chitnis. But Prof. Sarkar seems to contradict himself when 
he states that the fort of Rohida (Rahira) was gained some time after 
wards (Prof. Sarkar: Shivaji 39, Foot-nota and 41). Moreover the 
name of Baji Deshpande is not mentioned before this event. It would 
seem that Bandal made war and peace according to his convenience, and 
hence these discrepancies among our authorities. (Vide Foot-note (1) in 
Chapter VI). 


After the extirpation of Bandal and his party, Shivaji's- 
rule over the Maval region knew no check or interruption. 
The elements of discord being exterminated, the peasantry 
became secure and fearless and in coneequence happy The- 
introduction of a regular system in the collection of thfr 
land revenue contributed greatly to their prosperity. The 
settlements were neither arbitrary nor oppressive. Th& 
people's interests and wishes were everywhere studied and 
consulted. Those who were willing to serve in the field had 
ready access to Shivaji's army, as new recruits were being; 
constantly picked up wherever they could be discovered. 
Shivaji admitted a large number of Here's brave retainers 
to serve in his field force. 

In order to consolidate his conquest of Javli and the ad- 
jacent parts, Shivaji resolved to erect a central fort among 
the mountains at the sources of the river Krishna and 
entrusted the building operations to Moro Trimal Pingle. 
Pingle was a gallant officer who had accompanied the 
Rajah Shahaji upon his first expedition into the Karnatic. 
He had received his training in finance and war under the 
expert guidance of his own father and the Rajah Shahaji, 
in the disturbed times which had marked the early vicis- 
situdes of Shahaji's life. From the Karnatic he returned 
to Maharashtra about 1653 and took service under Shivaji. 
He won the confidence of Shivaji by the loyalty, zeal> 
and ability he displayed in the execution of every duty 
entrusted to him. He carried out the building of the 
fortifications quite up to Shivaji's standard. The fortress 
was christened Pratapgad. The old temple at Mahabal- 
eshwar was re-modelled and repaired. A new temple, 
with a massive court and walls, was erected next to the 
fountain head of the Krishna. An image of the tutelary 
goddess Bhavani was here set up in imitation of the 
ancient Bhavani of Tuljapur. Shivaji adorned the templo 
with rich ornaments and made frequent pilgrimages to 
this shrine. 

A little later Aurangzeb marched southwards and 

L. S. 11. 


defeated Bijapur and concluding a new treaty retired to 
North India. We have already seen the precautions 
Shivaji had taken to ensure his possessions from the ravages 
of the Moguls. By professions of humility Shivaji had 
succeeded in deceiving a past master of state-craft like 
Aurangzcb and obtained permission to have his own way 
in the Bijapur territory. On Aurangzeb's retirement to 
^the North, Shivaji turned his attention to the conquest of 
the Konkan. In ' quick succession the sea- board towns of 
Ratnagiri, Vijaydurg, Suvarnadurg, Salsi and Kharepatan 
fell before Shivaji. 

About this time a troop of 700 Pathans came to Shivaji 
to seek employment in his army. They had been dis- 
banded by the Bijapur Government after the last treaty 
with the Moguls. They came straggling to Poona and 
applied to Shivaji for employment submitting that they 
had been attracted to him by the fame of his name and 
the martial renown of Shahaji Bhosle. Shivaji was much 
at a loss whether to entertain or not a corps of Mahome- 
tan soldiers in his service. Some of his intimate 
followers distrusted them and represented to Shivaji that 
they might be in a secret league with Bijapur or the Mogul 
-camp and sent on purpose to sow sedition in his army, 
and might turn traitors at any moment. But among the 
trusty officers of Shivaji was a havaldar, Gomaji Naik 
Pansambal, who had seen service under the redoubted 
Lukhji Jadhav and had coine over to Shahaji in Jijabai's 
escort at the time of her marriage. He had shared in all the 
-vicissitudes of Jijabai's career and served in Shivaji's 
earliest enterprises with undeviating loyalty and courage. 
Shivaji had raised him to the rank of havaldar, having 
appreciated his zealous loyalty towards himself and his 
services in the development of his ambitious plans of in- 
dependence. This veteran counselled Shivaji to secure 
the services of these strangers who had been drawn to him 
by the glory of his military exploits and argued that for 
.the final triumph of his cause, the establishment of an in- 


dependent power, it was essential that his realm should be 
an asylum to all men of worth and talent, irrespective 
of the religion they professed. "The true ruler," exclaimed 
this honest soldier, "shall be equally impartial to all 
castes and creeds. He shall give freedom of religion to 
all his subjects and vassals, and shall recruit his servants 
from all races and classes of men, worth and valour being 
the sole tests of selection." In this way the gallant haval- 
dar prevailed over Shivaji's wavering mind, with the re- 
sult that the latter summoned the strangers into his pre- 
sence, and having by a close scrutiny and cross-examination 
satisfied himself as to the sincerity of their profession 
and the genuineness of their desire to enter into his 
service ordered them to be enrolled. 1 Ragho Ballal Atre 
was placed in command of this Pathan Division. After this 
incident Shivaji began to enlist Mahomedans both officers 
and sepoys.on a large scale some of whom are known to have 
risen to great eminence by their zeal, loyalty and bravery. 

The Abyssinians at Janjira were now the only con- 

-siderable power that impeded Shivaji's progress towards 

the reduction of the entire Konkan coast under his hecre- 


mony. The Chief of Janjira 2 , strong in his naval resources, 

time and again harassed Shivaji's possessions in the Konkan. 

Perceiving that his conquests there could not have even 

'the shadow of security till this foreign ruler wassubjugated f 

Shivaji determined to concentrate his forces upon the 

reduction of this enemy. Resolved to carry out this part 

of his programme without delay, Shivaji ordered Shamraj- 

pant, the Peshwa, to move his forces against Jaujira. Fatten 

Khan was the Abyssinian chief then bearing sway over 

Janjira. This chief knew that Shivaji's intentions towards 

-Janjira were by no means friendly and had prepared him- 
self for an encounter. Between Fatteh Khan and Sham- 

1 This officer's name must not be confounded with that of ttagho Ballal 
iKorde who figures in the tragic story of the capture of Javli. 

2 The word " Janjira " means an island-fort or sea-fort, and the is- 
land of Zanzibar off the coast of British East Africa is said to have been ao 

called from its being an island-fort under its Moorish masters. 


raj pant several skirmishes took place near Danda-Rajpur^ . 
and the Peshwa got the worst of these engagements. 
Shivaji's forces had to retire before the skilfully concerted 
military movements of Fatteh Khan, and numbers of the 
Peshwa's expeditionary force perished. Shamraj had to return 
home disgraced and dispirited. This was the first considerable 
reverse sustained by Shivaji's arms, and he took it ill to such 
an extent that he discharged Shamraj pant from his office 
of Peshwa and entrusted Baghunathpant with the campaign 
with a considerably re-inforced army. The office of Peshwa 
was conferred upon Moro Trimal Pingle, who exercised, 
the duties of this position of trust for the rest of his life. 
Among other transfers of office Nilo Sondev was given 
charge of the duties of Muzumdar, ( accountant-general } s 
Gango Mangaji those of Waknis ( record-keeper ) and 
Yessaji Kunk was appointed to be the commander-in-chief 
of the infantry force, with the title of sirnobut. 

In the course of this war with the Abyssinians, the 
chief of Sawantwadi came to learn of the great arma- 
ments embarked by Shivaji upon the conquest of the 
Konkan coast. The Sawantwadi chief had little of internal 
resources to stem the tide of the expected invasion. The 
chief owned the hegemony of Bijapur and had hitherto 
paid little heed to the rise of Shivaji. But the annihilation 
of the power and prestige of the great More family, the 
discomfiture of neighbouring feudal chiefs and the surren- 
der of numerous hill-forts and positions of vantage without 
any successful resistance on the part of Bijapur, added to 
the utter paralysis of inaction and dissension which had 
overtaken that state after the last Mogul invasion, opened 
the eyes of the Sawantwadi chief to the utter futility of 
any expectation of aid in the hour of peril and the advisa- 
bility of entering into an understanding with one whose 
atar was unmistakably in the ascendant. A treaty ^followed, 
by which it was agreed that the Sawant should cede, half 
his revenues to Shivaji, who was empowered to collect his 
moiety by his own agency. The Sawant was to enjoy the. 


of the revenue with all the rights and prerogatives of 
-deshmukhi or zamindari lordship over Sawantwadi with- 
out let or hindrance. In pursuance of this plan the Sawanfc 
chief was to discontinue payment of the time-honoured 
tribute to Bijapur, to maintain his garrisons all over the 
forts, and keep an efficient infantry force of 3000 to be 
placed at Shivaji's service on demand. In effect, the chief 
disowned the hegemony of Bijapur and acknowledged that 
of Shivaji. 

The treaty thus entered into was plainly not the out- 
come of the Sawant's free will, and in a short time he repented 
of the step to which he had rashly committed himself. 
It was too galling to his spirit to submit to Shivaji's domi- 
nation which he soon made shift to change for that of 
Bijapur. How Shivaji visited this fickleness on the 
Sawant'a head will be described in a later chapter. 

Meanwhile the forces sent against the Abyssinians had 
met with foemen worthy of their steel and the monsoon 
netting in made the protraction of the struggle impossible. 
In the following campaign the command was entrusted to 
ihe Peshwa Moropant assisted by Netaji Palkar. The cam- 
paign was interrupted by the monsoons, which began 
rather earlier than usual. Meanwhile a new crisis threatened 
to overtake Shivaji's fortune which made a pause necessary 
in the Maratha enterprise and required the exercise of all 
their concentrated resources. This was the invasion of Afzul 


THE Bijapur government bad been waiting with patience; 
Fort after fort, district after district bad passed from* 
tbeir inert grasp into tbe grip of the Maratha warrior. 
Their feudal vassals were being seduced to defection, the 
zealous Mores of Javli had paid for their loyalty with 
death and ruin, the Sawants of Wadi had been seduced 
from their allegiance to their traditional suzerains, the 
province of Kalyan dissevered for ever from the Bijapur 
monarchy, and their Abyssinian admirals beset on all sides 
and all but forced to withdraw from the Konkan. These 
events were too serious each of them to be lightly passed 
over, but taken together they would have roused to action, 
the most lethargic government that ever bore sway in any 
part of India. It is said that no less than forty of the 
Bijapur fortresses were by this time in Shivaji's hands. 1 ' 
The government had seen all, heard all, but had not moved. 
One remedy indeed they had tried. They had incarcerated 
Shahaji. They had hoped to tame the son by threatening 
the life of the father. They had hoped in vain. They had 
not fully counted upon Shivaji's resourcefulness. They 
had yet to fathom the depths of his diplomacy. They 
were bitterly undeceived. Their attempt had recoiled on 
themselves. It Had drawn Shivaji into a league with their 
Mogul spoilers and given the support of the imperial autho- 
rity to his excesses. They had served him as a shield 
against the wrath of Bijapur. He had become the Mogul* 
poniard in the bosom of the Adil Shahi State. Once more 
after the liberation of Shahaji, they had tried to entrap 
the quarry they dared not bring to bay, but they had been, 
signally disappointed in Baji Shamraj. Then the Mogul 
cavalry had suddenly invaded their land and drenched it 
with blood The peace at last made with the Moguls and 
the absorption of Aurangzeb in the fratricidal war in the- 
north allowed them now to breathe freely for a while^ 

1 Modak'a History of Bijapur. 


This interval of peace with the Mogul emperor they hoped to 
turn against ShivajL 

Ali Adil Shaba II then held the sceptre at Bijapur. 
He was a mere youth, without experience, about twenty- 
one years of age. His mother, famous among native histo- 
rians under the popular name of the Badi ( Bari ) Saheba 
or the queen dowager, carried on the affairs of state in 
person with the assistance of the able minister, Khawas 
Khan. One day calling all her ministers and generals to 
an audience, she ordered them to put the state armies in 
motion and capture the rebellious Shivaji alive and at the 
conclusion of her harangue inquired who would take the 
glorious task upon himself. No one offered to risk the 
undertaking. They had heard enough of Shivaji's valour 
to feel that it was better to keep well out of his way. They 
all dreaded a rencontre with him. 1 But there was one 
amongst them in whom vanity outweighed his discretion. 
This was Afzul Khan. 2 He was elated with pride. What 
a noble chance to play the hero ! He would not flinch or 
waver. Let the queen but give the word, he would make 
Shivaji dance to the tune of his sword. This language of 
bravado filled the queen dowager with elation. She knew 
he .was a general of high eminence in the state. She pre- 
sented him with robes of honour and bade him start on his 
campaign with 12,000 horse and a goodly number of infantry 
with a suitable complement of artillery, rockets, and war 
material in charge of a camel corps. 3 It is said that the 

l Sabhasad, 3; Shedgaonkar, 24. 

9 He is said to have originally belonged to the caste or profession 
of a cook-shop keeper,- bhatari, and to have risen to greatness and the rank 
of a commander by his talents. His name is said to have originally been 
Abdulkhan. He is referred to by this name in some of the bakhars and 
powadas i. e. the ballads of Maratha minstrels/. 

3 The figures are variously given. Grant Duff mentions 5000 horse 
and seven hundred foot. Chitnia puts down the whole invading army at 
30,000, while Chitragupta exaggerates the number to 70,000. The powadas 
limit the number to 12,000 horse. The English Factory Records, Raja- 
pur, give the strength of his army as 10,000 horse and foot, and it is said 
that because this number was so small, the queen told Afzul Khan to pre- 
tend friendship with Shivaji, and seize or slay him by treachery. 


provisions and war-material were plentiful enough to have 
lasted for three campaigns. Besides these forces Afzul 
Khan was provided with a corps of two or three thousand 
Mavalis. These he had entertained knowing well how in- 
dispensable they were for a campaign in the Maval regions, 
especially as Shivaji's fighting force was chiefly recruited 
from these people. But what a world of difference there 
lay between Shivaji's Mavali militia inspired by the highest 
feelings of loyalty and patriotism and the Mavali soldiers 
of Afzul Khan hired for a soulless enterprise ! But it was 
not for Afzul Khan to discern this difference. 

At the very outset let us take notice of the spirit of 
bravado in which Afzul Khan had undertaken this enterprise. 
In open durbar he had boasted that he would bring back 
Shivaji alive, a captive in chains. The dowager queen had 
besides instructed him to effect the capture or murder of 
Shivaji by "pretending, friendship" and rousing hopes of 
the sultan's pardon. 1 He hoped to succeed in this heavy 
task by tampering with the loyalty of Shivaji's Mavali 
deshmukhs 2 and by a policy of striking terror among the 

Afzul Khan crossed the Krishna with his troops, and 
forcing his marches with groat rapidity arrived at the 
ancient temple of Bhawani at Tuljapur, where he tempo- 
rarily encamped his army. Learning that this temple was 
sacred in the eyes of the Marathas, the Bhavani of Tulja- 
pur being indeed the guardian patroness of certain leading 
families of the Maratha nobility, and in particular of the 
Bhonsle family, he desecrated the temple. The original 
stone image of the goddess, which was considered the 
more sacred, was concealed by the priest under water. But 
the larger image of the deity was seized and ground to 
powder between mill-stones I 3 Breaking up his camp, Afzul 

1 Factory Records, Rajapar, 10th October 1659, quoted by Prof. 
Sarkar, Shivaji p. 69. 

2 Jedhe Chronology, pp. 182-83. 

3 A powada describes how the idol was broken, the temple converted 
unto a mosque, and further polluted by cow-slaughter. 


Than made for Pandharpur, polluting the temple of Man- 
keshwar on the way. This was a circuitous way that 
Afzul Khan had taken, urged to the step, it^is said, by the 
fact that the straight road over the mountain ghats was 
rendered impassble to an army by the heavy rains. Having 
encamped on the Bhima, he resolved to destroy the his- 
toric temple of Vithoba at Pandharpur. But the hereditary 
priests of the temple concealed the image and the affrighted 
citizens deserting house and home fled for safety to the 
neighbouring forests 1 Afzul wreaked such vengeance as 
he could on the shrine and turned his march to Poona, 
reducing such of Shivaji's forts and possessions as lay right 
on his line of march. 

Shivaji was at Rajgad when his scouts brought word 
of the impending descent of Afzul Khan, with the avowed 
purpose of seizing him alive and carrying him as a prisoner 
in chains to celebrate his triumph through the streets of 
Bijapur. Upon this Shivaji held a conference with his chiefs 
and nobles, whose opinion was that the Khan should be 
hemmed in within some narrow defile and Shivaji should 
keep his forces ready under the protection of the fortifica- 
tions of Pratapgad pending the invasion of the Khan. 
There was also another opinion expressed by a minority 
of the chiefs in council, who held that there was little 
prospect of success in a conflict with the Khan's armies and 

advocated peaceful overtures with the Bijapur commander. 
Shivaji did not disguise his contempt of this proposal, ex- 
pressing his want of confidence in the good faith of the 
Adil Shahi government or of its general and declaring that 
they could not afford to trust any offer of friendship from 
men who were incapable of forming a true conception of 
peace and good-will. He hoped to meet them on the field 
of battle. He would beat them on their own ground. He 
would make them abate their insolence ! 

Now tradition has it that while his mind was racked 

1 However the powada, already referred fcc, speaks of the breaking 

of the image of Vithoba and the drowning of that cf Pundalik. 


with these cares and depressed with the weight of the re- 
sponsibility hanging on his actions, he had a vision of 
the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur whose temple had just 
then been desecrated. The goddess bade him be of good 
cheer, for his was to be the hand that would compel Afzul 
Khan to expiate these atrocities. His campaign would be 
crowned with glorious success. Such was the dream. 
Shivaji roused himself from his slumbers, performed his 
morning ablutions and had his mother awakened in order 
to communicate to her the dream he had just experienced. 
At dawn when the civil and military officers gathered to 
his levee he expounded to them his dream, exclaiming 
that when the great goddess herself was to stand by his 
side, what did he reck the force of a mere mortal like 
Afzul Khan ? By the divine blessing he had found a way 
to put Afzul Khan's army to utter rout and confusion. 
The courtiers present declared it was too serious an enter- 
prise and its miscarriage was bound to have a tremendous 
recoil on the people of Maharashtra. Observing the embar- 
rassed looks of his adherents, Shivaji declared with anima- 
tion that talk of conciliation was vain and would lead in- 
evitably to ruin. An open tight and fair field was the only 
salvation for them. Death or victory, either was welcome. 
He would welcome a death which stood for glory; but to 
surrender, to whine and to die this was alike inglorious 
and unprofitable. He for one was resolved to fight to the 
death. If the war ended in victory, he would say, all's 
well that ends well. But should it prove otherwise, he 
looked to his followers to guard his little realm and main- 
tain the renown of the Bhonsle name, under the instructions 
of his mother. 

With his heart thus steeled to do or die, Shivaji gave 
immediate order to move his camp to Pratapgad, and 
entered the ladies' apartments to communicate his final 
plans to his mother. Prostrating himself reverently, as 
was his wont, at the feet of his mother, he described to her 
the resolution he had formed. Mother and son were over- 


whelmed with the tenderest emotions at this crisis. Both 
knew the gravity of the situation and the small probability 
of success. But the brave matron faced the situation with- 
out faltering and putting aside all the softer emotions roused 
in her breast, she nerved herself to cheer on her son, 
after a great mental struggle. Laying her hand proudly 
upon his head she poured out her blessings and expressed her 
conviction that by his valour and heroism, she might earn 
the satisfaction of having given birth to a hero. Having 
received his mother's blessing Shivaji set out for Pratapgad. 

Apprised of Shivaji's movements Afzul Khan diverted 
his march from Poona to Wai, desecrating the temple of 
Shambhu Mahadev at Shingnapur on his line of march. At 
Wai the Khan found himself in the midst ot his fief -lands. 
He encamped his army with great caution. From this base he 
wrote to the Mavali chiefs and the Adil Shahi zemindars to 
flock to his standards. 1 Chief among these were the Khopdes, 
the rivals of the Jedhes for the deshmukh rights over Bohid- 
khore. Kedarji Khopde seems to have joined Afzui Khan 
already before ; and on receipt of this order Khandoji Khopde 
of Taluka Utroli hastened to join him at Wai. Similar 
orders were received by Kanhoji Naik Jedhe along with 
the other deshmukhs, already when Shivaji was at Rajgad. 
The Jedhe chief and others went to Shivaji at Rajgad on 
receipt of these orders. Shivaji told these men to join 
Afzul Khan, if they cared for their estates and their lives, 
after receiving some guarantee of protection. But they 
swore obedience to Shivaji and at his advice removed their 
families for better protection to Talegaon (Dhamdhere). 
Among those who refused to obey Afzul Khan's call were 
the Jedhes, the followers of Bandal, Haibat Rao Silibkar, 
Fasalkar, Marne and Dhamale, and the deshmukhs of 
Maral. 8 

Afzul Khan was quite taken aback by Shivaji's post- 
ing himself on the inaccessible cliff of Pratapgad, for he 

1 Raj wade XV, 393 ; XVII, 31. 

2 Jedhe Chronology. 


well knew of the difficulties of a m&rch in that direc- 
tion, and knew at the same time the risks of a battle with 
Shivaji, in a place which was very disadvantageous 
for the manoeuvring of his forces. His idea was to con- 
trive some plan to lure the Maratha prince from his van- 
tage-ground. By various pretences and overtures of friend- 
ship he hoped to throw him off his guard, arrest him in 
person and take him in triumph to Bijapur. 

When Afzul Khan reached Wai, Shivaji appointed 
Vishwas Rao Nana Prabhji of Muse Khore in the Maval 
country to the important duty of reconnoitring his camp 
and observing the number and quality of his forces. 
Vishwas Rao used to wander night after night in all parts 
of the hostile camp in the disguise of a fakir, and send 
information to Shivaji. The result of this scouting sufficed 
to prove to Shivaji the magnificent preparations of Afzul 
Khan and the costliness of a victory, supposing that 
victory itself was assured. He concluded, therefore, that 
he must tread his path with circumspection and make up 
by stratagem for the inadequacy of his forces. Could he 
not hit upon some plan so as to conserve his resources in 
money and in men and withal cause Afzul Khan's fury to 
recoil upon himself ? Shivaji's courtiers encouraged him 
in this preference of policy above rashness. Having at last 
made up his mind, he assumed an attitude of humiliation 
and sent word to Afzul Kbau that he would be the last 
man to think of challenging comparisons with such a 
distinguished general as he was, and that he had now no 
other desire than to sue for peace and pardon from the 
authorities of the Bijapur government. He had affronted 
that government in the grossest manner possible and 
doubted how far he could secure pardon even though he 
presented himself before them in sackcloth and ashes. He, 
therefore, craved this favour that Afzul Khan might with 
his well-known magnanimity condescend to intercede for 
him with the Bijapur durbar. Should he consent to do so 
and procure his pardon he would consider himsalf to have 


been especially favoured by fortune. He was ready to put 
himself entirely at his mercy, relying on the generosity 
and greatness of his soul. He now repented of his folly 
and would restore to the Bijapur state all the conquests 
he had made. He only wanted to be assured of the royal 

Afzul Khan took all this in serious earnest. It seemed 
to him natural that Shivaji should bate his pride and 
proclaim his readiness to surrender. He thought nothing 
else could be expected of him when confronted with such a 
general as himself. That surrender he thought now depended 
entirely on his movements. But Shivaji must first b& 
dislodged from the impregnable position he occupied. By 
promises of pardon he might attain this object. With this 
view he deputed Krishnaji Bhaskar 1 , a Brahman well- versed 
in the arts of diplomacy, to proceed on an embassy to Shi- 
vaji's camp, having tutored him at a private interview 
how he was to conduct himself with Shivaji and lure him 
to his ruin. The ambassador received instructions to re- 
present to Shivaji that he should repose in Afzul Khan the 
same confidence he did in his father, remembering that the 
Khan was a comrade in arms to Shahaji ; that the Khan 
had great affection for Shivaji, and he expected him to 
reciprocate his feelings, that in view of the bravery and 
services of Shahaji, Shivaji's past career would be forgiven 
and forgotten; and the Khan would undertake to procure 
for Shivaji a modest principality in the Konkan, with 
permission to retain the fortresses he had captured and 
a military grant or saranjam for the maintenance of an 
army corps. Lastly Afzul Khan would undertake to recon- 
cile Shivaji with the sultan and procure for him all the 

1 According to the version of some of the bakhars Afzul Khan was 
the first to send an envoy, without any message from Shivaji, and thia seems 
to be the view taken by Prof. Sarkar. Grant Duff gives the name of the 
Khan's envoy as Pantaji Gopinath; Chitragupta gives it as Dattaji Gopinath 
and the Shivdigvijay mentions a second envoy, Govindpant, from the Khan. 
In the Mahad copy of Sabhasad'a bakhar the name of this celebrated 
envoy is given as Pantajipant. The Shedgaokar bakhar calls the Khan's 
envoy Dattaji Bhaskar. 


honours and privileges of a trusted nobleman of the Adil 
Shahi court. With these honeyed messages Afzul Khan 
urged upon his ambassador to use all his arts to induce 
Shivaji to come to a personal conference dispelling all fears 
and jealousy from his mind, and if after all this persuasion 
he declined to accede to this proposal, to prepare him to 
receive a private visit from Afzul Khan himself. 

Learning that the Khan's envoy was coming to him 
with proposals of such import, Shivaji descended from his 
fort to meet the honoured guest half-ways and receiving 
him with cordial welcome brought him with all due pomp 
and ceremony to his citadel. A durbar was soon held for 
the purpose of giving a public audience to the Khan's 
nvoy, who delivered the message he was charged with. 
Shivaji in reply expressed his gratitude for the Khan's 
kindly intentions and declared that the restoration to him 
in jahgir form of however small a territory could not but 
give him great satisfaction. After all he was but a vassal 
of the sultan, and as such had cleared the country of re- 
fractory chiefs and nobles, established peace and good 
government, repaired old fortresses and erected new ones, 
raised a militia force of no mean ability, and added in 
a variety of ways to the fortunes of the state. All this 
would now come unto the sultan as an unearned increment 
and make him acknowledge Shivaji's services to the state. 
As to Afzul Khan Shivaji looked upon him as his father. 
He would come to pay his respects to him with the great- 
est affection and good will in the world. These things 
passed in the public durbar, and after its dissolution the 
envoy and his party went to take their rest in their 
appointed quarters. 

Shivaji had so arranged it that the camp appointed for 
the residence of the envoy-in-chief, Krishnaji Bhaskar, 
should be a little apart from the quarters of the rest of the 
members of the diplomatic mission. This was done with 
the premeditated object of conducting secret conversations 
with the head of the mission. Shivaji no doubt expected 


to be able to interview the ambassador in the privacy 
of his apartment and induce him to come over to his side. 
On the night after the durbar, when all had gone to rest 
and all around was still and silent, Shivaji came secretly 
to the tent of the envoy and rousing him from his sleep 
addressed himself to him in a persuasive strain, submitting 
that his ambitions were not selfish. He adjured Krishnaji 
to remember that he belonged to the sacred Brahman caste, 
the repositories of the Hindu learning and religion. To 
the glory of that learning and religion and the preservation 
of every Hindu interest his life's labours were dedicated. 
He had a clear call from above. He was but the passive 
executor of a divine mandate, for the spirit of fihavani 
inspired his acts and bade him go forth to protect Brah- 
mans and kine, chastise the violators of temples and shrines, 
and slay the bigots of Islamic intolerance. Humble as 
he was he had taken upon himself this sacred task and 
had thus far carried it forward. But the holy cause would 
never succeed without the sympathy and support of noble 
and learned Brahmans like Krishnaji. A Brahman of his 
lofty spirit could not but be greatly distressed at the wreck 
of Hindu religion and society. The gods and the precep- 
tors of their holy cult were alike the objects of a relent- 
less and inexpiable persecution. Scarcely a vestige of the 
purest forms of Hinduism remained in all the land of 
Hindustan. Heresy and persecution prevailed through- 
out the land. His heart must bleed over these acts of reli- 
gious violation and vandalism. Shivaji's was a humble but 
conscientious beginning to the task of restoring happiness to 
this land of blasted honour and blighted glory. This work 
of revival was a noble work. It could only succeed with the 
help of noble spirits like Krishnaji. Would he not join 
him in retrieving the fortune of Hinduism ? This honeyed 
speech quite changed the man. His religious pride was 
touched. The flattering attentions and inspiring words 
of the warrior won him over from his allegiance. He reflec- 
ted that here was a man who had staked all his worldly 


fortunes upon the deliverance of his country's religion- 
from bondage. Moreover he was possessed of all those 
qualities that were essential to the attainment of his noble 
object-courage, valour, enterprise. All his exploits had 
been invariably crowned with success. His name was 
already a household word in thousands of admiring Maha- 
rashtra families. Was it not desirable and certainly more 
meritorious from the point of view of his religion that ha 
should participate in this prince's glorious triumphs ? Such 
thoughts crowded upon his mind and he finally announced 
to Shivaji his determination to espouse his cause and 
swear allegiance to him. After this exchange of pro- 
mises and pledges he took Shivaji into his confidence and. 
revealed to him the real object of his diplomatic mission. 
It was no less than a trick to delude Shivaji into a surren- 
der on promises of pardon and protection, lure him to an 
interview so that he might be seized, and then taken in 
irons to Bijapur and paraded in the bazaars of the capital 
as a prisoner of war to grace Afzul Khan's treacherous 
triumph. This revelation made, it was proposed to let the 
Khan proceed with his projects and cherish his hopes of the 
impending capture of Shivaji, Krishnaji Bhaskar was 
to continue playing the role of a zealous envoy and induce 
the Mahomedan chief to approach Pratapgad for his treach- 
erously planned interview, and when he had come within 
his power Shivaji was to fall suddenly upon him and 
surprise his panic-stricken forces. Having thus checkmated 
Afzul Khan's plots, Shivaji returned warily home. 

In public conversations with Krishnaji during the days 
that followed Shivaji continued his professions of sub- 
mission, and it was definitely agreed that Afzul Khan 
should advance to Javli for a conference where the terms 
of the alliance between the two parties should be finally- 
settled. On Shivaji's side, his envoy, Pantaji Gopinath, 
was to accompany Krishnaji to confirm this proposal and. 
represent Shivaji's views before Afzul Khan. This minister 
was one of Shivaji's intimate circle. Before despatch. 


ling him upon this mission, Shivaji explained fully to 
him in private conference how Krishnaji Bhaskar, while 

' continuing to play the part of Afzul Khan's envoy, had 
really been won over to his views and ha4 vowed to 
advance his interests. 1 Gopinath was instructed to repre- 
sent to Afzul Khan that while Shivaji fully admitted that it 
was his duty to come to Afzul Khan and pay his respects to 
him, his natural timidity and fear of the Mahomedan camp 
prevented him from complying with these essentials of 

diplomatic etiquette. He had no courage to come to Wai 
to meet Afzul Khan. But as he looked upon him with 
the affection of a father, it would be extremely kind of him 

to comply with his request to approach nearer to Javli 
where he undertook to come and meet the Khan at an in- 

< terview. As to his encouraging him in his difficulty and 
promising to intercede in his behalf with the sultan and 
arrange to admit him again to the Adil Shahi court, this 
was only an index of the greatness of his soul. Afzul 
Khan's approaching Javli without hesitation would be 

considered by Shivaji a proof of his good intentions towards 
him. In this fashion Gopinath was to acquit himself 

of this mission, taking heed to be prodigal of compliments 
; and watchful nob to excite suspicion. Without betraying 

any anxiety as to the Khan's intentions he was to probe 
.minutely into his thoughts and report on the discipline 
; and equipment of his forces. Shivaji bade farewell to 
. Afzul Khan's ambassador with many marks of honour, 
, presenting him with embroidered robes, a set of pearl ear- 
rings, bracelets and lockets, a fine Arab horse, and a gift of 
5000 pagodas. Gopinathpant was also suitably honoured 
and sent with a fair retinue befitting his rank. 

On his return to Afzul Khan, Krishnaji Bhaskar in- 
formed him that Shivaji was ready to meet him to tender 
. his submission but hesitated to come to Wai, where he 
feared treachery. Shivaji's envoy had accompanied him 

1 Babhasad omits the account of the secret meeting between Shivaji 
and Krishnaji Bhaskar given by Chitnis. 

L. S. 12 


in order to communicate his reply, if the Khan woulo! 
graciously grant him an audience. The audience was 
granted and Gopinathpant had an opportunity to represent 
Shivaji's proposal. Krishnaji Bhaskar commenting on 
this proposal urged upon his master to agree to these 
terms, and pointed out that the Khan was sure to succeed 
in his aim. By marching up to Javli and advancing so> 
far at Shivaji's request, he would disarm his suspicions, 
lure him to a meeting and get him easily into his clutches. 
The Khan objected that Javli was a difficult region for the 
deploying of his army and what guarantee was there that . 
Shivaji meant no harm? Upon this Krishnaji assured the' 
Khan that for his part he was convinced that there was 
nothing sinister in Shivaji's proposal and asked him not 
to entertain any doubts on that head. He urged on the 
Khan not to lose the opportunity that had in so unforeseen- 
a manner presented itself and contended that Afzul Khan, 
might advance with all his army to Javli, where there was 
ample room to canton his troops and no difficulty in the 
supply of water and forage. Afzul Kuan's fears of an ad- 
vance into the defiles of Javli were gradually dispelled and 
he was confirmed in the plan of marching into the enemy's 
stronghold ostensibly to bring about an interview with the 
Maratha leader and seizing upon him by force under that 
pretence. Satisfied with the assurances of his envoy, 
Afzul Khan ordered the camp to be moved for a march, 
to Javli and in the hope of somehow or other securing 
the arrest of his opponent, he agreed to waive his'former 
demands and humour Shivaji by granting all the conces- 
sions asked for. Having formed this resolution he wrote 
to Shivaji that he was coming down to Javli and Shivaji. 
himself in his turn should descend from the fort of. 
Pratapgad for the conference. 

On the receipt of this final reply from the Khan,, 
Shivaji summoned a council of his nobles and veterans and- 
asked their opinion. They all concurred in expressing; 
their loyalty and readiness to carry out any task their- 


master might choose to entrant to them. They were pre- 
pared to lay down their lives for their chief. Shivaji then, 
conferred with Jijabai, 1 who advised him to act in concert 
with his friends, reposing his confidence in Providence. 
For herself she had no fear but that now as formerly his 
auspicious enterprise would be crowned with the success it 
deserved. Armed with these reassurances Shivaji proceeded 
to make his plans. 

To ensure the implicit confidence of Afzul Khan ia 
his professions of humility, Shivaji took every precaution 
to render the Khan's march as easy and unobstructed as 
possible. The ascent up the ghats was made less toil- 
some by cutting down the brushwood and thickets and 
cutting new paths. An open space was made ready for 
cantoning the Khan's troops by clearing away the trees- 
and shrubs. Outposts of soldiers were stationed at inter- 
vals on the Khan's line of march under direction of com- 
petent civil officers whose instructions were to supply 
every want of the Khan's forces, and make ample arrange- 
ments for the supply of their meals. The path cleared 
for the Khan's march was, however, prepared so cleverly* 
that a dense growth of trees and brushwood obstructed 
the view on either side of the route beyond a certain dis- 
tance. All by-paths and cross- ways were closed up by- 
huge trees cut down across the glades. 

Shivaji unfolded his secret counsels to Netaji Palkar,. 
Moropant the Peshwa and Tanaji Malusare. Netaji Palkar 
was ordered to bring up his battalions from the Konkan 
immediately to the ridge of the ghats and maintain a 
close ambush under cover of thick foliage, a little to the 
east of the fort of . Pratapgad. This was a precaution, 
against a possible movement of part of the Khan's army in 
that direction. Moropant, a veteran general, received 
orders to loiter about the precincts of that prepared clear- 
ing where Afzul Khan's grand army was to encamp, and 

1 According to Sabhasad, Jijabai was at Kajgad, but Chibnis and. 
the author of the Shivdigvijay say that she was at Pratapgad. 


remain under cover of the shady trees to watch events. 
Raghunath Ballal was to be Netaji's lieutenant, and Trimbak 
Bhaskar, lieutenant to Moropant. A bugle was to give 
the signal for Netaji to advance and burst upon the 
hostile bands emerging on the heights, while on the dis- 
charge of five cannon shots from the fort Moropant was 
to make an onslaught on the army encamped in the vale 
of Javli. They were to be on the alert and booty was to 
be no consideration with them. While making thesa pre- 
parations without the fort, Shivaji had the fort itself 
placed in siege order, with a sufficient garrison and 
adequate equipment of guns and ammunition, food-stores and 
provisions all under his personal supervision. AH accesses 
to the fort were closed. Every tower in front of the 
fort was manned with a defence force of a hundred men 
and half as many men formed the defence complement to 
each battlement in the rear. Besides a large number of 
warriors was drawn up in the passages leading to the 
main entrance, group by group, and these were ordered, on 
the signal of a trumpet blast after Shivaji's descent from 
the fort, to come forward gradually in little groups of 
one or two thousand and station themselves at fixed 
distances from each other, so that the outermost group would 
be within an arrow-shot from the place of the meeting and 
the last group would be at the portals of the fortress. A 
picked band of veterans was to escort Shivaji up to almost 
the very place of the conference. 

At the foot of the fort where there was an open space 
near a battlemented tower was fixed the place for the con- 
ference between the two leaders. A spacious and magnificent 
pavilion was erected here for the purpose, with a grand 
couch of state in the centre and two or three smaller seats 
on the dais. A silken cloth lined the ceiling, with borders 
iormed of strings of pearls and the divan was spread with 
cushions and carpets of various shapes and designs. 

When all was ready word was sent to the Khan to 
start for Javli. He set out with his troops by the ghat 


of Radtondi (the "tearful" pass, so ealled from the steep 
ascent) where a path had been prepared on purpose. He 
came without his guns and heavy encumbrances, though 
this is contradicted by some chronicles. Descending the 
Radtondi ghat, Afzul Khan halted near the village of Par 
on the Koyana. The ascent that followed greatly harassed 
the Khan's followers, and the Pathan mercenaries in 
his army were heard to say that Shivaji was a rogue and no 
one could probe the depths of his cunning and subtlety. It 
was not a good sign as to how things would fare with 
them after all this ascent. The echoes of these complaints 
often reached Afzul Khan's ears. But he was strangely 
infatuated. So sure was he of out-witting Shivaji and 
making him a prisoner that he paid no attention to the 
hazards he was running. Shivaji did all in his power to 
make the Khan persevere in the fatuous course he was 
pursuing. At every halt tents, pavilions, camp equipments 
and all manner of provisions were officiously kept in 
readiness. These zealous attentions served to keep the 
Khan continually in good humour. Yee ! Shivaji was oft 
his guard, so thought the doting invader. The Maratha 
chief was absolutely without suspicion of his evil intentions. 
He would walk straight into his trap and be exhibited as a 
captured fool to the people of Bijapur ! Such wore the 
Khan's thoughts. 

On his arrival at Javli, the Khan despatched K'rishnaji 
Bhaskar up the fort to announce his arrival and summon 
Shivaji to the conference without loss of time. With this 
message the envoy went up the fort and delivered his 
instructions to Shivaji in presence of the assembled durbar. 
The formal business done, Shivaji had a private audience 
with the envoy, when Krishnaji declared that true to hi& 
compact he had brought the Khan to Javli. Now it was 
only left to him to bring the leaders together to a conference. 
The further development of the plan rested entirely in 
Shivaji's hands. He must now make use of all his resources. 
It was then decided that the conference should come off on 


the third day from that date. Kriahnaji was to work upon 
the mind of the Khan and induce him to present himself at 
the pavilion with only two companions, and Shivaji was to 
give an undertaking to the same effect. The rest of the 
soldiers OD either side should stand off at a distance. 
Krishnaji promised to obtain Afzul Khan's assent to these 
conditions and left the fort. On* his return, Krishnaji 
communicated the conditions of the conference and further 
represented that Shivaji's timidity was without example, 
and he did not yet quite trust the Khan's assurances. 
Krishnaji then suggested that Afzul Khan should agree 
even to this condition as his main object was now on the 
point of fulfilment. Afzul Khan was eager to trap Shivaji. 
He shirked no conditions and gave his immediate consent 
to all these proposals. He sent his trusty officers to inspect 
the place of the meeting. They reported that the pavilion 
Jay in an open plain, and there were no forces in covert. 

At last the fateful hour arrived. The Khan set forward 
with 1,500 of the pick of his army. The crafty Krishnaji 
intervened representing that if Afzul Khan were to proceed 
with all that cavalcade, Shivaji's fear and distrust might be 
re-awakened, and he might not even be induced to descend 
irom his fortress. Then he applied the soothing balm of 
flattery. " You, a pillar of strength to the Adil Shahi state, 
are a cavalier of renown ! Shivaji is but as a rush in 
comparison with your prowess. Why, oh, Khan ! BO much 
ado to snare such a simpleton ?" He then asked him to 
attend the pavilion with one or two attendants like 
Shivaji. 1 The Khan approved this plan and detailed his 
soldiers to wait in detachments along the way, and having 
stationed a fair number of soldiers within an arrow-shot of 

1 The powada above referred to states that Moropant and Shamraj- 
pant, Shivaji's ministers, who had been sent to conduct the Khan to the 

iplace of meeting protested when Afzul Khan set out in a palanquin 
with 4000 horse, and requested him to station his men at a distance as also 
to put down the palanquin away from the place. According to Sabhasad, 
Pantaji Pant ( L e. Gopinathpant ) protested against Afzul Khan's taking 

such a large retinue, not the Khan's envoy, Kriahnaji. 


'the pavilion proceeded in a state palanquin to the conference. 
(He was accompanied by two attendants, along with a 
> redoubted veteran soldier named Said Banda and the envoy, 
Krishnaji Bhaskar. All he now wanted was that Shivaji 
should, in terms of the agreement, present himself at the con- 
ference. He felt sure he would straight make a prisoner of 
him, without the least resistance. What was the puny Shivaji 
'before ATzul Khan ? So sanguine was he of success and 
confidence in his strength that he was merely attired in 
such a vest and cloak as it was the custom to wear when 
attending a public office. Clad in a flowing robe of thin. 
muslin, he carried no other weapon than a sword. The 
Khan reached the pavilion, seated himself in the audience 
hall long before Shi vaji's arrival and sent his envoy to the 
'fort to bring down Shivaji. From him Shivaji learnt that 
Afzul Khan was accompanied by an expert veteran, and 
sent word to him that he did not dare to come down, 
'to the conference unless he appeared in the hall with no 
other companion than a single attendant. Upon this Afzul 
Khan bade Said Banda stand at a distance. 

Meanwhile Shivaji having made all arrangements to 
meet the worst that might occur, had his bath and went 
through the usual ceremonial rites. He then addressed his 
prayers to the goddess Bhavani, the guardian deity of his 
family, and it is said that such was the fervour of his 
devotion on this occasion, that he had an afflatus of the 
divine spirit and became possessed by religious frenzy. 
.It appeared to the observers that he became the medium of 
an oracular assurance on the part of the deity, bidding 
Shivaji " be of good cheer ; that he would triumph, thanks 
'to her powerful protection ; that blinded by a mental gloom 
of her raising, the Khan had walked on unsuspecting to his 
doom. Let him fall a victim to her divine wrath and let 
the avenging victor immolate a buffalo with its brows 
stained with the blood of Afzul Khan!" These words 
-ascribed to the deity but uttered by Shivaji in a sort of 
ttrance induced by the extraordinary fervour of religious. 


enthusiasm into which, agreeably to the devotional con- 
stitution of his mind, he was probably thrown by the- 
tremendous pressure put upon his nervous system were 
noted down by the officers present and communicated 
to him when he came back to his senses. He was still ; 
more elated by this prophetic assurance. Then Shivaji 
addressing his nobles announced to them that in going out 
to meet Afzul Khan he knew he was carrying his life in his 
hands. If the event ended in success there was nothing to 
fear ; if the result were inauspicious they must not give way 
to despondency. They were to fall upon the enemy in the 
manner previously devised, put him to rout and defend 
their state. He trusted entirely to their bravery and valour. 
That he cared not a straw for the Mahomedan powers was 
due entirely to the co-operation and loyal support of the 
men standing before him. It was for them to exert them- 
selves to the best of their power in order to save the glorious 
achievements of the past. This moment was to try their 
mettle. They would stand the test like heroes and win 
immortal renown. This was a stirring appeal and aroused 
in them the liveliest battle spirit, They bowed assent 
declaring not one of them would swerve an inch from his 
orders. They would lay down their lives. Their lives 
were not their own, having been once dedicated to his 
service. Their greatest honour would be a loyal death. 

Having thus exhorted his companions, stimulated 
their national pride, and discussed further plans, Shivaji 
prepared to dress, for the hour of the ordeal was fast 
approaching. He wore the usual flowing robe in white over 
a mail-coat of links and a similar mail-cap under his turban. 
He girt himself with the waist-band and loin-cloth which 
Indian wrestlers and fighters habitually wear. He had a 
little poniard hidden under the sleeves of his right hand, 
and wore the sharp steel instrument called the " Tiger*s 
Claws " on the fingers of his left hand. Thus accoutred, 
he again visited with reverence the temple of his guardian, 
deity and prostrating himself at his mother's feet entreated. 


her parting blessing. Jijabai's heart was full to over- 
flowing with affection for her son, but restraining her 
emotion, she gave him her blessing bidding him repose his 
trust in the protection of his tutelary deity. She compared 
herself to Kunti, the mother of the heroic Pandavas of 
Mahabharat fame, and said that he would shed lustre on 
the name of Bhonsle. She asked him to avenge himself on 
Afzul Khan, for the death of his elder brother Sambhaji, to 
which Afznl Khan had lent his countenance. 1 

Shivaji slowly descended down the fort, under the 
escort of Tanaji Malusare, Yessaji Kunk, Hiroji Farzand, 
Gopinathpant and about fifty other men. On arriving 
at the pavilion hall, Shivaji entered in company with Jiva 
Mahalya and Sambhaji Kavji. 8 Shivaji saw the Khan and 
made as if he was affrighted and faltered in his movements. 
Krishnaji Bhaskar who was with the Khan pointed out how 
Shivaji was seized with terror at beholding Afzul Khan 
and trembled in all his limbs. He proposed that Afzul 
Khan might even dismiss his attendant and encourage 
Shivaji to approach him, as he might feel more confident 
to encounter the Khan when ha found him alone. Shivaji 
advanced nearer. His attendant bore a sword in either 
hand, a circumstance to which the Khan made no objection. 
On Shivaji drawing near, the Khan raised himself from 

1 The Bairi bakhar gives the curious information that doubtful of 
success and fearing for his safety, Shivaji sent Brahmans laden with 
treasure to Kashi ( Banares ) and Gaya to perform his funeral rites in those 
holy places in case of his death, and that at the same time he made 
lavish largesses to the Bramans and shaved his beard, at which tears 
came into Jijabai's eyes, who had in consequence to be removed from his 
presence. As to the allusion to the death of Sambhaji, Shivaji's elder 
brother, vide a foot-note in Chapter II. It was a general belief that Afzul 
Khan had instigated the rebellion which led to the death of Sambhaji. 

2 According to babhasad, Chitragnpta and Shedgaokar bakhars, 
Shivaji was accompanied by Jiva Mahalya and Shambhaji Kavji, and this is 
followed by Mr. Kincaid and Prof. Sarkar. According to the powada Sbivaji 
gave hia sword into the hand of Jivaji Mahaldar and had him to attend on 
him. Granf Duff says Shivaji was attended by Tanaji Malusare. Jiva. 
Mahalya was a barber by caste, ( Bharat Itihas Sanahodhak Mandai 
Sammelan Vritta, VoL V, p. 16 ). 


his seat and advanced two or three steps forward to meet 
him. He was very eager to encounter the Maratha. He 
felt sure that Shivaji was unarmed and would easily fall 
into his clutches. The reason was plain,as the Khan was a man 
-of giant built, though Shivaji while shorter of stature was 
far more wiry. Krishnaji Bhaskar formally introduced them 
to one another. They advanced to the embrace. The 
Khan contrived to get Shivaji's neck under his left arm, 
-squeezed his head under the arm-pit, and drawing his dagger 
attempted to drive it between his ribs. But it merely grazed 
the mail under his robe and caused no harm. 1 Recovering 
from his surprise and the agony of strangulation, Shivaji 
fastened the " Tiger's Claws " upon the Khan's abdomen. At 
the same time he drew out the poniard from under his 
sleeve, delivered thrust after thrust, and dexterously 
extricated his head from under Afzul Khan's arm. The 
" Tiger's Claws " pierced the Khan's bowels, drawing out 
the entrails and blood after them. Afzul Khan held down 
the wounded part with one hand and lunged with his 
sword upon Shivaji with the other. Shivaji warded off the 
stroke, by jumping off with great agility, but the blow 
glanced across his head-gear and dashing it to the ground 
caused a slight wound. In an instant Shivaji delivered 

1 Grant Duff's version is that Shivaji was the first aggressor, driving 
deep his "Tiger's claws" at the first embrace. The general tenor of the 
bakhars is quite different and is followed in the text here. Modak's 
History of the Adil Shahi Kingdom gives a radically different version 
of the event, briefly to this effect: Convinced that it was impossible for 
him to prevail over Afzul Khan, Shivaji made a pretence of friendship, 
put on a show of humility, appeared before Afzul Khan at his tent 
and induced him to come to a banquet at Pratapgad. When the un- 
suspecting guest came with a dozen or so of his followers, Shivaji's 
-armed bands suddenly fell upon him and cut him to pieces. Modak 
derived his account probably from the Basabiu-i-Salatin, which gives 
nearly the same story. Chitragupta's bakhar and the powada introduce 
other details, viz., angry speeches between Shivaji and Afzul Khan 
followed by a duel. The Khan was apparently angry that Shivaji 
.should make such a show of his magnificence in the upholstering of the 
pavilion. This led to mutual abuse. The Shedgaokar version is that 
fche Khan complained about it to Shivaji's envoy, who propitiated him by 
replying that these costly things would eventually be surrendered to Bijapur. 


.Another powerful blow and tried to wrest the sword from 
Afzul Khan's hand. The Khan raised an outcry of 
" Murder ! treason ! help !'" which drew the soldiers on 
either side nearer to the scene of the tragedy. Said 
Banda first came up to the rescue and attacked Shivaji with 
his double-edged sword. Shivaji took a similar sword 
from Jiva Mahalya in his right hand and with his own 
poniard in the left began to ward off Said Banda's blows. 
In the meantime Jiva Mahalya rushed upon Said Banda 
and lopped off from the shoulder the arm with which he 
brandished his long sword, so that the loyal defender of the 
Khan collapsed on the ground. 1 Then there followed a 
general melee, in which the followers of Afzul Khan 
contrived to place him in a palanquin and bear him off. 2 
Yessaji Kunk and Tanaji Maiusare exiricated Shivaji 
from the melee around him and pursued the Khan's 
palanquin. They came up with the litter and wounding 
the bearers in the legs compelled them to throw down their 
burden. The Khan's head was severed from the trunk 
and borne off wrapped in a scarf. 3 Afzul Khan had a 
Brahman civilian of the name of Krishnaji with him. He, 
compassionating the fate of the ill-starred Afzul rushed 
upon Shivaji, sword in hand, flaming with indignation. 
Shivaji parried one or two thrusts and then declared that 
he acted upon his father's command not to slay a Brahman. 
He had better make the best of his way home. With this 

order he was let go.* 

1 According to Chitnis Yesaji Rank slew Said Banda. 

2 According to Sabhasad and Chitragupta Afzul Khan himself 
leapt down from the dais and began to run away with shouts of "Mur- 
der ! treason !" at which his men rushed to the rescue, put him into the 
palanquin and began to take him away. 

3 According to Grant Duff it was Khando Maley and other followers 
who cut off the head of the unfortunate Khan. Chitragupta and Sabhasad 
say it was brought down by Sambhaji Kavji at Shivaji's order. The 
powada represents Sambhaji Kavji to have maimed the bearers and 
Shivaji himself to have cat off the head. 

* Prof. Jadunath Sarkar on the authority of the Marathi bakhars, 
the Tarikh-i-Shivaji, the English Factory Records of Rajapnr &c. 
concludes that Afzul Khan fell a vicitim to his own treachery. 


Delivered from all these dangers Shivaji reached the- 
main gate of Pratapgad in safety. It was still an hour or 
two before sunset. True to the concerted plans signal 
guns were fired and bugles sounded. The Khan's army 
encamped in the low-lying plain heard the cannonade and 
took it for a salvo in honour of the meeting. Thus they 
remained unguarded and unconscious of the great event. 
Meanwhile following the concerted programme Netaji 
Palkar fell upon the 1,500 warriors who had come up in 
Afzul Khans cavalcade. By this time the news of the 
tragic end of the Khan had spread to this chosen body- 
guard. The guard was seized with surprise. The confusion 
became worse confounded when Netaji Palkar directed his 
onslaught upon them. But brave and expert veterans as 
they were they got the better of their panic and stood at 
bay. They struggled long and valorously with their 
Mavali assailants. At last the scales of fortune were turned 
against them. They had exhausted every art of defensive 
warfare. Then there was a head-long rush and they fled 
for their lives. The Mavalis pressed on in pursuit of them 
and cut down every Pathan they could overtake in the 

On another side Moropant Pingle followed up the 
appointed signal with a sudden onslaught on the main body 
of Afzul Khan's army peacefully quartered in their camp 
in the plain of Javli. They had not the least expectation 
of such a sudden charge by the hostile bands against them. 
Their panic was in proportion to their unpreparedness. 

He thinks that Shivaji would have been considered bat a fool, had he 
not provided against such a contingency at the hands of Afzul Khan. 
The late Mr. K. P. Karkaria more than twenty years ago made a defence 
of the version disclosed to us by the Maratha chronicles. The late Mr. 
Banade in his "Rise of the Maratha Power" attempted a halting defence. 
A circumstance that must never be lost sight of is the fact that the Khan 
had made a solemn vow that he would take Shivaji alive or dead, and 
Shivaji had to elude his object. Besides the Khan's intrigues wioh the 
Khopdes (Rajwade XV, 302) clearly show his intention was to seize 
Shivaji, somehow or other. Scott. Waring, in his History of the jfarathas, 
1810, defends the Marathi bakhar version of the tragedy. 


Even thus they turned round to confront the enemy. But 
their defeat WHS a foregone conclusion, and the little 
resistance they made was prompted by the energy of despair. 
After repeated attacks they were at last driven into a 
precipitate rout. Shivaji's standing orders to his generals 
were not to put to death those who would give up their 
arms and surrender. Many who were wounded thus 
surrendered. Many took flight into the neighbouring jungles. 
Hiding and flying from forest to forest for some time they 
-evaded capture. But this did not last long. They lost 
their way in the tangled woods and were at length detected 
.-and seized, worn out and starving, by Shivaji's search 

The captives thus taken were treated by Shivaji with 
his wonted courtesy and generosity. They were accorded 
treatment befitting their rank and released with grants of 
money for their travelling expenses. Persons of noble rank 
received due honour, horses and gifts of apparel being 
provided for their return to Bijapur. Many a Maratha 
soldier in the Bijapur service observing the magnanimous 
bearing of the victor transferred his allegiance to Shivaji. 
They were retained with cordial welcome. Among the 
great nobles captured on this occasion was a Maratha sardar 
named Zunzarrao Ghatge. Between Ghatge's father and 
the Rajah Shahaji there had once subsisted, as Shivaji 
was aware, a most cordial friendship. It was, therefore, 
natural that Shivaji should have tried with all the per- 
suasiveness at his command to induce Ghatge to serve 
under his flag. But he declined to give up his Adil Shahi 
master even for the cause of freedom. Shivaji with great 
reluctance parted company with this scion of a family with 
which he had a hereditary alliance. He arranged for his 
return to Bijapur with presents of robes of honour and of 
jewellery as a mark of his esteem. 

In the general affray, Fazal Khan, the eldest son of 
Afzul Khan, was wounded and took to flight. Applying 
bandages to his wounds he tried to escape by a concealed 


flight between the thickets and brushwood. But the un- 
fortunate man with the members of his household fell into 
the hands of Khandoji Khopde. 1 They offered him a bribe- 
and he volunteered to lead them in safety to Karhad along 
the bank of the Koyana, instead of surrendering them to 
Shivaji. When this was known Shivaji ordered Khopde to- 
be executed. 

Shivaji gained much booty in this defeat of Af zul Khan. 
It comprised about a hundred elephants, seven to eight 
thousand horses, a thousand camels, the entire artillery 
park and field-guns, about ten to twelve lakhs of rupees in 
specie, gold, pearls, and precious stones of the value of 
more than two lakhs, two thousand packages of cloth, 
tents, camp equipages and other material of use on a march. 
More important than these material gains was the accession* 
of strength to Shivaji's army, for Marathas even from the 
Khan's hosts were astonished at Shivaji's bravery and 
generosity and willingly came over to him, company after 

The severed head of Afzul Khan was presented to the 
goddess Bhavani, whose desecrated temple at Tuljapur was 
thus avenged. After visiting the temple of his guardian 
deity, Shivaji presented himself before his mother. Jijabai 
was overjoyed to welcome him to her arms again. Clasping 
him to her bosom, she congratulated him on the victory 
and exclaimed that the death of his brother, Sambhaji, was 
now avenged by his heroism. The day of his safe return 
from victory was indeed a red-letter day in her life. 
Uttering these words with maternal solicitude she went 
through the usual form by which Hindu matrons ward off 

1 Chitnis and the author of the Shi vadigvi jay maintain that Khandoji 
Khopde, the commander of Afzul Khan's Mavali corps, led Fazal Khan 
and the unfortunate Afzul Khan's family in safety to Karhad with 
a force of two hundred men, and that sometime later Khopde having 
fallen into the hands of Shivaji was executed. Instead of Khopde the- 
name Kankde is also found. Sabhasad says that among other sardars- 
two of Afzul Khan'e sons were apprehended and brought before- 


the ' evil eye ' from their children. Then turning to his 
companions she acclaimed them one and all for the triumph,, 
saying the credit was due to them both for the victory and 
the preservation of their master's life. She loaded them 
with gifts in the shape of personal decorations or articles of 
attire in recognition of their valour. 

Shivaji again descended from the fort to inspect the 
condition of his combatants. He arranged for the care and 
nursing of the wounded and encouraged them by visiting 
and conversing with them one and all. A comprehensive 
list was made of all who had fallen in the fight, and con- 
dolences were sent to their families and promises of pension, 
vatans or grants of land made to the veteran officers 
in their life-time were continued in their families as 
a hereditary right. The wounded received compensation in, 
proportion to the seriousness of the wounds they had 
received, the amountH ranging from 75 to 200 pagodas each. 
Other favours and marks of honour were lavished in 
profusion upon men who indeed had nobly deserved them. 
The senior officers and nobles were presented with horses, 
rings, ptearl pendants or crests, necklets and armlets, robes 
and head-gear embroidered with gold. There were grants 
of inam lands and revenue rights. These were graduated 
according to the quality of the service rendered. Many an 
infantry sepoy received promotion in the cavalry. Some 
received higher command in the army, others received 
special recognition in the shape of a palanquin grant, in 
itself no light honour. The" sons of the deceased, if of 
mature age for the army, were at once enrolled in place of 
their father. These gifts and promotions were all made in 
presence of the whole army, with public acknowledgment 
of each meritorious action or warlike exploit. This had the 
effect of stimulating their enthusiasm and rousing the spirit 
of emulation among men and officers. The generous 
rewards made by Shivaji carried conviction to the breast 
of each soldier that their merit would receive due 


acknowledgment. Nor was Gopinathpant forgotten. He 
was given the village of Hivre as inam in perpetuity. 1 

At Pratapgad and other places there were great re- 
joicings in honour of the victory. Music was to be heard 
everywhere. Each private house was decorated with flagH 
of victory, hoisted upon the verandahs. Sugar aud sweets 
were distributed from huge panniers carried by state 
elephants from house to house, a time-hououred feature of 
a triumphal celebration with Indian rajahs. The Brahmans 
received noble presents in the form of dak8/iina,&ud the poorest 
had alms. There were dinners and banquetings at which 
the Brahmans as usual figured conspicuously. Saints and 
goaavis of ancient shrines were honoured with gifts and 
offerings. The news of Afzul Khan's defeat and death was 
sent round to all friends and allies. A special messenger 
was sent to the Rajah Shahaji in the Karnatic to convey the 
tidings of victory. The event was celebrated as a national 
triumph. The death of the desecrator of the national 
shrines of Tuljapur, of Pandharpur, of Shingnapur was 
universally hailed as the death of a demon, and the finger 
of Providence was seen in his fall. A strong wave 
-of patriotism overswept the whole country, such as it 
had not experienced for centuries. These feelings found 
vent in the stirring ballad or powada that celebrates the 
event. It is said that this powada was composed by the 
court minstrel at the express order of Jijabai. Afzul Khan's 
head was buried at the scene of the tragedy, and a castellated 
tower built on the site, to which the name was given of the 
Afzul Buruz or Afzul Tower. The sword wrested from Afzul 
Khan was preserved as a memento of the victory. Ascribing 
the victory to the propitious favour of the Bhavani of 
Tuljapur, it is said that Shivaji vowed to install and con- 

1 The Kairi bakhar says that the inam of Hivre (plus one lakh of 
pagodas) was conferred upon Shivaji's envoy Dattaji Gopinath, which is 
perhaps a mistake for Gopinathpant. The Shivadigvijay says that the 
inam of Hivre was conferred upon Shivaji's envoy, Pantajipant. As regards 
ithe variations of the name of Shivaji's envoy, notice has already been 
taken in a previous foot-note. 


eecrate an image of that goddess within the battlements of 
Fort Pratapgad. A Brahman expert was despatched to the 
banks of the Gandaki, famed for their veins of stone fit for 
artistic carving. The stone block thus carefully selected 
was sent to Tuljapur and a model of the original image 
made at the hands of an artist. The image was installed 
in a court on the topmost fortification at the summit of 
Fort Pratapgad and a beautiful temple raised over it. 
Provision was made for the maintenance of the daily rites 
and offerings and the periodical banquets to Brahmans on 
auspicious days in honour of the goddess. The same- 
festivals and periodical fairs were ordered to be held here 
as at Tuljapur. According to other authorities the temple 
was erected after the fall of the Mores of Javli. 

The Adil Shahi sultan and the dowager sultana at 
Bijapur were shocked to hear of the tragedy of Afzul Khan 
and the dissipation of his grand army. It is said that 
when the messengers brought word of the catastrophe the 
sultan sprang from his throne in grief and alarm and 
betook himself to his bed-chamber. The dowager queen 
gave herself to wailing and lamentation. That such a 
mighty nobleman as Afzul Khan should be so utterly 
defeated, hie head dissevered from his body and carried io 
triumph, his forces annihilated and his camp despoiled 
showed a culmination of Maratha power which threw the 
ornrahs of the Adil Shahi court into the deepest gloom. The 
fortunes of the Adil Shahi state seemed to totter At any hour 
Shivaji might knock at their gates, at the head of his victori- 
ous legions. The capital was full of these rumours. For three 
days, it is said, the royal drums remained silent and the sultan 
and his guardian mother lost all appetite for their meals. 1 

1 Many curious legends have gathered round the tragic fate of Afzql 
Khan. The most striking is the story which is told in Marshall's- 
Bijapur, and which is related by the local guides to travellers visiting 
Bijapur about Afzul Khan having a premonition of his death before 
starting against Sbivaji and having killed his 63 wives that they might 
not share another man's bed and buried them in the tombs which are 
still shown to the traveller in the ruined and deserted suburb of Afzul- 
pura, where the Khan had his mansion (vide Shedgaokar's Bakhar.) 
L. 8.13 


THE terror of Shivaji's name was now felt in all parts 
of the Bijapur kingdom. The defeat of Afzul Khan was 
followed by the rapid conquest of several forts and rural 
tracts in the neighbourhood. On the announcement of 
Afzul Khan's invasion, the Abyssinian chief of Janjira had 
lost no time in laying siege to the Konkan forts of Tala and 
Ghosala. The report of Afzul Khan's tragic end coming 
quickly on the heels of the first report had induced him 
to raise the siege of both these places. Shivaji put his 
army in motion to punish the Abyssinians. But an 
opportunity for the conquest of Fanhala having unex- 
pectedly supervened Shivaji's forces were drawn in that 

For the officer in charge of this important fortress had 
of his own initiative opened communications with Shivaji 
and signified his intention to place the fort at Shivaji's 
disposal. This was a matter of surprise. That the 
commander of such an impregnable fort should without any 
suggestion on his part offer to make such a proposal 
naturally excited suspicion. Was he sincere ? Was he 
acting thus at the dictation of the Bijapur authorities ? It 
was necessary to ascertain that there was no plot or 
stratagem at the bottom of this offer. But the capture of 
this fort was bound to be of incalculable advantage, and it 
was worth attempting. A Mavali battalion was at once 
got ready under a trusty general. He was ordered to start 
for the fort in answer to the invitation. The choice had 
fallen upon Annaji Datto. Shivaji in person started with 
a larger force of infantry and cavalry to station himself in 
the vicinity of the scene of Annaji's operations to await the 
issue and support him in case of treachery. But there was 
no occasion for fighting. The governor of the fort kept hie 
word. The fort was delivered unconditionally to Shivaji's 
general in October, 1659. 1 The fort of Pavangad fell under 

i Another version of the capture of Panhala is as follows : Shivaji 


similar circumstances. Vasantgad was captured by a 
sudden assault. The acquisition of these forts established 
Shivaji's power on the upper courses of the Krishna. The 
revenues of these districts came into Shivaji's hands. 
Revenue stations were appointed all over these newly 
conquered possessions. These stations extended in a line 
up to the miniature fortress of Battisshirala. 

On the fall of Fanhala Shivaji marched up to that fort 
and detailed his forces for the conquest of a number of 
little hill-forts lying in all directions on the crest of the 
Sahyadri or the Western Ghats. Most of these fell with- 
out his generals being forced to strike a blow. But the 
forts of Rangna and Khelna had to be taken by storm. 
The conquest of Khelna indeed required tremendous 
sacrifices, in commemoration of which circumstance, Shivaji 
changed its name and it emerged on a new career of 
historical renown under the name of Visbalgad or Fort 
Tremendous. It has come down to our times under this 
name. All these acquisitions were made in little more than 
the space of two or three months after the Afzul Khan 
tragedy. Thus the fertile country of Kolhapur and its 
numerous fortresses came under Shivaji's domination. 

During these times the Bijapur government maintained 
an important military station at Miraj, the governor of 
which was a general named Rustom Jeman. His military 
control extended from Kolhapur to Ratnagiri and included 
a part of the Kanara district. This general, strange to say, 
presented no opposition to the onward expansion of Shivaji's 
power within the sphere of his authority. Whether it be 

had long meditated the capture of this fort, bat had been deterred by the 
difficulties of the taek. To effect its capture, Shivaji made use of a stra- 
tagem. He made a pretence of discharging from hia service some seven 
or eight hundred of his followers, who representing that they were dis- 
charged by Shivaji offered their services to the governor of Panhala and 
were enrolled for garrison duty at that fort. Subsequently Shivaji laid 
iege to Panhala, when some members of the besieging party were secretly 
admitted under cover of night by the ex-soldiers of Shivaji and by their 
united arms the defenders of the fort were defeated and the fort captured. 


that he stood in such fear of Sbivaji's onslaught that he 
felt it more prudent to remain passive, or, as was alleged by 
the British merchants of the period at Rajapur, his silence 
and inactivity were purchased by a bribe, it is difficult 
to decide. But soon afterwards he received express orders 
from the sultan to take the field against Shivaji in defence 
of the district of Kolhapur. He had then uader his 
command a force of three thousand horse with a small 
complement of infantry. He put himself at the head of 
these forces and marched upon Panhala. As soon as he 
drew near enough to the fort, Shivaji sallied out and 
charged with all his cavalry. So complete was Rustom's 
defeat that he was driven beyond the Krishna and chased 
for many miles. The chase lasted almost to the gates of 
Bijapur. The larger towns on the way were plundered and 
destroyed, and the shops and markets laid under con- 
tribution. Having inflicted such immense damage on the 
Bijapur government Shivaji wheeled round with such 
amazing rapidity, that the enemy had no time to pursue 
his galloping columns. His celerity of movement did not 
permit even a thought of pursuit. 

On his return to Vishalgad, Shivaji put himself at the 
head of an infantry force, which had been kept ready in 
marching order by Annaji Datto under Shivaji*s advice. 
His present objective was Rajapur and the seaport towns 
in the Konkan. 

The town of Rajapur was at first spared because, as the 
English merchants in the Rajapur factory wrote, this port 
belonged to Rustom Jeman with whom Shivaji had a 
secret understanding. Shivaji fell upon Dabhol and 
carried all the little stations dependent on its maritime 
fortifications. When he had refreshed and recruited his- 
forces by a brief stay at Raigad he was ready to fall upon 
Cheul, a wealthy harbour town, which was plundered for 
three days in succession. The military governor of Cheul, 
Khojoji by name, was taken prisoner, the town occupied, 
and the booty transferred safely to Rajgad. Meanwhile the- 


.Adil Shahi refugees from the Konkan seaport had found 
shelter at Ilajapur. The defeat of Rustom Jeman at 
Panhala had filled these refugees with great alarm. They 
had just heard rumours of Shivaji's depredations in the 
neighbourhood of Bijapur, when they were astonished 
to learn that a flying column of Maratha horse was actually 
storming the gates of their own town. The local governor 
attempted to escape in one of Rustom Jeman's cargo-ships. 
The Marathas tried to stop him. The governor pretended 
it was a cargo-ship of the. East India Company. Henry 
Revington, the English Company's agent, became a party 
to this collusion. He pretended that the ship was attached 
for unpaid debts owing by the governor to the Company. 
In reality there was only a private transaction between the 
governor and one of Revington's brokers. He refused to 
restore the ship to the Maratha general. Upon this two of 
the Company's brokers and an English factor, Philip 
Gyffard, were arrested and sent for detention toKharepatan. 
Meanwhile Shivaji heard of these events at Rajapur, and 
condemned the attack upon the port. He ordered all the 
plunder taken from the citizens to be restored and the 
.prisoners set at liberty, though it seems that Gyffard had 
been already rescued by a party of Revington's mercenary 
soldiers, while being removed from Kharepatan to another 
rfort. (February 1660). 1 

The discomfiture of two great generals of the Bijapur 
state, Afzul Khan and Rustom Jeman, of whom one had 
lost his life and the other had fled precipitately before 
Shivaji's squadrons, filled the people of Bijapur with terror. 
.Nor was this mitigated by the sweeping march of the 
Maratha leader to the gates of the capital carrying fire and 
sword. The name of Shivaji had now become a terror to every 
Mahomedan sardar and killedar in the Adilshahi kingdom, 
Their consternation was so great that it emboldened many 
an adventurous marauder to profess himself a follower of 
Shivaji, enter the Bijapur territory unresisted and uncbal- 
1 Factory Records, Rajapur, quoted by Prof. Sarkar. 


lenged, and levy tribute and plunder with impunity. The 
tottering government was in utter despair. The omrahs 
of the court in their anxiety at the common peril forgot 
their civil dissensions for the present. No prominent 
general was forth-coming to take the field against Shivaji. 
It is said that Afzul Khan's son Fazal was burning with 
desire to avenge his father's death and continually 
clamoured for a campaign of vengeance against Shivaji. But 
even he did not dare to take the field alone. There was 
a party that suggested that the, next campaign should be 
conducted directly under the auspices of the sultan him- 
self, and that no single general, however great, could be 
entrusted with a task of such gravity. Others, on the 
contrary, declared that it would be derogatory to the crown 
that the sultan should take the field in person against 
a rebel, Lhat Shivaji's rashness and craft might lead him to 
any extremities, and the sultan's life and with it their 
honour would be in jeopardy. 

Thus they remained in uncertainty looking for a 
champion who would deliver them. At last such a champion 
was discovered. He was a brave Sidi or Abyssinian of the 
name of Johar. The fields of the Karnatic bore testimony 
to his prowess. A quarrel with the sultan had led him to 
declare himself independent in the province of Kurnool. 
The sultan bore him a grudge on that score. Later on 
he endeavoured to become reconciled with the sultan 
and tendered an apology for his behaviour in the past. 
The sultan now wrote to him in reply that he could 
purchase his pardon only by leading the Adil Shahi stand- 
ards against Shivaji and returning in triumph after the 
complete overthrow of the Maratha leader. Greater hon- 
ours, greater rewards would await his successful return. 
The Abyssinian joyfully accepted these conditions, and 
embarked on the new expedition. Fazal Khan accompanied 
him seeking revenge for his father's death. 1 

* According to Chitnia and the Shivadigvi jay there was a third: 
general named Sarja Khan. 


The forces sent down with Sidi Johar were considerably 
larger than any previously launched against Shivaji. Some 
say they were twice as many as Afzul Khan's army. On 
the eve of his departure the sultan honoured the Abyssinian 
with a new title, Salabat Khan, the object being to en- 
kindle his loyal devotion and enthusiasm upon which the 
success of the expedition so vitally depended. As to Fazal 
Khan, his desire for vengeance wss a spur more potent 
than any title. While Shivaji was attacked on one side by 
these two generals, the Abyssinians of Janjira with the 
co-operation of the chief of Sawantwadi were to make a 
diversion in the Konkan possessions of Shivaji. Such was 
the plan of the invasion. Sidi Johar and Fazal resolved 
to strike the first blow on Panhala. With this object they 
marched to that fort (May 1660). The arrangement was 
that Sidi Johar should complete the siege of Fanhala and 
Fazal should descend the ghats into the Konkan to ravage 
Shivaji's territory on the coast. About the same time the 
Moguls began their campaign under the lead of Shaista 

Shivaji's scouts promptly brought tidings of what was 
happening. Apprised of these hostile movements in good 
time, Shivaji issued orders for defensive preparations to be 
made in each fort and the armies to be on the alert. The tide 
of invasion was to be held back on all sides. Raghunathpant 
Korde was ordered to fight Sidi Fatten Khan of Janjira in 
the Konkan; the defence of the Kalyan and Bhiwandi dis- 
tricts was imposed upon Abaji Sondev, the conflict with 
the Sawants of Wadi was entrusted to Baji Fasalkar. On 
the uplands of the ghats, there was Moropant Pingle in 
defence of Purandhar, Sinhagad, Pratapgad and other 
fortresses and the territory commanded by them; Shivaji in 
person was to conduct the defensive operations at Fort 
Panhala, and Netaji Palkar with the light cavalry was 
instructed to harass Sidi Johar from a distance and cut 
off his communications and supplies. Shivaji had under- 
taken the defence of Panhala in person owing to the new* 


he had received from his scouts of the intention of the Bijapur 
leaders to concentrate their attack upon that fort. Con- 
eluding, therefore, that the major operations on the defen- 
sive must be centred in this spot, Shivaji had taken up 
this post. But the events proved that it would have been 
better if he had done otherwise. 

Sidi Johar approached Fanhala without opposition. 
Shivaji's object was to bide his time and punish him only 
when he had advanced so far that retreat became impossible. 
When the Bijapur forces had at last encamped close before 
Fanhala Netaji Palkar took the aggressive. He made 
midnight raids upon the Adil Shahi camp. He cut off their 
supplies and harassed them by falling upon their foraging 
parties. Netaji's light cavalry used to emerge suddenly 
from a valley, burst upon those quarters of the hostile 
camp which seemed to be closely guarded, inflict immense 
slaughter and with lightning speed make good their escape 
before the enemy h#d time to think of pursuit, after dis- 
charging their mortar-bombs to add to the enemy's confu- 
sion. Johar saw the first necessity of the campaign was to 
get rid of these skirmishing parties of Netaji. He there- 
fore took the offensive against Netaji's light horse killing 
all the skirmishers he could capture. But he soon found it 
an extremely arduous and interminable task to pursue and 
capture the Mavalis in that mountainous country. Having 
thus decided to let Netaji alone he concentrated the detach- 
ments which had been located in far-off stations and pressed 
iorward the siege with greater rigour. Though the weather 
was unfavourable for a siege, his cannonading never 
slackened for a moment. Strict orders were issued under 
no^circumstances to permit any one from the garrison to 
emerge from the besieged fort nor any outsider to enter in. 
Nor was this all. It was proclaimed to all ranks of the 
besieging army that no Maratha combatant they might 
come across should be allowed to escape alive. Distinct 
units of watch-parties were constituted of privates and 
officers to mount guard in rotation both day and night, the 


object being that there should be no relaxation whatever in 
the maintenance of a strict blockade. He himself set an 
example of untiring vigilance in supervising the operations 
of the siege. 

Thus Shivaji was closed in for four months. There 
seemed to be no chance of the siege being raised by the 
anemy. The besieging army was large enough to keep up a 
strict blockade and its discipline was of a most efficient order. 
Do what Netaji Falkar might in the way of raids and 
surprises, the besiegers' efforts were not likely to grow 
weaker on that account. The cannonading from the brow 
of the fort, however steadily maintained, had little effect 
on the enemy. The worst of the situation was that the 
enemy had got news of Shivaji's presence in the fort, and 
he was not likely to leave this quarry, however long it 
might stand at bay, in search of more ignoble game. Sidi 
Johar no doubt thought that sooner or later the fort must 
fall before him and with it Shivaji must come into his 
bands. He would, thus easily achieve what had foiled so 
many generals before him. His prestige at the Bijapur 
durbar would be established beyond dispute. These ambi- 
tious thoughts kindled his vigour and enthusiasm. On the 
other hand, Shivaji's foresight had made such ample pre- 
parations on the fort as might have sufficed for even 
a siege of over two years. There was no likelihood of any 
shortage of provisions or ammunition for that period even 
if his communications with the outside world were entirely 
cut off. What Shivaji chiefly regretted was that, being 
thus cooped up at Panhala, he was cut off from all sources 
of information as to how things were shaping themselves 
abroad and from issuing commands to his officers elsewhere. 
He therefore became very anxious to escape. Heavy 
siege lines encompassed him on all sides. There could 
be seen no weak point in the siege- works. To sally out 
and give battle was impossible, for the enemy far 
out-numbered the garrison. He had therefore to contrive his 
escape by daring and stratagem. With this view he opened. 


communications with the Sidi stating that he was prepared 
to deliver the fort upon certain conditions, to state which, 
he would himself come down to the lower slope, if the Sidi 
undertook to guarantee his safe return. The Sidi was 
overjoyed at the turn events had taken and willingly gave 
the guarantee. Shivaji attended by a small body-guard 
came down to the Sidi's camp in the evening. At the 
conference Shivaji played a part which quite imposed 
upon the Sidi. First he consented to surrender the fort. 
The discussion then turned on the conditions of the 
surrender, 'and the principal articles of the treaty were 
settled after some discussion. By this time it was very 
dark, and adjourning the conference for the night to be 
resumed the following morning for the settlement of minor 
details, Shivaji returned to his fort. 1 The Sidi was 
relieved of his cares and felt quite jubilant at Shivaji's 
submission and was ready to consent to any terms proposed 
by him. He concluded the war was now at an end and the 
fort as good as gained. He stopped the cannonading. The 
sentinels relaxed their watch and for the first time after 
a long period of tension gave themselves to mirth and 

This was just what Shivaji wanted and for this it was 

1 In Modak's History of the Adil Shabi Kingdom we have quite a 
different version of this interview. There it is mentioned that Shivaji 
begged leave for a friendly interview with Johar in company with two 
or three of his followers, stating he wanted to sue for pardon and commu- 
nicate further proposals at the interview. The Sidi was considerably 
elated with this and made answer that Shivaji might safely entrust him- 
self in his hands, for that though he served the sultan and made the 
campaign under his orders, he wished him well and would willingly 
promote the terms of any accommodation proposed by Shivaji. Upon this 
assurance, Shivaji came down at midnight for a conference with two or 
three of his chiefs and was courteously entertained by Sidi. Preliminariea 
were settled and Shivaji returned to the fort. When the sultan heard 
of these events at Bijapur he was greatly incensed and moved the army 
to take the command into his own hand and conduct the war against 
Shivaji. (Page 202, Kodak's History of the Adil Shahi Kingdom). Prof. 
Sarkar apparently follows a similar account, which is based upon the 


that he had planned the meeting. With the dower of his 
bravest Mavalis, Shivaji slipped down the fort walls and 
marched right through the enemy's sentinel outposts. 1 
Amid their boisterous carousals this movement at first 
escaped their notice. But they soon observed that Shivaji 
had given them the slip and began to prepare them- 
selves for pursuit. Meanwhile Shivaji had used his 
advantage to good purpose and made such speed that 
he was now abreast of Fort Vishalgad. 2 But now there 
followed a pursuit in deadly earnest. Fazal Khan, the son 
of Afzul and Sidi Aziz, the son of Johar 3 led the cavalry 
with the infantry following at a distance. It was not till 
sun-rise however that they could come in sight of Shivaji's 
fugitive squadron. When they first observed it, the 
squadron was dashing up a ghat about six miles from 
Vishalgad. Now that the pursuers had gained so much 
ground upon him, Shivaji thought it necessary to leave 
a detachment in the gorge below to hold the enemy in 
play. A corps of Mavalis was detached and told to occupy 
the gorge in the glen of Pandhare Pani or the White 
Water, through which the enemy had of necessity to pass 
if he wished to continue the pursuit. Shivaji himself 
continued his flight. A leader of heroic mettle^ Baji 
Deshpande of Hirdas MavaJ, was left in command of these 
daring M.avalis. Five cannon-shots pealing from the brows 

1 The Hairi bakhar says that at the head of 20,000 Mavalis Shivaji 
sallied upon the besieging army and making his way with the sword, 
effected his escape to Vishalgad with Fazal in his pursuit. The pretence of 
a treaty to put the besiegers off their guard is not mentioned in this bakhar. 

2 Qrant Duff and Ranade following Chitnis say that Shivaji fled to 
Rangna. It is now generally agreed that the fort to which Shivaji 
escaped was not Rangna, but Vishalgad. Pandhare Pani is six miles from 
Vishalgad. The Jedhe Chronology also states that Shivaji escaped to 
Khelna, which is the same as Vishalgad. Rangna is about 75 miles from 
Panhala while Vishalgad is nearer. Ranade compared the heroic defence of 
the mountain pass by Baji Deshpande with the self-sacrifice of Leonidas 
and his three hundred Spartans at the pass of Thermopylae. The death 
of Baji in the moment of victory may be compared with the triumphant 
deaths of the heroes of Quebec, of Corunna and of Trafalgar. 

3 The Tarikh-i-Shivaji calls him Sidi Halai. 


of Vishalgad were to be a signal that the Maratha prince 
was safe in its towers. Till then the gallant Baji was to 
keep the enemy at bay. No better choice could have been 
made for such a perilous enterprise. Never was con- 
fidence in a general more brilliantly vindicated. There 
stood the gallant hero, with his 5000 Mavalis in a defile 
which became literally a valley of death, without shelter 
to right or left, under no cover but hedges of bramble 
and brushwood. The vanguard of pursuing cavalry 
were scattered by bullets and chain-shot. They kept at 
a respectful distance below the defile. But the infantry 
soon came up and desperately charged the Mavalis. The 
Mavalis met the charge with equal impetuosity. The 
charge was broken and the attacking columns were rolled 
back. They formed again this time with increased num- 
bers, and delivered a second assault. But even this .was 
beaten off by Baji Deshpande. The battle then became 
a hand-to-hand struggle and was fiercely disputed on both 
sides. The fighting had now lasted for three hxmrs and 
the dauntless guardians of the pass had not yielded an inch 
of ground. The enemy was still at the foot of the defile, 
storming and raving with impotence. This annoyed Fazal 
Khan. He rallied his Karnatic infantry to a third charge 
more furious and obstinate, supported by artillery. By 
this time the Mavalis had been reduced to half their 
numbers and the enemy had lost nearly five thousand. 
Baji Deshpande, nothing daunted, advanced to meet the 
charge, but while rallying his men to the attack was struck 
down by a cannon-shot. Bravely had he stood his ground 
and before his death he had the satisfaction of knowing 
that he had done his duty. For Shivaji had reached tne 
fort and the loyal Baji had the joy ere he closed his eyes in 
death of hearing the five signal shotd from the guns of 
Vishalgad. His was the happy death of a patriot who died 
for his king and country. His work was done and that 
of the gallant brigade of his Mavalis. After the glorious 
Jeath of their leader and the arrival of Shivaji at his 


destination their mission was ended. They made for 
the fort, following diverse paths, taking care to bear on. 
their shoulders the mortal remains of their gallant general. 
At the cost of many lives they saved his body from the 
hands of a vindictive and sacrilegious foe. The Mahomedans 
did not dare to pursue them through the mazy tangle of 
those forests. (July, 1660). 

The enemy occupied the gorge, filed through the pass, 
and presented himself at the foot of Vishalgad. It was the 
hottes part of the year. The streams had all dried up. 
The valleys under the fort were scarcely commodious 
enough to plant batteries for purposes of a regular siege. 
Fazal Khan began thus to weigh anxiously the risks and 
chances of a blockade. The risks were that Shivaji with 
his wonderful capacity for achieving the impossible might 
invent some plan for his destruction were he to establish 
his lines before his stronghold. Moreover Johar had no 
desire to raise the siege of Panhala only to transfer the 
batteries to a new scene at Vishalgad and go through the 
preliminaries of a siege all over again. Upon these grounds, 
Fazal Khan gave up the idea of commencing a siege and 
returned to Panhala, But at Panhala, Shivaji having 
escaped, there was no strong motive to persevere doggedly 
in the siege. Shiv&ji was now free to counteract the 
designs of the besiegers. The monsoons were approaching, 
and their violence was more to be dreaded in these 
mountainous regions, especially by an army entrenched 
behind siege-works. Besides Raghunath Ballal who wa& 
entrusted with the command of the fort, when Shivaji 
effected his escape, was putting up a gallant defence. 
Shivaji had sent re-inforcements to co-operate with the 
garrison from without. When the besiegers advanced to 
plant batteries and storm the fort, these bands hovered 
round the rear of the enemy's army from below and 
wrought much havoc, slaying and plundering all that came 
within their reach. Again when the van of the storming 
party ran down to meet the alarm on their rear, the garrison 


seized the occasion to wreck the batteries. Between this 
double fire Johar and Fazal Khan gave up all hope of 
carrying the fort by storm. They had one recourse left 
open to them, corruption. This they now resolved to try. 
They sent word to Raghunath Ballal that it would be to his 
advantage to surrender the fort and come over to the 
besiegers' side. They would recommend him to the special 
favour of the Bijapur government. They promised him 
titles and jahgirs. But Raghunathpant was a man of sterling 
worth. He replied fearlessly that he thirsted not for gold 
and would never break faith with his master. So in this 
also the besiegers were foiled. All their resources had been 
tried to no purpose. Johar's resolution began to waver. 
His mind vacillated between opposite extremes. At one 
moment he thought to postpone the siege till after the rains, 
spend the interval at Bijapur, and after the enforced 
inactivity recommence the siege on a greater scale. Then 
again he thought he had led such vast forces to disgrace 
and ruin, without performing any feat of arms worthy of 
the sacrifice. His return to Bijapur would have no other 
construction than an inglorious defeat, and draw down the 
sultan's wrath upon his devoted head. Better then to 
spend the antumn in this inclement place with the chance of 
renewing the siege after the monsoon storms had exhausted 
themselves. He resolved to encamp at Gajapur between 
Panhala and Vishalgad. This proposal became known 
to the army. The despondent soldiery were seized with 
consternation and clamoured for furlough. Nothing could 
assuage their fears. Their obstinacy increased from day to 
day. It was plain Johar could not persevere to remain 
around Panhala with a discontented army. With great 
reluctance he broke up his camp and ordered a retreat to be 
sounded for the walls of Bijapur. 

Ali Adil Shaha took it much to heart that all his great 
army should have returned home without achieving any 
success worth the name. Sidi Johar had only achieved this 
.hat the army he led back to Bijapur was considerably 


reduced in numbers compared to the army he had led 
forth upon the enterprise. The sultan was a rash and 
choleric man by disposition, and Johar's failure was not 
calculated to put him in good humour. Envious courtiers 
added fuel to the fire. They circulated a rumour that Sidi 
had been corrupted by Shivaji, that his escape from 
Panhala was due to a collusion. Had Sidi Johar been in 
earnest he would surely have surrounded Vishalgad. Far 
from doing so, the traitor had continued his make-belief 
siege of Panhala, and had now impudently arrived at 
Bijapur to practise further impostures upon his royal 
master. The credulous monarch readily believed these 
stories and accused Sidi Joh&r of premeditated treachery. 
Sidi was so offended with these imputations of treason that 
he became quite frantic with rage. He raved and fumed, 
violently affirming his innocence. But this defiant manner 
only served to confirm the sultan in his belief of Johar's 

At Shivaji's court there was joy and revelry. The 
state had tided over a great storm. The ruler had escaped 
from grave personal danger by the skin of his teeth. Baji 
Deshpande's self-sacrificing heroism was the cause of .all 
this jubilation. Shivaji invited Baji's son, Balaji Baji, to 
his presence and having expressed his admiration of the 
great services of the hero, invested the young man with the 
father's honours. Balaji Baji was given the government 
of those hill-forts which had lately been under his father. 
He was given the honorary title of bakshi or paymaster 
of the forces, and a jahgir for his mintenance. Baji's 
seven brothers were similarly presented to Shivaji, honoured 
with stipendiary grants and state palanquins for the main- 
tenance of their dignities, and appointed to the offices of 
paymasters of forces (sabnis) over the Mavali corps. 

Baghunath Ballal, the defender of Panhala, came in 
also for a share of the royal favour. His services were 
handsomely acknowledged by his appointment to the 
governorship of Panhala and the country in its sphere of 


influence. He acquitted himself in his new civil duties just 

as. creditably as he Imd discharged his military duties in the 

late war. He rallied the poor peasantry who had deserted 

their homes and farms in the troublous times of the siege. 

.He made new revenue settlements to suit their convenience. 

He established in them a confidence of security and un- 

. disturbed enjoyment of their gains and increased the total 

output of revenue by putting new lands under cultivation. 

While the siege of Fanhala was in progress, the Sidi 
of Janjira pursuing the compact with Sidi Johar had 
launched his naval forces against the Konkan regions that 
had been acquired by Shivaji. It will be remembered that 
At the outset of his defensive campaign Shivaji had 
entrusted the conduct of the Konkan war to Raghunath- 


pant Korde. The Abyssinians gained several advantages 
in the beginning. Their two chiefs Khairat Khan and Yakub 
Khan had even advanced to lay siege to the fort of Tala^ 
when the tidings came to them that Shivaji had sallied 
out of the besieging lines round Panhala, beaten off hia 
pursuers, and was coming thence on his way to Raigad. 
The news filled them with dismay and they hastened to 
raise the siege. Raghunathpant had now a fresh lease of 
activity. He retrieved his losses, drove off the enemy, and 
reduced the Abyssinian harbour of Danda-rajpuri. The 
Abyssinians now made overtures for peace. The campaign 
was thus brought to a triumphant conclusion. The Sidi gave- 
to Raghunathpant as a mark of his esteem and apprecia- 
tion presents of costly apparel and a horse with trappings. 1 

And now the Sawants of Wadi remained. It will be 
remembered that the plan of the Bijapur government was 

1 Orme says that on bia escape from Panhala Shivaji came straight 
upon Dandarajpuri with a big army and presented despatches purport- 
ing to be from the hand of Sidi Johar requiring the Abyssinians to mako 
over the fort of Dandarajpuri in exchange for Panhala Having no 
reason to suspect any fraud, since Shivaji's coming away from Pauhala 
seemed impossible without Johar 's permission, the beguiled Abyssinian 
chief made over Dandarajpuri to Shivaji. Later hia suspicions were 
roused and he refused to part with Janjira. 


that simultaneously with the invasion of Sidi Johar the- 
chiefs of Janjira and Wadi were to overrun the Konkan in, 
concert. Acting upon this plan the Sawants had assumed 
the aggressive in the last campaign. Baji Fasalkar, 1 a. 
comrade in arms to Shivaji from his earliest youth, was- 
entrusted with the task of chastising the Sawants. Many 
skirmishes took plnce, in several of which Baji Fasalkar 
came off victorious. At length Kai Sawant with an army 
of five thousand, re-inforced by the Abyssinians of Janjira, 
advanced upon Baji Fasalkar A decisive battle took place 
at Rajapur. Fasalkar himself, sword in hand, fought the- 
enemy in every part of the field. Fasalkar and Kai 
Sawant were at last brought face to face. The battle now 
resolved itself into a duel between these opposing leaders. 
The combat was fiercely disputed, though each leader hadi 
received several wounds at the hand of the other. Both 
received mortal wounds and the same moment sank lifeless 
on the field. Fasalkar's men, though their chief had fallen,, 
did not get dispirited, but fought their way to victory.. 
Shivaji mourned the death of Baji Fasalkar as of a dear 
companion in arms and resolved to avenge it on the Sawant 
and the Sidi in whose quarrel his life had been sacrificed. 

i Fasalkar was one of the earliest companions of Shivaji's childhood 
and second to none in valour and uprightness among his leaders. Versed 
in all the arts of war, he was distinguished for a powerful physique. He 
was originally a resident of Muse Khore (the val.ey of the Musa) and was- 
deshmukh of eight villages. He lived at the village of Kurdu near 
Chhatri-Nizampura, at the foot of Raigad and defended the entrance to 
its defile. According to the powadas he possessed three incomparable 
jewels in his far-famed shield, and sword, and mare,-the last named 
Yeshwanta ( i. e. Victrix ) being coveted by the Bijapur sarkar and the 
innocent cause of a combat between Fasalkar and Sonoo Dalvi, who> 
had come to carry her by force to Bijapur. 

L. S. 14 


THE Bijapur Government was in a sullen mood. The 
disgraceful return of Sidi Johar and Fazal Khan had filled 
the sulUn with indignation. In the first impulse of his 
wrath he announced his intention of taking the field in 
person against the Maratha leader. With a large army 
under his command, the sultan moved to Karhad. This 
movement had the immediate effect of stirring up those of 
'his feudatories on the border who had consented to pay 
tribute to Shivaji These chiefs now hastened to the royal 
camp with humiliation and consternation and began to 
proffer their allegiance and service to the sultan. Sidi 
-Johar at the same time supplicated for pardon. But he did 
not volunteer to attend the sultan in his campaign, know- 
ing as he did by experience the petty envy and personal 
spite that reigned supreme with such disastrous results in 
the sultan's court. He retired to his jahgir. 

The sultan began well. He besieged and captured 
Panhala. (August, 1660;. Pavangad followed. The minor 
hill-forts in the neighbourhood fell one after another, but 
the forts of Rangna and Vishalgad held out. The rains 
having set in as he did not desire to expose his army to the 
heavy rains on the crest of the Sahyadri, he returned to 
Ghimalge on the banks of the Krishna to canton his army 
-during the season of storms. 

Shivaji's plan was to encourage the sultan to fritter 
away his forces. He was no match for the overwhelming 
iorces of the Bijipur durbar. Shivaji's army had already 
been considerably impaired by the stress of the campaign 
with Sidi Johar. The new storm had burst so soon after 
the last that he had scarcely any time to make up his losses. 
The sultan might meanwhile waste his strength on the 
capture of minor forts, and when his forces were affected 
as they were bound to be by the tear and wear of the 
desultory campaign, Shivaji resolved to put forth all his 


strength and beat back the invader. On the repulse of the 
aultan it would be so easy to recover the lost ground. Such 
were Shivaji's plans. 

Nor was he quite idle. He turned the vanguard of his 
. army once more upon the town of Rajapur. The Maratha 
horse entered the port a second time. The British East 
India Company, as has already been mentioned, held am 
important factory or entrepot at this flourishing town. 
The company incurred heavy losses during this invasion. 
Four British merchants including the agent, Henry Reving- 
ton, were taken prisoners and confined for three years at 
the fort of Waisati and afterwards at Raigad. The reason of 
this harsh treatment was that the British factors at Raja- 
pur had supplied ammunition to Sidi Johar during the 
last invasion, and some members of the Rajapur factory 
had been actually bribed by the Bijapur authorities to join 
their camp and help in the bombardment of Fanhala fort. 1 
Three years afterwards the British prisoners were allowed 
to be liberated on ransom. 

On the fall of Rajapur Shivaji turned his forces against 
Shringarpur, where a Maratha noble of the name of Surve 
had set up an independent principality. 2 He had got 
together an army of about 10,000 and confident of his 
strength, he had been carrying on a marauding warfare 
with the landed gentry in the neighbourhood. His chief 
officers were two Maratha nobles, Filaji and Tanaji, of the 
Shirke family. Pilaji attended Shivaji's camp in the 
-capacity of Surve's vakil or agent. By way of retaliation 
on Surve for his insolence Shivaji threw Pilaji into chains 
a nd marching upon his master, took Shringarpur by 
a sudden assault. Though deprivedof his head-quarters, 
Surve did not acknowledge defeat. He rallied his men and 
continued the war. At length Shivaji advanced against 

1 Kajapur, Factory Records, quoted by f rof. tiarkar, p. iJ9tf. 
3 Grant Duff names him Dalvi and says Surve was his minister. He 
does not mention Shirke. The account followed in the text is that found 
in the Marathi bakhars. As explained before Dalvi was an additional name 
of the Survee. 


the post where Surve had concentrated his forces. A des- 
perate battle ensued, in which Surve was defeated and 
slain. But Tanaji Shirke made good his escape from the 
field of battle. On the destruction of Surve some of his 
feudatories took shelter with the Abyssinians of Janjira. 
Shivaji foresaw what this would lead to. The adherents 
of Surve, such as Tanaji and others were going to concen- 
trate on Janjira soil and with the active co-operation of the 
Abyssinians deliver a combined attack upon Shivaji. In 
order to forestall such a combination, Shivaji conciliated 
Tanaji Shirke, giving him Shringarpur and other districts in 
inam. Shirke acknowledged the feudal suzerainty of Shivaji. 
Encouraged by this act of generosity on the part of the 
victor, the fugitive retainers of Surve returned from Janjira 
and were permitted to enter again upon their old vatan or 
hereditary rights of property. Such of them as were 
willing and fit for active service were enrolled in Shivaji's 
army. A little later, Shirke's daughter was married to 
Shivaji's eldest son. 

The rains had now begun in earnest. But Shivaji' 
could not afford to remain inactive. Simultaneously with 
the invasion which the sultan had undertaken in person, 
the Abyssinans, throwing to the winds the treaty recently 
made with Raghunathrao Korde, renewed their incursions 
into Shivaji's territory. Shivaji resented the treachery and 
wanted to accelerate his operations, so as to exterminate 
the foe before either the sultan or the confederate chief of 
Wadi could come to his help. The command was given to 
Venkoji. After a protracted struggle, Venkoji conquered 
Daudarajpuri with the territory surrounding that town. 
The conquered country was occupied by a strong expedi- 
tionary force of five or six thousand, and fortifications were 
. raised at suitable points to overawe the district Only their 
stronghold of Janjira remained with the Abyssinians. 
Shivaji opened a cannonade upon this fortress, but had 
soon to give up this attempt, for want both of sufficient 
''artillery and of expert artillery-men. On the., close of the 


monsoons, Shi vaji had to relax this campaign and concen- 
trate his attention upon the movements of the sultan. 

That prince, as we have seen, had postponed active 
operations for the autumn and encamped his army at Chi- 
malge. While encamped at Chimalge he received des- 
patches from the Karnatic announcing an extensive revolt 
against the Adil Shahi power. The sultan decided to send 
Sidi Johar to the Karnatic to quell the rebellion and with 
this object invited him with all honour due to his position 
to lead an expeditionary force to the Karnatic. But Johar 
who distrusted the sultan and was at bitter enmity with 
Ibrahim Khan, the prime minister, declined the respon- 
sibility and straightway returned to hisjahgir. The sultan 
construed this action as a proof of his being in secret league 
with the rebels in the Karnatic, as also with Shivaji. 

The sultan was in great perplexity at being thus 
caught between two fires. He had embarked upon this 
campaign with Shivaji with the firm resolve of never 
turning his back upon the operations, before the name of 
Shivaji was wiped out of the country. Some of his 
adherents were even now of the same opinion. But there 
was also a weighty expression of opinion on the part of 
those who maintained that the situation in the Karnatic, 
both for its gravity and the magnitude of the issues in- 
volved, required the immediate attention of the durbar. The 
pursuit of the elusive Maratha warrior over valley and 
mountain, forest and plain, and the sacrifice of vast armies 
to secure this paltry end would be at best, they fancied, an 
illustration of the mountain in labour and the proverbial 
mouse. While the sultan was distracted between these con- 
flicting opinions, the proposal of the deshmukhs or chiefs of 
Wadi came as a great encouragement to him. For the 
Sawants of Wadi, Lakham Sawant and Khem Sawant, 
applied for liberal reinforcements to enable them to pro- 
secute hostilities against Shivaji and undertook to destroy 
utterly all his authority over the entire Konkan coast. 
This proposition was most welcome to the sultan as it* 


immediately relieved him from an anxious dilemma. The 
prayers of the Sawant chiefs were readily acceded to. It 
was decided that Behlol (Bahld) Khan and Baji Ghorpade, 
the chief of Mudhol, should muster all available forces and 
march to the succour of the chiefs of Wadi. The three 
leaders were required to concert together a plan of operations 
against Shivaji and the sultan in person was to take the 
field against the rebels in the Karnatic. 

Preparations were being rapidly made on an extensive 
scale for a campaign on which mighty issues seemed to 
rest. While the forces were mustering, Baji Ghorpade had 
occasion to pay a flying visit to his jahgir of Mudhol, a 
movement of which instant intelligence was conveyed 
to Shivaji by his spies. This was the man who bore the 
stigma of having been the instrument of that treacherous 
capture of Shahaji which had almost culminated in a fright- 
ful tragedy. When Shivaji with wonderful tact and 
resources saved his father from the sultan's vengeance on 
that occasion, he had, as it will bo remembered, sworn a 
deadly feud with the chief of Mudhol. The hour he had long 
waited for to vindicate the family honour had now at last 
arrived. For the gates of Mudhol fly suddenly open before 
Shivaji's columns and with streams of blood and heaps of 
slaughtered dead the treacherous chief and his clansmen 
atone for their villainy. 

Khawas Khan took the place of command made vacant 
by the death of Baji Ghorpade. But the Mahomedan 
generals had not advanced more than a few days' march 
before they were ordered to divert their forces from the 
Konkan and required to present themselves without loss of 
time at the scene of war in the Karnatic. The flames of 
rebellion in the southern provinces of the kingdom had 
assumed very grave proportions and required a larger effort 
to quench them than had been anticipated by the sultan. 

Shivaji could have prayed for nothing better. While 
the deadlock in the Karnatic engrossed the armies of the. 


Adil Shabi state, Shivaji swept rapidly from fort to fort 
recovering lost ground and adding many a new province- 
he had never conquered before. The Sawants of Wadi 
who had paraded their loyalty to the sultan and applied to 
him for help in a concerted attack upon Shivaji had cer- 
tainly not even endeavoured to veil their malignant animo- 
sity against the rise of the new power. Nemesis was not 
slow to overtake the chiefs of Wadi. Shivaji swiftly overran 
their dominions. The Sawants were in despair. They 
could scarcely put forth any resistance, without the active 
aid of the sultan; and this aid the sultan's present embarrass- 
ments had prevented him from sending. Shivaji madfr 
immediate conquest of Kudal, Bande, and other territorial 
possessions of the Sawant Wadi chief. The latter found an 
asylum in the hospitable country of Goa, the capital of 
Portuguese India. Shivaji sent a peremptory reprimand to 
the Portuguese authorities, whose eyes were now opened to 
the risks they were incurring in harbouring the refugees, 
and the latter were again cast adrift to encounter the forces 
of Shivaji. At length, deserted by every prince or feuda- 
tory chieftain, they made humble appeals to Shivaji, through 
their vakil or agent, Pitamber Shenvi. They averred that 
the Sawants were related to the Bhonsles by many ties of 
relationship. They deprecated the fact that the two families 
should' act as enemies. They protested their readiness 
to transfer their allegiance to Shivaji, praying him to for- 
give and forget the past and admit them again to a feudal 
dependence upon him. Shivaji was gratified to see them 
acknowledge the error of their ways and profess their 
loyalty. He gave them pardon and invited them to an 
interview, at which it was decided that they should continue 
to enjoy in perpetuity the revenues of their fief as desh- 
mukhs of Wadi, subject to an annual tribute. 1 Their in- 
fantry force was transferred to Shivaji's service and sent on. 
campaigns far away from their homes, while their own. 

1 Sabhasad says that they were to receive a fixed revenue of six 
thousand pagodas, reside at Kudal, and abstain from any building or 
entrenching operations or mustering an army. 


possessions were placed under a defence force composed of 
Shivaji's veterans. 

Now there were two valiant commanders in the ser- 
vice of the Wadi chief, viz., Nan Sawant 1 and Rama 
Dalvi. Pleased with their address and chivalry Shivaji 
received them with open arms in his service. Rama Dalvi 
was indeed a name to conjure with in the Konkan. This 
valiant leader was entrusted with a large army for the 
reduction of the outlying parts of the Konkan. The 
Sawants thus lost for ever two of the main pillars of 
their strength. 

During this campaign Shivaji first came into collision 
with the Portuguese. By rapid conquests he got under 
his occupation the Portuguese districts of Panch Mahal, 
Mardangad and Bardesh, and threatened the land communi- 
cations of Goa itself. To deliver Goa from a possible 
blockade and escape further hostilites at his hand, the 
Portuguese made overtures for a peace through the medium 
of Anant Shenvi, who was the sabnis or paymaster of the 
forces under the Desai or Chief of K'udal. But Anant 
Shenvi professed a friendly attitude towards Shivaji only to 
cloak his treacherous intentions. He represented to the 
Portuguese authorities that the sending of a peaceful 
embassy would throw Shivaji off his guard and the occasion 
should be seized to entrap him by a midnight raid upon his 
camp. But Kanhoji Tandel, the skipper of a local barque, 
divulged the sinister plot to Shivaji. Profiting by the 
information, Shivaji remained in readiness awaiting the 
development of the treachery. True to the information 
received, Anant Shenvi noiselessly led an ambushed force 
of 10,000 Portuguese to surprise Shivaji's camp. But 
what was his anguish to discover that Shivaji had 
fallen back about a mile and placed his men in battle order in 
evident expectation of his midnight assailants 1 Come what 
may, the Portuguese had now to open fire, which they 
did as soon as they came up to the encampment. Shivaji 
1 Sabhasad names him Tanaji Sawant. 


'held in his men till day-break, when hia cavalry dashed 
down upon their opponents and cut them to pieces. The 
Portuguese were utterly routed. Scarcely a thousand of 
their men escaped with their lives. Some fell dead upon 
the field of battle; others were drowned in the creeks, 
and a large number were wounded. The Portuguese govern- 
ment was now in great fear. Shivaji harried the entire 
Bardesh with fire and sword. Portuguese captives without 
exception were put to the sword. The Portuguese mer- 
chants were arrested and subjected to heavy war-fines. The 
military cantonments of the Maratha cavalry stationed in 
the various parts of Kudal, Bande, Sakli, ( Sankhal or 
Sankhali), Maneri and other places were extended to Bardesh. 
The landward portions of Goa were, in one word, brought 
under permanent occupation, and events had come to such 
a crisis that it seemed that the whole of that little peninsula 
would slip for ever from the hands of the Portuguese. 
The Portuguese government now repented of their folly in 
listening to the treacherous counsels of Anant Shenvi. They 
sent ambassadors for peace and made an ample apology. 
The ambassadors came laden with presents to Shivaji's 
camp, the presents consisting chiefly of a sum of 20,000 
crowns and magnificent suits of apparel. The treaty now 
made with the Portuguese provided that they should 
annually furnish a certain number of new cannon to Shivaji 
as also jewellery and should obtain from him warrants for 
the passage of their mercantile vessels. 

The Bijapur government now mourned the downfall of 
the Sawants. The chief of Wadi was the last of their 
great barons in the Konkan. His fall left little scope for 
the recovery of that region in the future. The Abyssinian 
chief of Janjira, once the high admiral of the Adil 
Shahi crown, was equally maimed and crippled by the 
repeated onslaughts of Shivaji. The Abyssinians saw that 
henceforth they could not depend on the fostering care of 
their Bijapur sovereign. The fate of the Sawants made them 
indifferent towards their masters. The Bijapur durbar 


was in great perplexity as to the next move they should* 
make in the game with Shivaji. No general at their court 
would undertake a new campaign against him. Wearied 
with the constant internecine struggle, the grand vizier of the 
court at length opened secret communications with Shivaji. 
There were reasons for this secrecy. The grand vizier 
plainly saw that the courtiers, whose- craven spirit shirked 
the perils of fighting, would be the first to throw themselves 
into attitudes of injured honour on hearing of a treaty 
with this enemy. They would stand with folded hands, 
spectators of the rapine and bloodshed, and try to redeem 
their indifference by ac insincere outcry against a peace. 
The vizier knew the temper of these gilded popinjays too- 
well not to perceive that they might even attempt to taunt 
him with accusations of breaking faith with his sovereign, 
if not in formal terms at least by innuendo. They were- 
even capable of using back-stairs influence with their- 
sovereign to procure the banishment or death of the 
advocate of a conciliatory policy. The chief conditions of 
these informal negotiations, which shortly afterwards 
resulted in a treaty, were that the conquests hitherto made 
by Shivaji should be allowed to remain in his hands and 
the Adil Shahi durbar should make no further attempt at 
their recovery. The durbar was to recognize Shivaji as 
an independent sovereign, cede him certain defined districts 
and stipulate to pay him an annual tribute of seven lakhs of 
hons amounting to about Rs. 35,00,000 at the ruling rate- 
of exchange. There was to be a defensive alliance between 
the two powers, and Shivaji*s ambassador, Shamji Naik 
Pande, was permitted to reside at Bijapur and represent him 
at the Adil Shahi durbar. 

If the durbar acquiesced in such terms, they did so- 
manifestly because of the utter exhaustion of their military 
resources. Never was defeat more complete or acknowledg- 
ment more ample on the part of a sovereign towards a former 
vassal. Shortly afterwards the Rajah Shahaji obtained 
permission, as is told in the following chapter, to revisit 


Maharashtra. On this occasion the Bijapur durbar exhorted 
Shahaji to use his influence with his son to continue these 
friendly relations with their court. The result of Shahaji's 
advice was that Shivaji ceased to attack Bijapur. 

Shivaji may now be said to have attained the crown 
of his earliest ambition. Every crisis had tried the high 
spirit and sterling virtues of which he had given promise 
from his early years. The plans and visions which Dadaji 
Kondadev and others had considered so chimerical had been 
proved to be not only practicable but to have been actually 
realized. He who had been so recently no more than 
a petty jahgirdar was now famous and feared throughout the- 
whole of south India. The lesser glory of envious desh- 
mukhs and haughty sardars of the Maratha gentry had 
paled before his. The spectacle of a sovereign state paying 
tribute to its tributary vassal filled his rivals with wonder 
and dismay. 

This will be the proper place to review Shivaji's posses- 
sions at this period of his career (1662). His territory com- 
prised in the first place the whole of the Konkan coast 
from Kalyan to Goa, a strip of 300 miles in length. From 
the Bhima to the Warna, the uplands that rise above 
the Konkan were also in Shivaji's hands. Thia territory 
was on an average about 160 miles in length and about 100 
miles in breadth. His military resources comprised 
50,000 foot and 7,000 horse. This army was much too large 
considering the dimensions of his kingdom. But living 
as he did in the midst c? constant alarms and compelled to 
keep himself on a war-footing so as to meet at any time the 
forces of two empires, this army cannot be said to have 
been too numerous. Of these the first had been worsted; 
with the second he had just come into collision. The result 
of that collision was not a long way off. 


IT GOES without saying that no person could have been 
in greater ecstasy at Shivaji's successive triumphs and the 
-crowning glory of the peace that made Bijapur a tributary 
to a vassal's son than his father Shahaji. He was naturally 
most anxious to meet again a son whose valour and good 
fortune had well-nigh proved invincible. Frequent corres- 
pondence passed between father and SOD, the one reporting 
in brief the events as they developed one after another, 
the other exhorting and felicitating him on his victories. 
But the correspondence was most guarded. Shahaji .had no 
desire to have it disclosed that he had any part in Shivaji's 
afl'airs. Such a disclosure in his opinion would have been pre- 
judicial, nay fatal, to his far reaching designs in the Kama- 
tie. He had already had experience of the mistrustfulness of 
the Bijapur durbar. It was only when peace was made 
between Shivaji and Bijapur that he applied for leave to 
pay a short visit to Maharashtra, ostensibly to visit the old 
shrines and temples and perform the traditional rites and 
ceremonies. He exerted private influence on the durbar 
to have this request granted. In sanctioning his applica- 
tion for furlough the durbar wrote to him in reply that now 
that he was returning home, he ought to persuade his 
unmanageable son to be obedient to the central power and 
bring him to pay his respects to the sultan. He should 
become a noble or omrah of the court. If he presented 
himself at the durbar, they would be but too eager to give 
him the grand viziership of the kingdom. At any sacrifice 
Shahaji ought to use his diplomacy to make Shivaji a willing 
feudal lord under Bijapur. To this Shahaji replied 
that the durbar already knew well enough how little 
Shivaji cared for the parental authority, but he would do 
his best to advance his chief's fortunes. After his vows 
to his guardian deities had been discharged, he would call 
upon Shivaji and give him good counsel. Shahaji received 
a reply exhorting him to try his best to persuade Shivaji. 


Should he, however, persist in keeping aloof from the Bijapur 
influence, Shahaji was exhorted that he at any rate should not 
make common cause with him. He was asked to return to his 
sovereign's service, unaffected by the ties of a parent's love. 

Under such circumstances Shahaji left the Karnatic to 
visit- once more his native land after a long term of absence 
from home. He was accompanied by his second wife and 
the son she had borne him, Venkoji. Shivaji was apprised 
of his father's coming home again with the permission of 
his sovereign. * 

On reaching the shrine of Tuljapur Shahaji attended 
the temple of Bhavani to discharge his vows. Large sums 
of money were distributed in charity. It is said that 
Shahaji had made a vow to the deity of Tuljapur that if 
his son's noble enterprise for the establishment of religious 
and civil liberty among his countrymen were by the 
deity's blessing to be crowned with success he would adorn 
the temple with votive images and offerings to the value of 
a lakh of rupees. The events of Shivaji's career had turned 
out so auspiciously that Shahaji had now come with the 
greatest eagerness to make good his vows. He had 
statuettes in gold cast by the artists of the Karnutic which 
he now dedicated to the goddess. Shahaji visited several 
other holy places, among others the temple of Mahadev at 
Shingnapur and the Vithoba of Pandharpur. At every 
holy place, Shahaji performed acts of charity including the 
banqueting of learned Brahmans and alms to the poor. 

On the arrival of his father within the limits of his 
kingdom, Shivaji appointed officers to pi^vide for his 
comfort at every halt. If Shahaji was so eager to clasp in 
his arms his glorious son, Shivaji was no less eager to 
welcome his beloved father. To Jijabai indeed it was a 
great occasion. The reunion between wife and husband, 

O ' 

father and son, which after such a prolonged absence was 
now under the auspices of the gods to take place, was 
arranged by consultation with the Brahmans to take place. 


in a temple. The celebrated temple of Jejuri was selected 
for the function. The cavalcades of father and son were to 
approach this place at an appointed hour. On the 
arrival of the Rajah Shahaji in the neighbourhood of Jejuri. 
Shfvaji sent forward his commander-in-chief accompanied 
by foot soldiers, cavalry and elephants to greet and receive 
him in the name of Shivaji, while the Maharajah himself 
waited at Jejuri. Amid strains of music and jubilation on 
the part of the multitude Shahaji advanced escorted by the 
procession that had gone forth to receive and lead him to 
the temple. The sacred rites performed, Shahaji went 
through a quaint Hindu solemnity of renewing old love 
with relations meeting together after a prolonged separa- 
tion. A large basin of bronze was brought filled with 
clarified butter, and the long lost relations had their 
first sight of each other silently and simultaneously in the 
reflection of their faces mirrored on the surface of the 
liquefied ghee. The persons to whom Shahaji was thus 
introduced in the quaint forms of the family reunion 
ceremony prescribed by Hindu tradition, were his wife 
Jijabai, his son Shivaji and Shivaji's two wives. After 
this solemnity, Shivaji saluted his father prostrating him- 
self at Shahaji's feet, who raisad him up with great 
emotion and clasped him in a loving embrace. The tears 
started to their eyes with joy and gratitude. Shahaji was 
then taken in a palanquin to Shivaji's camp, Shivaji 
walking bare-footed by his side and holding his father's 
slippers in his hands. On arrival Shahaji was seated 
on the divan, while Shivaji stood before him with his 
father's slippers still in his hands in a reverent attitude 
and addressed him somewhat in the following strain: 
"I have transgressed your precepts and made war upon 
Bijapur. This has brought your life time and again in 
Jeopardy. It was most gross and improper that a son's 
misdeeds should recoil upon his father. The son now 
pleads guilty to the charge and now that he has repented 
of his misbehaviour he offers himself for any punishment 


tit the bands of his injured father." These words stirred 
tumultuous feelings in Shahaji's breast and drew tears 
from his eyes. He embraced his heroic son and seated him 
next to him, not without much resistance and made reply 
in the following terms : " Your deeds, indeed, are no mis- 
deeds, but such as may be expected of a scion of the Sesodia 
line of warriors. I am proud and gratified to behold the 
record of valorous deeds by which you have vindicated 
and established the civil and religious liberty of our 
countrymen. You have fulfilled the family tradition that 
there should be born in our house a ruler who was 
"destined to inaugurate a new era and restore the Hindu 
liberties and religion. Your valour and wisdom have 
revived the glories of our historic house. What groater 
happiness in heaven or on earth than to have been the 
father of such a glorious son ?" At these words of praise 
.and encouragement Shivaji acknowledged his thanks by 
again bowing down reverently at his father's feet, 
exclaiming that his was the glory and the praise if any 
meritorious deeds had emanated from so humble an in* 
strument as himself. Shahaji's good wishes and paternal 
blessings had wafted him onward to victory and the little 
success he had achieved was entirely to be credited to 
this account. 

When the interchange of loving greetings and con- 
fidences had lasted some time, Shivaji introduced to his 
father the officers and dignitaries of his kingdom. Then 
he saluted his step-mother Tukabai with affection and 
reverence and embraced his step-brother, Venkoji. Shivaji 
was then introduced to his father's officers. Every one 
was gratified at the filial piety of their chief towards 
his father. Unstinted eulogies of father and son were 
'heard on all sides. In honour of the joyful event, Shivaji 
made liberal largesses to the poor and banqueted the 
jfirahmans. Joy beamed in every countenance. 

The camp was then moved to Poona, where Shahaji 


stayed for two months. 1 Shivaji treated his father's^ 
attendants and followers with royal hospitality. He- 
personally superintended the arrangements for Shahaji's 
comfort. Shivaji made a full recital to his father of the 
civil and military arrangements he had made in his 
principality, and while his father was under his roof he 
transacted no state business without consulting him. Nay, 
all was done in Shahaji's name while he remained in his 
son's territory. Shahaji's gratification knew no bounds 
at these marks of honour and affection. Who could have 
expected such humility and filial obedience in one who had 
practically been the architect cf his own fortune? Shivaji 
showed him all his treasures. Shahaji was astonished at the 
vast accumulation of treasure and precious stones which he 
had got together in so short a time treasure, indeed, which. 
might have done honour to the ruler of a world empire. 

Shahaji had brought with him from the Karnatic some 
swords of exquisite workmanship, which he presented to 
Shivaji, and as a special mark of his esteem and satisfac- 
tion he gave to Shivaji a be-jewelled sword which he 
himself usually carried. Shivaji received it with reverence 
and gratitude, and as having been hitherto wielded by his 

1 We have followed the traditional account of Shahaji's visit to 
his SOP at Poona in 1662. However according to the Jedhe Chronology, . 
Shaista Kh m had already captured Chakan and taken possession of Poona 
by October (or November) 1660. Prof. Sarkar, basing his conclusion on the 
Persian chronicles, states that Chakan was captured by the Moguls in 
August 16BO, and soon afterwards Shaista Khan returned to Poona. As 
the city of Poona was occupied by tha Mcguls at least till April 1663 
(Jedhe Chronology pp. 186), we have to conclude either that Shahaji's visit to 
Shivaji was paid at some other place than Poona, or that it took place, 
aa it seems more probable, after the retreat of Shaista Ktian, in the middle 
of I6tr*. The trend of thought in the chronicles is to the effect that 
Shahaji paid his visit before Shaista Rhan'a occupation and this in accepted, 
by nearly all historians. But the statements in the Jedhe Chronology 
:and the Alamgir Namah, which Prof. Sarkar relies upon, are in favour 
of the view that Shaista Khan began his offensive almost about the 
same time that Shivaji was besieged at Panhala by Sidi Johar. Khafi 
Khan gives no date as to the occupation of Poona by Shaista Khan, but 
states that he marched from Aurangabad towards Poona and Chakan about, 
the ent. of January 1660 (Vide Elliot, VII, p, 281Ji 


victorious father he gave it the name of the 'Tulja' sword and 
kept it with great reverence side by side with his sword 
'Bhawani.' In normal times these swords were the objects 
of certain acts of worship at the hands of Shivaji, a 
superstitious belief which was much in fashion with Indian 
soldiers of all ranks. 

During these days Shivaji spent all his time in the 
performance of filial offices. No great events or campaigns 
requiring him to turn aside from these filial duties were 
entered upon during this period. Shivaji attended not only 
upon his father but also upon his step-mother, Tukabai, 
towards whom he made no difference in his affection or 
behaviour from what he observed towards Jijabai. The 
same evidence of zeal and service he showed in his relations 
with his brother, Vyankoji. 

After some days Shivaji requested his father to inspect 
his principal fortresses and give him the benefit of his 
opinion upon their equipment. Shahaji made the tour of 
inspection in Shivaji's company, the latter describing the 
circumstances under which each fort was captured and 
noting the suggestions made by Shahaji, with his wide 
experience of the art of fortification. Shahaji was taken 
to Pratapgad and shown over the fort, the temple of 
Bhawani, and the tower or buruz commemorating the death 
of Afzul Khan. Shahaji now learnt in detail the stratagems 
pursued at that crisis culminating in the great tragedy. The 
officers in charge of the different forts, and the leading 
nobility of every district that was visited were introduced 
to Shahaji throughout the tour. 

When at last they came to the fort of Panhala, Shahaji 
signified his intention to return to the Karnatic. Shivaji 
requested him to reconsider his decision and spend the 
close of his life in his mother-land, superintending the> 
affairs of his kingdom there. Shahaji pointed out in reply 
that were he to yield to the dictates of his family affections 
he would have to give up the fortune he had acquired in the 
Karnatic. Another weighty argument in favour of his 
L. S. 15. 


departure, said Shahaji, was that his occupation of the 
Karnatic might be of service to Shivaji in carrying forward 
his higher ambitions, the ultimate goal of which was to 
expand his power over the entire Indian continent and 
expel the heresy of Islam. Shivaji listened to these reasons 
and abandoned his importunity and began to prepare for 
his father's impending departure. There was another 
round of banquets and entertainments at Panhala in 
honour of the departing guests. Magnificent presents were 
exchanged with Shahaji's followers. His chief officer, 
Trimbak Narayan Hanmante, was presented with an 
embroidered suit, gifts cf jewellery and a sword and shield. 
Shahaji himself and his second wife and son received costly 
offerings befitting their rank. A large force of cavalry 
and elephants was got ready to attend them on the way. 

The final farewell was most sad and pathetic. Shivaji 
was sincerely affected at the prospect of his father's old 
age being spent in the service of an ungrateful court, 
and quite convinced as he was of the essential degrada- 
tion and unhappiness of such a position, he desired 
nothing better than that his father should spend the ripe 
years of his old age in the tranquil calm of his native 
country and amid his kindred. But Shahaji's firm decision 
and the grounds he had mentioned for it had disarmed 
him of every argument. The final moment, however, 
overwhelmed him with grief and he exhorted Shahaji's 
officers, again and again, to take care of the aged veteran 
assuring them that he would reward them for their pains- 
taking zeal, as he soon expected to return Shahaji's visit. 

Tradition affirms that Shivaji entered into an under- 
caking with his old father not to enter on any further 
warlike operations agaiust Bijapur during the rest of 
bhahaji's life. Shahaji first reported himself at Bijapur 
and at a private conference with the sultan made over to 
him the jewellery, horses, and elephants which in reality 
Shivaji had presented to his father, but which Shahaji 
averred were sent by his son as a nazar or state present 


to t'ie Adil Shahi durbar. He also announced that he had 
affected his mission with Shivaji and with these assurances 
be.took himself to the Karnatic. 

Shahaji did not live long after his re' urn to the 
Karnatic, and this was the last meeting between father 
and son. The tragic circumstances of his death have 
already been described in the second chapter. The news 
of the tragic event filled Shivaji's heart with sorrow. His 
one protector was gone, he exclaimed, by whose silent 
support and approbation he had been nerved to defy his 
Mahomedan foes. The pride and satisfaction of a loving 
parent at the exploits of his son, which are such inestimable 
spurs to noble action and enterprise, were lost to him for 
ever. And thus he grieved. Jijabai was more dis- 
consolate btiil. Her grief it was impossible to calm or 
restrain. She prepared to perform the rite of sati, with 
the devotion of a faithful Kshatriya wife. This resolution 
of his mother aggravated Shivaji's sorrow. He begged 
her, besought her, held fast to her feet, but she would 
not yield. The ministers of state, Moropant, Niraji, 
Dattaji and others at length intervened representing to 
Jijabai that Shivaji would so much take to heart her 
self-immolation by the act of sati as scarcely to outlive 
her death and the empire he had built up by long years 
of labour was sure to collapse with his death. The name 
of Shivaji and together with it that of Shahaji would 
both alike be extinguished with her death. It was, there- 
fore, imperative in the interests of the state that she 
should bear her grief in silence and patience instead of 
yielding to the impulsive thought of sacrificing herself on 
her husband's funeral pyre. This weighty argument shook 
her resolution. In order that she might witness the 
glory of her son she consented to live a widowed life. 

Shivaji performed his father's funeral rites in the 
orthodox Hindu fashion, spending lakhs of rupees that the 
hero's shade might rest in peace. Shivaji erected a monu- 
mental tomb in honour of his father at the town of 


Bandekir where he died. 1 For the upkeep of the monument 
and the celebration of periodic festivals in honour of the 
event. Shivaji appointed officers, ceding the revenues of 
certain villages, which he purchased for the purpose from 
the Bijapur durbar, to meet the recurring expenses. 

1 Different variations ot this name are found in the different 
authorities, viz. Bedikare, Bedgiri and Bandgiri. Vide foot-note at the end 
of the second chapter. It was also called Basavpattam, a town captured by 
the Adil Sbahi state, perhaps with the help of Shabaji, in 1639, 
(Vide: Jedhe Chronology., p.178.) 


A LONG strip of the Konkan sea-coasfc was by this time 
under Shivaji. To secure the tranquillity of this great 
province, Shivaji had either destroyed or received the 
submission of the turbulent local nobility. Among these there 
was one who had still baffled Shivaji's attempts at conquest. 
This was the Abyssinian state of Janjira. Shivaji had 
indeed fought many successful campaigns with the Abyssi- 
nians and stripped them of some of their richest districts. 
He had even raised many a defensive fortification in the 
conquered territory. But his armies had never made any 
head-way in the reduction of the key of the Abyssinian 
power, the stronghold of Janjira. The naval resources 
of the Janjira chiefs had made an effective blockade 
impossible. His naval armament hovered over the neighbour- 
ing shore and making sudden descent upon Shivaji's 
possessions harried the country far and wide. Janjira was 
the base of this hostile navy; but to capture Janjira it was 
necessary to create a naval power that could successfully 
cope with the Abyssinian. Without a naval contingent 
a siege of Janjira .. was impossible. Another circumstance 
which helped to lead Shivaji to this conclusion was the 
fact that by his naval strength the Janjira chief was enabled 
to levy contributions upon the mercantile vessels plying in 
the Konkan and it was necessary to deprive him of this 
source of plunder. 

With this determination, Shivaji collected from all ports 
.artisans and masters skilled in the art of ship-building with 
the zealous co-operation of his ship-wrights. With their help 
he was soon able to launch a navy consisting of from four 
to five hundred vessels of all forms and sizes. These vessels 
were variously classified according to their size. Upon the 
construction of this nucleus Shivaji spent about ten lakhs of 
rupees. Naval batteries were installed and crews of marines 
and sailors recruited. His crews consisted of men who 


belonged to sea-faring tribes, such as fishers, pirates, and 
lascars. The chief command of this contingent was vested 
in two admirals, Mainaik Bhandari and another whose 
title was Daryasarang. 1 The ships set sail and at once 
encountered the vessels of foreign nationalities, such as the 
Moors, Portuguese, Butch, French and English. Shivaji 
obtained a vast booty as the result of these naval encounters 
enough indeed to defray the expenses of the naval contin- 
gent. The Abyssinian chief was now in terror. His lord- 
ship of the Konkan sea was at stake. The two navies 
constantly came into collision with one another. The 
Portuguese and the English companies had to pay annual 
tribute to Shivaji, in order to ensure the safety of their 
vessels. As Shivaji's naval power rose on the western coast, 
that of the Abyssinians had a corresponding decline. 

Shivaji had next to arrange for sheltered anchorages 
for his naval contingent. With this view he repaired and 
re- equipped many a maritime fort on the Konkan coast. 
He got possession of the fort of Kolaba, restored its 
fortifications, and made it the central basis of his naval 
power. Here it was that the cargo of all foreign and 
native crafts was searched and examined. Among other 
dismantled forts which were remodelled and brought into 
fighting order were the famous fortified sea-ports of 
Suvarnadurg and Vijaydurg, the latter of which became 
more famous in the writings of Mahomedan and European 
historians under the name of Gheria. Under the batteries 
of these forts Shivaji's fleets rode safe at anchor. The 
officers at each principal naval station were to report on 
and account for the plunder obtained by falling upon 
pilgrims' vessels bound for Mecca or the more richly laden 
fleets plying on the coast in the interest of commerce. 
These reports were to be submitted to the naval head- 
quarters at Kolaba. 

The Portuguese were among the first nations to take an 
alarm at this development of Shivaji's maritime activity, 
1 Vide: foot-note at the end of this chapter. 


They sent their envoy to Shivaji's court to obtain 
exemption and privileges for the commerce of their nation. 
Articles were signed between the two powers, by which, 
the Portuguese agreed to furnish every year to Shivaji 
a certain amount of guns and ammunition and other war 
material, in consideration for which their mercantile fleets 
were to pass unmolested by Shivaji's fleet. The agreement 
waa renewed from year to year. There are some authorities 
who assert that between Shivaji and the British East 
India Company also there was a similar agreement. 

Shivaji never assumed the chief command of his navy, 
nor did he make naval compaigns in person. Only once, on 
the occasion of the sack of Barcelore (Basnur) did Shivaji 
travel by sea. But the voyage was a very painful experience. 
In the first place, both Shivaji and a great number of his 
men suffered from sea-sickness, and secondly, Shivaji learnt 
by experience the helpless position of a fleet at the mercy 
of storms and tides and winds, and the uncertainty 
in a general's movement who confided himself to these 
elements. If a commander of the position of Shivaji were 
unexpectedly be-calmed in the midst of important 
manoeuvres or prevented by adverse winds from proceeding 
to his destination, he would for days be cut off from all 
communication with his followers. With this experience 
before him, he never attempted a sea-voyage again. 

From a classified list of Shivaji's naval armament 
given by one of the Maratha chronicle writers named 
Chitragupta, it would appear that he had about 640 
vessels of war. Of these about 30 were of the largest size 
known on the western coast of India, 1 about 300 of an 
intermediate size, and the rest smaller craft of various 
classes. The English merchants made lists of Shivaji's 
fleets on different occasions. From one record it appears 

1 These were called Gurabas. The records of the British East India 
Company mention them under this name as also the anglicised abbreviated 
form, 'grabs,'; other names mentioned are shebars, pals, machawas 
mahagiris, jugs, etc. Vide Bombay Gazetteer XIII, 345-49. 


that on one occasion when Shivaji's fleets sailed to Karwar, 
there were 85 one-masted vessels, of from 30 to 150 tons, 
and three others of a larger size. On another occasion 
when the East India Company was/ allied with the Janjira 
chief it is recorded that Shivaji's admiral suddenly 
swooped down upon Bombay and appeared in the Back 
Bay waters on the west side of the town with a squadron 
of 160 war-ships. 

Although this naval squadron had been brought into 
existence for the express purpose of challenging and defeating 
the maritime power of the Abyssinian chiefs of Jan- 
jira, no detailed account of these operations has come 
down to us. The principal object-the conquest of Janjira- 
was almost achieved. But the Janjira chief renounced 
his allegiance to Bijapur and by placing himself under the 
protection of the Moguls was able to save his stronghold 
from falling into the hands of Shivaji. Convinced that 
the Abyssinian Janjira was beyond his reach.Shivaji decided 
to build a rival Janjira or maritime fortress of his 
own. For this purpose a survey was ordered to be made, 
with the result that the shores of Malwan were 1 reported 
to possess all the conveniences and requirements of naval 
strategy. Besides the necessity of a maritime fortress 
to remain a standing menace to Janjira, it was also thought 
Jesirable to have a southerly naval base to overawe the 
Portuguese and the chief of Sawantwadi, who main- 
tained a small coasting fleet of his own and was a terror 
to smaller mercantile craft. 

The work was immediately taken in hand. Sound- 
ings were made in the waters of Malwan, the duty being 
entrusted to hereditary boatmen, fishers who knew the 
condition of the harbour and its topographical features 
very intimately by reason of life-long experience in those 
waters. These experts having submitted their report 
received handsome rewards from Shivaji. Many of them 
were appointed captains of Shivaji's war-vessels and 
a village was bestowed upon them in hereditary vatan or 


^proprietary right. The ground being thus broken, build- 
ing operations were taken in hand, with the customary 
auspicious ceremonies, including an elaborate ceremony 
to propitiate the god of the sea. An army of about 3000 
masons, smiths and other artisans were soon at work 
upon the erection of the new sea-fort. It is said that 200 
candies worth of iron alone were required for the tools 
and instruments of the masons and other mechanics. The 
foundations were made of hewn blocks of stones soldered 
with lead. The naval squadron hovered round while the 
building operations were proceeding, ready for battle in 
case of armed opposition, while on the shore a force of 
5000 Mavalis was mounted on guard against a surprise 
attack on the landward side. Fortunately for Shivaji, 
the work proceeded without let or hindrance. The Por- 
tuguese were already bound by an alliance and dared 
not break it. The Sawants had been reduced to allegiance 
under Shivaji and were not likely to embark upon a new 
war. The sole source of anxiety was the confederate naval 
forces of the Moguls and the Janjira chiefs. But happily 
for the present hostilities with these were suspended. 

In the beginning of these building operations, Shivaji 
superintended the work in person, and it is even said that 
he laboured with his own hands in the erection of the fort. 
He had at any rate formed the entire plan and devised his 
own methods for laying deep the foundations under the sea- 
water. When the foundations were completed and only 
the super-structure remained to be constrncted, Shivaji 
returned to Raigad, having entrusted the duty of supervision 
4o Govind Vishwanath Prabhu Subhedar. The entire 
fortification took three years for its completion. When all 
was ready Shivaji came down from the fort of Panhala to 
Malwan travelling by the ghat of Bavada, with great 
pomp and ceremony, for the express purpose of inspecting 
the newly constructed fortifications. Shivaji made his 
state entry into the fort under religious auspices, the cere- 
mony being accompanied among other things by a salvo of 


guns from every ship in the harbour, the customary feast- 
ing of Brahmans and the distribution of sweets. In accord- 
ance with Hindu custom the master masons and architects 
were presented with robes of honour and armlets of gold. 
A corps of skilled artisans kindly lent by the Portuguese 
government at Goa were thanked for their zeal and the 
captain of the band honoured with suitable rewards for 
his services. Govind Vishwanath Prabhu's services were 
acknowledged with similar presents, with a crest of pearls 
and an embroidered head-dress, and also a sword, as 
a mark of special distinction. 

The new fort was christened Sindhudurg, or the 
Fortress of the Sea. It is traditionally estimated that its 
erection and equipment cost a crore of pagodas. A garrison 
of three thousand Mavalis under the command of a 
Mamlatdar was stationed in it the bravest of the Mavalis 
being given dignities of naik (commander,) sirnaik 
( chief commander ) or tatairnobat ( chief commander 
of the ramparts ). A parapet called the Darya Buruz ( Sea 
Tower ) was raised to keep the waves from dashing on 
the battlements. 1 It is said that similar sea-forts were 
erected by Shivaji in other places, such as Anjenweli, 
Eatnagiri, Padmadurg, Sarjakote, Gahandurg, Khakeri 
and Eajkote. 

Unfortunately the object for which this fort had 
been erected at such a cost was scarcely realized. The 
Abyssinians continued to make depredations upon Shivaji's 
possessions in the immediate vicinity of the island of 
Bombay, and it seemed they were abetted in these inva- 
sions by the authorities of the British East India 
Company upon that island. Upon this Shivaji planned 
the conquest of the rocky islets of Khanderi and Underi* 

1 Certain foot-prints discovered in the fort of Sindhudurg werfr 
devoutly believed to be those of Shivaji and a dome was raised thereupon 
by the pious residents of the place. An image of Shivaji was installed 
and became the object of certain acts of daily worship. The Kolhapur 
durbar has granted a fixed allowance for this 'puja'. 

2 Kennerey and Hennerey in Grant Duff. 


opposite Bombay and indeed only twelve miles from that 
town. These events will be described in their proper 
place, in Chapter xxvui. 

Shivaji's untimely death prevented him from maturing 
his far-seeing plans for the establishment of a naval 
ascendency strong enough to strike terror into the hearts 
of all the sea-faring nations whose ships were chiefly to 
be seen in the crowded ports on the coast of Western India. 
Chief among these were the Abyssinians, the Portuguese, 
the English, the Moguls and the Moors. His desire now 
evidently was to capture the commerce of these nations, or 
to bring it entirely under his control. His far-reaching 
aims were not understood after his death by any of his 
successors, and the empire of the sea and the naval instru- 
ment for wielding it were both given up, uncontested and 

FOOT-NOTE to page 214: The term Darya Sagar of the bakhars is 
a corrupt form of Daryasarang, meaning Captain of the Sea, from the 
Persian Darya meaning the sea, a word also current in the Indian 
vernaculars. Similarly the name Mainait, which is fairly common among 
Bhandaris and fisher folk of the Bombay coast, is a hybrid term from the 
Arabic Maa, water and the Sanskrit nayak, leader and means water-lord or 
leader. Sabhasad speaks of the Daryasarang as a Mahomedan and of 
Mainaik as a Hindu of the Bhandari caste. Prof. Sarkar quotes a Bombay 
letter of 2lst November 1670 to show that the praenomen of the Darya 
Sarang was " Ventgee" and oeems to infer that he was a Hindu. But as 
a matter of fact Mahomedans of the Bombay and Guzrat coasts often have- 
their names with the honorific .suffix "ji" or "gee," which can scarcely be- 
distinguished from Hindu names. 


WHILE Aurangzeb continued as Viceroy of the 
Deccan, Shivaji had maintained a friendly and submissive 
attitude. For his raids upon Junnar and Aurangabad 
he had made his excuses and had received an assurance 
of pardon. Upon Aurangzeb's departure for Delhi, 
Shivaji had sued for the restoration of territories which 
had once been part of Shahaji's jahgir and had even 
asked for a free hand to make conquests in the Adil Shahi 
Konkan. These concessions had been granted in vague 
and indefinite terms. Abaji Sondev was asked to attend 
the prince's court. 1 Then followed the blood-feud in the 
imperial family. Aurangzeb was no longer a prince, 
but an emperor. He had waded through slaughter to the 
throne. He had thrown his father into captivity. He 
had warred with his brothers and executed them, or was 
preparing to execute them after mock-trials. His time 
was taken up with plotting and counter-plotting. He 
had little leisure to follow events in the south. But he 
had played the cautious game of intrigue, of treaties and 
embassies. Thus, while Shivaji was asked to send his 
envoy, Aurangzeb had been writing to the Adil Shaha to 
take steps against Shivaji. While he warned the Adil 
Shaha against Sdivaji, he congratulated the latter on the 
overthrow of Afzul Khan and the Bijapur forces. 

When Aurangzeb was about to celebrate the first 
anniversary of his accession to the throne, with festivities 
extending over two months (5th June to 19 August 1659), 
it would seem that Shivaji sent an envoy to congra- 
tulate him on the occasion and make certain demands. In 
reply to these demands the emperor replied that he had 
now conquered all his enemies and by the grace of God 
had won everything he had wanted, and that he had just 
appointed the Amir-ul-umara Shaista Khan to the subha 
of the Deccan to whom Shivaji was referred for orders. 
* Vide Parasnia M38. 5. 


The emperor sent to Shivaji the usual robes of honour. 1 
This was in July 1659. 

In July 1659, therefore, Shaista Khan was posted to 
the subha of the Deccan. He was the amir-ul-umara, or 
the premier noble of the Mogul court. He was, besides, 
a near kinsman to the emperor being his maternal-uncle. 
Already before he had governed the subhas of Malwa 
and the Deccan, and shortly afterwards he was appointed 
to the viceroyalty of Bengal. The principal task imposed 
upon him was to subjugate Shivaji, and particularly to 
wrest from him those territories which he had conquered 
from Bijapur. There was actually no war between Shivaji 
and the Moguls at the time. This then was the result of 
the treaties and the embassies. 

The time was ripe for action. Seldom was a general 
more favoured by fortune than Shaista Khan was on this 
occasion. Shivaji was caught between two fires. He was 
already involved in the war with Bijapur. Shortly after- 
wards the Bijapur durbar elevated Sidi Johar to the title 
of Salabat Khan and sent him forth against Shivaji, 
with a threatened combination of the Sawants and the 

Towards the end of January 1660 Shaista Khan com- 
menced his march from Aurangabad. He came down with 
an army of 100,000 strong. He announced his determination 
to subdue Shivaji and reconquer all the forts and 
territory that had passed into his hand. It is said his vast 
army comprised five to seven hundred elephants, about 4000 
camels, 3000 artillery waggons drawn by bullocks and 2,000 
drawn by horses, and specie aggregating thirty-two crores of 
rupees. With these vast encumbrances Shaista Khan's camp 
presented the appearance of a large movable town. 

Shaista Khan reached Ahmednagar in February. 
Shivaji was just emerging from the Kolhapur and the 
Konkan terriories after his conquest of Fanhala. Shaista 

1 Kajwade Vlli, 7. 


Khan's banners swept southwards from Ahmednagar along 
the eastern barriers o the Poona district. Shivaji's light 
horse retreated before the Khan. The Khan pressed for- 
ward to Supa. Shivaji left the place just before his 
arrival. 1 

The arair-ul-umara took Supa without a blow and 
left Jadu Rai ( Jadhavrao of Sindhkhed ) in charge of it. 
Supa was to be the base of supply to the advancing 
army. From this point the passage of the advancing 
army into the Maratha country became difficult. The 
Maratha light horse who had hitherto retired before the 
Mogul van now began a series of rear and flank attacks, 
and constantly cut off the Mogul commissariat. Shaista 
Khan detached a cavalry contingent of 4,000 horse to 
protect his baggage. But every day and in every 
march, as Khafi Khan has to admit, Shivaji's light horse 
swarmed round the Khan's baggage and falling suddenly 
upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, camels, men 
and whatever they could secure. 2 

Shaista Khan overran the entire district of Supa 
and capturing Poona in person, he occupied that town. 
He sent detachments of his army to storm the ghat of 
Katraj and the town of Shivapur, and scouting parties to 
reconnoitre the defences of the neighbouring forts, with a 
view to attack and conquer them seriatim, should they be 
reported upon as assailable. 

The fort of Chakan stood in the way of Shaista Khan's 
communication with Junnar. He determined to reduce 

1 Vide Khafi Khan, ( Elliot VII, 261 ). Most historians following 
Grand Duff and the bakhar chronicles place the campaign of Shaiata, 
Khan in the year 1662-63. But Khafi Khan says the campaign way 
begun in 1660, the fort of Ghakan being captured by him about the 
middle of the year. Khafi Khan bases his narrative on the Alamgir 
Namah, which is the standard authority for the first ten years of the 
reign of Aurangzeb.The Jedhe Chronology, which is altogether independent 
of this authority, gives nearly the same dates and supports these. 
Persian chronicles. The text follows the dates in this chronology. 

a Vide Khafi Khan, Elliot VII, 261. 


the fortress and advanced to conduct the siege in person. 
Shaista Khan in attacking that little fort with his vast 
armies had never bargained for the spirited stand made by 
its brave garrison under the command of its governor, 
Firangoji Narsala. The latter protracted the defence for 
nearly two months against overwhelming odds, until on 
the fifty- sixth day of the siege, the beleaguering army by 
successful mining operations exploded the outer tower at 
the north-eastern angle of the fort. The soldiers defending 
the bastion were killed to a man. A gaping aperture 
presented itself in the rampart, through which the besiegers 
pressed on to the assault. The valiant governor with the 
remnants of his defence force threw himself upon the 
invaders and successfully barred their way for the 
whole night. At day-break Firangoji saw it was impos- 
sible to prolong the defence. 1 The fort and its noble 
governor fell into the enemy's hands. Shaista Khan 
received him with great hononr, complimenting him upon 
his valour and perseverance, and requesting him to come 
over into the Mogul service, undertaking that he would 
watch in person over his prospects and promotion in the 
imperial army. An alluring bait, which the magnanimous 
Firangoji spurned with contempt. The Khan took his 
obstinate refusal in good part, perhaps with admiration. 
He released him to depart to his master, in the most cour- 
teous manner, with many marks of his favour and esteem 
in acknowledgment of his gallantry. Shivaji received him 
with much honour, congratulating him upon his loyal and 
valorous resistance and appointed him to the governorship 
of the fort of Bhupalgad. 8 

1 According to Khali Khan, in the final assault, 300 men of the 
imperial army were slain, besides sappers and miners. Six or seven 
hundred were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. Firangoji 
made his surrender through an imperialist Bajput commander. The Jedhe 
Chronology gives the month Aahtoin of the shaka 1582 ( October 10tO) 
as the date of the capture of Chakan by Shaista Khan. 

3 The Shivdigvijay says that Firangoji was first dimissed by 
Shivaji for capitulating to a Mohamedan enemy, and having joined 
Shaibta Khan in disgust was brought back by force through Netaji Palkar 


While Shaista Khan was besieging Chakan by throw- 
ing up trenches and mines, Shivaji himself was besieged 
at Panhala by the Bijapur forces under Sidi Johar. This 
will serve to explain the final cause of Firangoji's surren- 
der. Shivaji being himself immured for a period of 
nearly four months at Panhala was unable to direct 
a sufficient relief force to come to the succour of the heroic 
garrison. However, 1 on dark nights, the garrison 
frequently sallied forth iuto the Mogul trenches and fought 
with surprising boldness, and on some occasions the forces 
of Shivaji outside the fort combined with those inside 
to make simultaneous attacks in broad day-light) and. 
placed the Mogul trenches in great danger. 

An interesting anecdote is told concerning this part 
of Shivaji's defence preparations. There were two deshmukhs 
at Poona, Babajiram and Honappa Deshpande by name 3 . 
These men having some cause of offence against Shivaji 
went over to Shaista Khan's camp. Shivaji was very angry 
when he heard of this defection. Now it happened that 
a relation of these revolted deshmukhs, Sambhaji Kavji by 
name, stood in high favour with Shivaji. To him Shivaji 
spoke about the treason of his kinsmen in feeling terms, 
declaring that he could scarcely continue to trust a man, 
two of whose faithful dependents and kinsmen had thus 
sullied their fair name with treason. The pointed 
sarcasm of this speech was resented by Sambhaji, who felt 
highly insulted. He in his turn now went over to Shaista 
Khan and was received with open arms. At his first 
interview with Shaista Khan he attracted the attention of 

from Malkur, where Shaista Khan had put him in command with a inansab 
of 5000. But this story seems to be a confused version of a similar story 
about Sambhaji Kavji. 

1 Khafi Khan, Elliot VII, 261-63. 

3 Chitnis (p. 97 ) gives the names of these traitors as Sambhaji 
Kavji and Babajiram Hanappa. Sambhaji Kavji was the officer, who 
according to the bakhar accounts murdered Hanmant Rao More of Javli, 
under pretence of a marriage alliance. The Shivdigvijay makes a mesa 
of the latter part of this story, substituting the name of Firangoji 
Narsala in place of Sambhaji Kavji. 


the Mogul general by a display of physical strength 
almost superhuman. Among other feats of physical strength 
he seized a horse by the hoofs and raised him aloft from 
the ground. The Khan pleased with his great strength 
admitted him to his service and gave him a command of 
five hundred horse. Sometime later when this Sambhaji 
was encamped at Malkur in the Mogul service, Shivajl 
sent against him a small force under Netaji, a general 
who was a fellow-townsman of the revolted chief himself. 
Sambhaji was defeated and slain and Malknr where he 
had encamped was reduced to dust and ashes. 

The conquest of Chakan fort had cost Shaista Khan 
go many lives that he was compelled to give up the 
attempt to extend his conquests up to Junnar and return 
to Poona. The stubborn resistance offered by the little 
band of heroes in Chakan fort made him reconsider his 
programme. He had first lulled himself into the belief 
that Shivaji's forts would fall before him by the very 
magic of his name ; that no resistance was possible, that 
the new Maratha power would collapse at the first shock 
of his arrival like a house of cards. But a small hill- 
fort, like that of Chakan, was now found capable of 
occupying his vast army for two months, and though it had 
fallen at last, its fall had only been effected by the 
sacrifice of hundreds of soldiers from the besieging army. 
This single experience made him view the situation with 
a clearer and less clouded vision. He now discerned the 
magnitude of the task he had embarked upon of wresting 
the mountain fortresses from the grasp of Shivaji. 
Aurangzeb himself laboured under the same delusion. 
That august monarch was all along of the opinion that 
it waa a very light matter to conquer these moun- 
tain forts and subdue such a foe as the newly grown 
Maratha power. The repeated victories of Shivaji and the 
tales of chivalrous valour on the part of his commanders 
made him revise his judgment and send re-inforcements 
under Jaswant Singh, the Maharajah of Jodhpur, to 
L. 8. 16 


co-operate with Shaista Khan. These new battalions 
remained encamped near Poona. 

In 1661 the Moguls conquered the district of Kalyan- 
Bhiwandy. Moropant was ordered to recover this entire 
district and subdue the forts in the neighbourhood. 
Moropant carried these forts by storm together with 
other Mogul strongholds north of Junnar. Netaji Palkar 
carried his flying columns deep into the heart of the 
Mocrul dominions, plundering town and village and levy- 
in"' war-fines upon market and emporium. Passing swiftly 
from town to town upto the banks of the Godavari 
;he despoil'ed Baleghat. Parande (Parinda), Haveli, Kal- 
burga (Gulburga ), Avse, and Udgir on his victorious 
march. 1 He raided the country upto the very gates of 
Aurangabad and subdued the districts all round. 

Mahakub Singh, the Mogul commander in charge' of 
Aurangabad, incensed at these depredations, advanced 
upon Netaji with 10,000 men. A battle took place 

.near Ahmednagar, in which the Moguls were completely 
worsted by Netaji. The Mogul horses, elephants, and 
war-stores were cut oft' by the Marathas. Laden with 
booty and successful beyond measure in this diversion 

against the Mogul strongholds in the Deccan, Netaji 
returned home. 2 

1 According to Chitnis, Netaji Falkar bad at this time been divested 
of the dignity of sir-nobut and Piataprao Guzar upon whom it was 
conferred was entrusted with this victorious campaign. Other versions 
about this change of title are that the title was transferred to Prataprao 
Guzar, about the time of Jay Singh's invasion, on account of Netaji 
Palkar's failure to obey certain orders of Shivaji. Parinda which ia 
Si ere described as one of the places plundered by Netaji Palkar had, 
according to Khafi Khan, been won by the Moguls without fighting from 
a Bijapur commander only in 1660. ( Vide Jedhe Chronology, p. 185 ). 

8 According to the Rairi bakhar Mahakub Singh was watching 
these movements in silence, but roused to action by stringent orders of 
Aurangzeb took the field against Shivaji and was defeated and killed 
by Prataprao Guzar in a battle near Ahmednagar. The Mogul commander 
of Aurangabad, according to Khafi Khan, was Mumtaz Khan, left there 
<iuring his own absence by ghaista Khan. 


One of these Mogul strongholds was the fortress of 
Prabalgad, the commander of which was Keshar Singh, 
a Rajput officer. This Rajput chief refused to surrender 
he fort and Shivaji had to lead an attack against it in 
person. Keshar Singh defended the fort with bravery 
for a long time, but saw that he was helpless before the 
invader. The loyal warrior would not, however, outlive 
the defeat. Ordering the ladies of his zenana to perform 
the tragic johar the self-immolation of Rajput ladies in 
a burning pile to escape the disgrace of captivity, the 
heroic warrior rallied his men and fell upon Shivaji 
courting a soldier's death. Not till the whole heroic 
band had fallen on the field of battle did Shivaji capture 
the fort of Prabalgad. Shivaji ordered the bodies of the 
heroic Rajputs to be burned with all honour according 
to the rites of the Hindu religion. The mother and 
daughter of Keshar Singh were discovered in one of the 
fortress towers, the sole survivors of the misfortune that 
had befallen their family. Shivaji received them with the 
honour and consideration befitting their rank and later 
on when they expressed a desire to return to their home 
in the north, he sent them away with a suitable retinue 
and handsome gifts of raiment and jewellery, as a mark 
of his esteem. 

It is said that when Shivaji set out in a palanquin to 
examine the fort, his scarf got entangled in a cherry tree 
and fell to the ground. Shivaji ordered a halt, exclaiming 
that the omen which caused him to delay there probably 
showed that there was some treasure under ground. He 
ordered the soil to be dug out where his scarf had fallen, 
and marvellous as it turned out, a buried treasure was 
indeed discovered there. The find was a jar filled with four 
lakhs of gold mohurs. 

Netaji Palkar with his clouds of cavalry hovered about 
the confines of Ahmednagar and Aurungabad, carrying fire 
and sword into the Mogul territory, intercepting forage 
and provisions, and harassing the foe by systematic surprise 


attacks upon his outposts. The celerity of his movements 
baffled all pursuit. The enemy had to endure his rapid 
onslaughts without the power to reply to them. When the 
Mogul hosts on the defensive at their southern headquarters 
were found too feeble to withstand Netaji's incursions, 
Shaista Khan was compelled to send a detachment of his 
cavalry to put a stop to his attacks. A critical encounter 
followed between the opposed squadrons, in which Netaji, by 
reason of his inferiority in numbers, was defeated. But he 
fought bravely to avert the defeat, was repeatedly 
wounded and, exhausted as he was, he bravely escaped 
from the enemy's hands. It is believed that it was due 
to Eustom Jeman, the Adil Shahi commander, that he 
escaped being taken prisoner on this occasion. 

At Foona Shaista Khan took up his residence in 
the mansion expressly built for Shivaji by the guardian 
of his younger days, .Dadaji Kondadev. This mansion 
was known as Lai Mahal or the Red Palace. The Khau 
knew well enough that Shivaji was near at hand at Fort 
Sinhagad, and might be expected to swoop down at any 
moment and by some unexpected coup de main raid the 
Mogul cantonment. Shaista Khan's proper tactics should 
have been to surround Sinhagad or carry it by storm 
with the chance of taking Shivaji prisoner. But the 
experience of Fort Chakan, which he had purchased at no 
small price, had sobered his ardour. The very fact that 
Shivaji had chosen to take shelter in this fort spoke 
volumes for its impregnability and the strength of its 
garrison in men and munitions of war. All that Shaista 
Khan could do and did, with the menace of a sudden 
onslaught by Shivaji hanging over him, was to observe 
the strictest precautions for the defence of Poona. The 
Mogul officers had orders not to admit any armed 
Maratha into the town without a pass- port, no Maratha 
shiledar was to enter his cantonment, exception being 
made only in the case of the small retinues of the Maratha, 
nobility who claimed the Mogul allegiance. He denied 


personal interview or audience to any Maratha officer 
outside this circle. Sentinels and outposts were stationed 
at fixed intervals. Thus Shaista Khan lingered at Poona 
armed against all surprises, and concerting the plans of 
his future campaigns. 

On the other hand, Shivaji watched his movements, 
perched on the summit of Fort Sinhagad. When Shaista 
Khan came down with his army to the south, resolved 
to exterminate the Maratha power, Shivaji had held 
a council of war, to devise measures of defence in consul- 
tation with his great captains and ministers of state. The 
latter had urged the magnitude of the war operations with 
the over-whelming hosts of the Moguls and counselled 
a policy of peace and submission. But peace seemed to 
be out of the range of practical politics, as on the side of 
Shaista Khan there appeared to be no Rajput noble of 
position and prestige, who would up-hold the cause of 
the Hindu chief or Hindu religion and intercede for 
a peace in the councils of the Khan. As an uncle of the 
reigning sovereign, Shaista Khan was not a man to be 
won over by gold. To expect a promise of pardon and 
a personal conference was not to be thought of with 
an invader whose object was the utter defeat and chastise- 
ment of Shivaji. The Maratha leader had, therefore, to 
decide upon the policy which he had so far purnued, viz. 
on the one hand, not to commit his fortunes to a regular 
pitched battle to which he plainly saw he was not equal, 
considering the vast hosts he was confronted with; and 
on the other hand, to harass the enemy by all the means 
in his power, cutting off supplies and forage, surrounding 
and intercepting the conquering hosts in difficult defiles, 
and raiding them when they blockaded the Maratha 

While in this suspense, Shivaji had another paroxysm 
of a psychical character, when he felt the afflatus of his 
guardian deity, and under this spiritual obsession 4te 
uttered words which were immediately taken down by the 


by -slanders. The \vords were to this effect: t; Let not my 
child be anxious on the score of Shaista Khan. Like 
Afzul Khan he too is doomed. Shivaji's is the hand that 
shall work the dire result. Away with anxious cares ! '' 
After his paroxysm had abated, Shivaji read the words and 
thought they augured well despite all hazards. His hopee 
Tsegan to mount in his breast His valour would yet triumph. 

Shaista Khan's arrogance whetted this desire. While 
residing at the Lai Mahal, Shaista Khan got a Brahman 
who knew Sanskrit to write a taunting epistle to Shivaji, 
the purport of which was as follows: " You are a wild 
ape of the mountains; your mischievous activities break 
out from the sheltered coverts of your mountain lairs : 
und at every challenge to a fair and equal fight you fly 
to your mountain solitudes. But I am come to draw you 
out of your lairs and shall never leave the pursuit till I 
have hunted you out. How long shall you, with your 
elusive tactics of cunning and cowardice, put off your 
inexorable fate?" Shivaji answered defiance with defiance. 
" Monkey, if thou wouldst call me, oh Khan !" thus 
ran Shivaji's -reply, "learn that I am like unto that 
valiant one whose glories resound in the deathless verses 
of the Ramayan. If he destroyed Ravana, the Lord of 
Lanka, I shall rout your insolent hosts and rid the world 
of such an abomination." 1 

Shaista Khan's camp was safely guarded against a 
sudden assault and the large number of his soldiers 
made a fight impossible. Shivaji was, however, determined 
to make the Khan expiate his insolence with his blood. 
Without its leader the Mogul army was bound to melt 
away of itself. Shivaji succeeded in sending two of his 
agents to the Mogul camp at Poona with instructions to 
win over a Maratha cavalry officer there. This officer was 
instructed to give out that he was about to celebrate 

1 Kairi bakhar. The Jedhe Chronology ( Page 185 ) in one of it- 
entries notes that Sonaji Pandit brought a message from Shaista Khan 
to Shivaji at Raigad. 


a marriage in his family and apply to the Khan for special 
permission to lead a nuptial procession. The permission 
being granted, he improvised a fictitious marriage in 
concert with his intimate friends and sent back Shivaji's- 
agents with assurances of help. Upon this Shiva] i 
descended from Fort Sinhagad, with a picked body of fifteen 
hundred veteran Mavalis. On the way he fixed numerous 
torches to the trees growing on the ,ghat of Katraj as 
also to the horns of cattle. Bodies of trumpeters and horn- 
blowers were stationed upon inaccessible cliffs. The object 
was that at a given signal after a successful attack on Shaista 
Khan's camp, the torches were to be set ablaze, and the trum- 
pets to blare and the torch-bearing cattle and trumpeters 
to set off in headlong flight, so as to lure the Khan's pursuing 
horsemen to a fruitless chase and to leave the way clear 
for Shivaji's retreat to Sinhagad. Shivaji placed his men in 
small companies along the way to Poona, advising them 
to gather on hearing a signal given by a flourish of 
trumpets. A troop of about five hundred soldiers was 
stationed under cover of the mango-groves outside the 
town and about two hundred just outside the Mogul camp. r 
True to the previously contrived plan, the wedding 
guests came in procession to the ramparts, when Shivaji with 
a handful of about twenty-five warriors, among whom, 
were included his tried and trusty campanions, Tanaji 
Malusare, Yessaji Kunk, Dadaji and Chimnaji Bapuji 
Deshpande, smuggled themselves into the procession.* In 
those days Maratha soldiers carried their arms even at 
such a peaceful function as a wedding celebration. The 
presence of Shivaji's armed men in the procession did not, 
therefore, excite any suspicion. 

Shivaji was arrayed in a coat of mail concealed under 
the ample folds of a long white robe, and under his turbau 
he wore a helmet of mail. In his hand he grasped hi* 

1 According to Sabhasad, Netaji Palkar and Moropant were 
stationed with the army a little distance from the Mogul camp. 

3 According to Khafi Khan a party of two hundred Maratha* 
entered the town with the pretended bridegroom. 


sword, while he was also armed with the famous tiger-claws 
and dagger. Shortly after Shivaji and his party had 
entered into Shaista Khan's camp, in the garb and under 
the pretence of wedding guests, night came down and 
silence reigned over the scene. The soldiers mounting 
guard inside the camp were themselves half asleep and 
well they might, as the vigilant watches maintained 
outside the camp and at the entrance-gates were so 
efficient as to give the inner watch a complete sense 
of security. As the palace chosen by the Khan was 
one that had long been the residence of Shivaji himself 
who knew it thoroughly, it could present no difficulty to 
Shivaji's people. Shivaji led his men straight to this 
mansion and effected an entrance through a kitchen 
window, which he knew to exist in the rear of the man- 
sion though the Khan had taken the precaution to build 
it up. To dig a way through this window and leap 
cautiously in with two or three companions was for 
Shivaji the work of a moment. But the sound of treading 
feet awakened the ladies of the Khan's harem, who in 
their turn awakened their Lord. The different chronicles 
give different versions of the events that followed, 1 as 

1 Chitnis gives the following version: The Khan lived in a tent 
adjacent to the palace garden and was suddenly surprised by Shivaji 
with two of his comrades, while he was asleep. Shivaji sat on his breast 
and was about to kill him with his sword, when the Khan's wife inter- 
ceded for his life. Upon this Shivaji got up still in an attitude to strike 
and compelled the Khan and his wife to follow him in silence. He cut 
off two of his fingers and let him escape, bidding him take a lesson by 
his experience and retire from Maharashtra. 

Sabhasad and Chitragupta give the same version with a few varia- 
tions : When Shivaji entered the tent some ladies who were-awake raised 
an outcry. The Khan was then awakened and hid himself among the 
ladies. While searching for him Shivaji discovered the Khan in the act 
of striking at him with a sword. But Shivaji anticipated his blow and 
struck at him. In avoiding the blow he had three of his fingers cut off. 
The Khan's men entering the tent in confusion, Shivaji managed to 

The Rairi bakhar tells tho story of an intrigue with a malt, or 
gardener, next to Shaista Khan's residence. The inali undertook to 


is but natural, considering the excitement under which 
they took place. Most of the chronicles agree in giving 
an account of what happened as follows : The affrighted 
Khan being awakened by his ladies thought only of 
effecting his escape. He rushed to the window and almost 
escaped unscathed. Shivaji, however, noticed his stealthy 
flight and made for him at the window. He struck at 
him with his long sword as he was gliding out of the 
window and cut off one of his fingers. Meanwhile 
Shaista Khan's son with his special bodyguard rushed 
upon Shivaji. The latter received the attack with such 
introduce Shivaji at night to the Khan's bed-chamber. Shivaji came from 
Rajgad in haste to Poona and was accordingly admitted with a few 
followers. Twenty-five sentinels at the door and a eunuch still awake 
were cut down; but by mistake the mali led Shivaji into the chamber of 
the Khan's son. Shivaji killed him on the spot and compelled a servant- 
maid to lead him to Shaista Khan's chamber. Meanwhile the Khan had 
been awakened by the noise and was escaping by the window, when 
Shivaji struck at him and cut off one of his thumbs. Torches were now 
lighted and a crowd gathered. Shivaji returned by the way he had 
entered but found the garden surrounded. He charged one party and 
escaped, cutting down all that opposed him, and mounting his horse 
returned safe to Rajgad. 

The Shivadigvijay gives a version which is a compound of tha 
versions given by Chitnis and the Rairi bakhar. Acccording to the 
Shivdigvijay Shivaji entered the chamber of the Khan's son and killed 
him. The wife of the deceased noble was awakened by the sound, and 
being asked as to the identity of the slain person, told Shivaji it was the 
son of the Khan. She had then to lead Shivaji to the Khan's chamber. 
Shivaji raised his sword to strike the Khan, but the light of the lamp 
Hashing on it, awakened the Khan's wife. She interceded for the life of 
her husband, and both she and the Khan complied with Shivaji's order 
to follow him and a finger was cut off as in the version given by Chitnis. 

Khafi Khan ( Elliot VII p. 270 ) says that the Marathas entered the 
cook-house, where, it being the month of Ramzan, some cooks were at 
work, but were killed. The noise awoke a servant in the next room, 
bat Shaista Khan did not mind his report. A maid-servant then awoke 
and took the report, when the Khan got up and armed himself. Just 
then a Maratha got up to him and cut off his thumb. The maid-servants 
.n the end got the Khan to hide himself. Some Marathas worked their 
way to the nagar-khana or band-room and ordered the drums to 
be beaten in the Khan's name. Others killed the drowsy sentinels, 
saying, 'This is how they keep watch'. Next day when Jaswant Singh 
came to express his condolence, Shaista Khan replied, " I thought the 
Maharajah was in His Majesty's service when such an evil befell me." 


promptitude that in a few seconds the corpses of most of 
his assailants were strewn on the floor. Shivaji now burst 
victorious from the palace (5th April 1663). Cries of murder 
and treason rent the air and the whole camp had now 
become a confused pandemonium. While a confused 
search was being instituted for the raiders of the camp, 
Shivaji and his party joined in the outcry and escaped 
safe out of the town. Collecting the soldiers whom he 
had stationed in detached outposts on the way, Shivaji 
made for Sinhagad. The trumpets gave the signal to 
kindle the torches in the Katraj ghat. The Khan's 
pursuing parties, as had been foreseen by Shivaji, were 
lured on in this direction, leaving the way open for 
Shivaji's escape to Sinhagad. The Mogul pursuers 
discovered late in the morning how they had been led on 
a fool's errand, when they saw the torches attached to 
the trees and the horns of cattle. 1 Dispirited with the 
unsuccessful result of their pursuit, they turned back and 
feeling sure that by this ruse Shivaji must have ensconced 
himself again behind the shelter of the battlements of 
Sinhagad, they gathered in full force at the foot of that 
fortress. Shivaji permitted them to come within range 
of the fortress guns unchallenged. They came flourishing 
their swords and sounding their trumpets quite under 
the fortress walls, resolved to storm the fort and 
apprehend or slay Shivaji. But at length the Sinhagad 
cannon replied with a loud salvo, and with the first 
discharge carried dismay and panic into their disorderly 
ranks. Hundreds fell mortally wounded; others fled in 
a sudden panic; the elephant carrying the imperial standard 
was killed by a cannon-ball; none cared to stand by 

1 As regards the stratagem of the torches bound to the horns of cattle 
and set ablaze, the reader will recollect that the same stratagem was used 
by Hannibal to outwit Fabius Maximus in the pass of Tarracina ( Vide 
Livy, Bk. XXII Ch. XII. ) This does not of course detract from the 
originality of Shivuji's plan, since he could not be accused of an 
acquaintance with the classics. It is, however, a striking parallel and 
shows how a kindred genius was shared in common by the Maratha 
and Carthaginian leaders. 


the standard; and a headlong flight ensued. While the 
siege was thus raised, the besiegers were themselves 
surprised by a detachment of horse sent against them by 
Netaji Palkar and Kartoji Guzar. Several hundreds of the 
Mogul combatants were cut down by Guzar. 

Shaista Khan was beside himself with shame at this 
defeat and disgrace, a defeat in which he had lost hie 
son and the lives of so many of his zealous veterans. He 
had no hope left of a successful campaign. He dreaded 
to think what the next moment might bring forth, deal- 
ing as he was with so artful a raiding host as that of 
Shivaji. His good fortune had already saved him once 
from imminent death, and he felt it would be tempting 
his fortunes too much to court such perils any more. 
The rains made a siege of Sinhagad impossible. His 
soldiers had already become faint-hearted. They would 
scarcely entertain a proposal of further fight with Shivaji 
with any thing like spontaneous zeal and eagerness. To 
force them to fight at the point of the musket or by 
appealing to their sense of the gravity of the imperial man- 
date would be only like leading them to sure defeat and 
death, to the irremediable detriment of the imperial forces. 
To surround himself with further lines of entrenchments 
and remain in camp in expectation of a more favourable 
season to strike a final blow at the enemy was also vain. 
Shivaji had made his ingress into the Mogul camp through 
the lines of night guards and sentinels. Entrenchments and 
ramparts had not availed to bar his way. All this bred 
suspicion of treason in his own camp. Under the shadow 
of this fear he dared not abide longer to protract a campaign 
with the support of men about whose loyalty he had cause 
of suspicion. This would be to court the fate of Afzul 
Khan. He, therefore, resolved to evacuate Poona and march 
to a new encampment at Pedgaum. 

His suspicions were directed against the Rajah Jaswant 
Singh. He wrote to the emperor that there was treason 
in his camp and that Shivaji had evidently corrupted Rajah 


Jaswant Singh, and that this was the cause of his unex- 
pected reverses. Aurangzeb was in great dismay at the 
news of this defeat and the enterprising spirit of-Shivaji, 
which enabled him to triumph over all the obstructions in 
his way and defeat the most eminent strategists of the 
empire. His great campaign had only served to diminish 
the prestige of the Mogul name and jeopardized the safety 
of his southern-most subha. The emperor was convinced 
that there was no longer any possibility of friendly 
co-operation between Shaista Khan and Jaswant Singh. He 
recalled Shaista Khan and appointed Prince Muazzim in 
his place. The galled spirit of Shaista Khan was appeased 
with the governorship of the princely province of Bengal. 
The services of Jaswant Singh were retained as deputy 
to the prince, for fear lest the slur of a recall might throw 
him into the open arms of the Marathas. 1 In truth, 
so acute was the tension of feeling in the southern subha 
that Aurangzeb might have been expected to take the field 
in person against Shivaji, but the sinister aspect of politics 
in Kashmir required his personal presence near the north- 
western frontier. 

On the departure of Shaista Khan, the Rajah Jaswant 
Singh endeavoured to prove his loyalty and valour by 
a renewed siege of Sinhagad. But it proved to be labour 
lost. Shivaji's raiding bands terrorized the besiegers. 8 
The siege had to be raised, and Jaswant Singh with great 
losses made good his retreat to Aurangabad. 

1 According to Bernier this Rajput prince, when at last recalled to 
Delhi, instead of going to the Mogul capital returned to his own state 
in Rajputana. 

a The siege of Sinhagad from December 1663 to about June 1664. 
( Jsdhe Chronology. ) 


ON the retirement of the Rajah Jaswant Singh to 
Aurungabad, Shivaji mustered his forces in two concen- 
% tration camps one at Kalyan and the other at Danda-Raja- 
puri, with the ostensible object of a campaign against the 
Portuguese at Cheul and Bassein and a final struggle 
with the Abyssinians of Janjira. The real motive for 
this concentration of his forces, however, was a sudden 
march upon Surat and the sack of that emporium of trade 
on the western coast. Among the populous and opulent 
towns of the orient, the port of Surat claimed a very 
high place. It was the seat of international trade. All 
sorts of foreign merchants traded in Indian wares in the 
marts of that town. Many of its citizens were counted 
among the most affluent merchant princes in India. 
Shivaji had sent to Surat his scout, Bahirji Naik by name, 
who scrutinized the fortunes of the leading citizens and 
furnished very valuable information to Shivaji so as to 
facilitate an attack. His report induced Shivaji to launch 
upon this enterprise. The town was shown to be an easy 
prey and wealth untold awaited the fortunate captor. 1 

Shivaji had decided to conduct the expedition in per- 
son, having learnt by experience of previous campaigns 
that much of the best results is lost when the command 
was entrusted to his lieutenants. The expeditionary force 
consisted of 10,000 M*avalis, including such leaders of 
distinction as Moropant Pingle, Prataprao Guzar, and 
several subordinate officers. With this great host he left 
the Konkan in a straight line of march upon Surat. 2 But 

1 According to some accounts Shivaji himself in a disguise bad 
made his way to Surat and in a stay of three days had seen things with 
his own eyes and in particular the residences of the merchant princes. 

3 According to Orme to disguise his plans Shivaji encamped 
his forces before Cheul and Bassein and made believe that he was 
preparing to capture these places by storm, and that Shivaji secretly 
started from the Bassein camp with four thousand horse, leaving strict 



in order to divert the attention of the Moguls from his 
real object he gave out that the march was for the sacred 
pilgrim place of Nasik, whence he proposed to go on a tour 
of inspection of the fortresses recently captured by Moro- 
pant. Having thus blinded the enemy as to his real inten- 
tion, he advanced in a northerly course and by incredibly 
forced marches suddenly presented himself within a few 
miles of the city. 1 

On the morning of the 5th January 1664 the alarming 
newa came to Surat that Shivaji's banners were seen at 
Gandevi, only 23 miles south of the town. The citizens 
were utterly taken by surprise. They had no suspicion 
of the coming storm. In their panic they began to flee 
away across the river, to the villages on the northern 
bank, with their wives and children. The governor sent 
a messenger to make a parley with the invader. The 
messenger was put under arrest as also the messengers of 
the Dutch and the English East India Companies, who had 
been sent to watch Shivaji's movements. 2 Next morning 
Shivaji's columns were already hurling themselves upon 
the old mud walls of the city. The governor of the city, 
Inayet Khan, mustered his scanty forces and advanced, 
not to give battle to the foe, but to flee for shelter to the 
inner castle. Shivaji planted his batteries against the 
citadel. The inhabitants were left to their own resources. 3 

orders to maintain the same vigilance as before with the usual flourish 
of trumpets and other war-like music. 

1 The Factory Records of the English Company at Surat give 
graphic accounts of the sack of Surat. The Log of the Loyal Merchant, an 
English ship then afe the mouth of the Tapti, preserved among the Orme 
MSS., Vol 263, is of special value. Next in importance are the Dutch Records 
and the accounts given by Valentyn, Bernier, Manucci, and Dr. Fryer. 

* Vide the Dutch version of the event in Valentyn'a "Lives of tht 

3 According to Bernier and Valentyn, the governor ot Surat came 
to oppose Shivaji, but was made to retire on the understanding that 
Shivaji did not mean to force his entrance into the town but march out- 
wards. Orme says that the governor of the town and the commander 
of the garrison in their fright betook themselves to the citadel admitting 
only a few who could be accommodated within, and fired upon Shivaji 
when he entered the town, but he made nothing of it. 


On the previous night Shivaji had despatched a message 
zo the governor, requiring him and Haji Sayad Beg, 
Baharji (Virji) Borah, and Haji Cassim, three of the richest 
merchants in the city, to attend his camp, a little outside 
the city-gate, and settle the ransom, in default of which he 
rhreatened to plunder the town. 1 As no answer came to 
this summons, the Maratha hosts poured in. The invaders 
very soon made their presence felt all over the town. The 
mansions of the leading citizens were occupied and the city 
was subjected to a systematic pillage for the space of three 
days. The rich were forced under fear of death to disclose 
iheir buried treasures. In the confusion an opulent Jewish 
merchant fell into the hands of Shivaji. He was a native 
of Constantinople and had come to Surat to negotiate the 
sale of certain precious jewellery to the emperor Aurang- 
zeb. He was produced before Shivaji and commanded to 
surrender his treasures. He refused and notwithstanding 
all manner of threats against his life persisted in his 
refusal. Thrice was he thrown down on the ground and the 
sword placed at his throat. But he did not yield for 
a moment. His gold was dearer to him than life. 2 

The house of Baharji Borah was plundered for three 
days and an incredible amount of money and precious stones 
was carried away with twenty-eight seers of large pearls. 
This house stood next to the Dutch factory, that of Haji 
Sayad Beg being close to the English. The Marathas plun- 
dered Haji Sayad's house for two days until the English 
company put an English guard upon it and took its protec- 
tion in their hands. This brought about an exchange of 
threats of defiance between Shivaji and the president of 
the English factory, Sir George Oxenden. In this way 
burning and plundering went on for three days. 

But Shivaji did not act in this extortionate manner 
towards all in the moment of his triumph. Certain 
anecdotes of his conduct on this occasion illustrate the 

1 Factory Records, Surat, Letter in Forrest's Selections Vol 1, p. '24. 

2 Bernier, 190, 


innate generosity of his character. There lived at this time 
at Surat a Roman Catholic capuchin of the name of 
Father Ambrose. Though the dwelling-place of this 
priest was pointed out for plunder, Shivaji did not violate- 
it. He is reported to have said that the padres were 
men of piety and it was improper to injure them in any 
way. Another story is that there was at Surat a certain citizen 
of the name of Mohandas Parekh who was an accredited 
broker to the Dutch East India Company. He was a 
person of high character and well spoken of for his 
philanthropy. He had died a few years before Shivaji's 
invasion of Surat, leaving behind him a large family and 
an ample fortune. Though reports of the vast wealth of 
this family were brought to Shivaji, he saved it from 
every species of violation, out of deference for the high 
renown of the deceased philanthropist. 1 

The English and the Dutch East India Companies had 
thriving factories at Surat at the date of Shivaji's inva- 
sion. These European merchants, and in particular the 
representatives of the English Company with great 
bravery defended their factories, chiefly with the powerful 
aid of the sailors on board their mercantile fleets at 
Swally, at the mouth of the river. Many native merchants 
found a safe asylum in the factories of the European 
merchants. An Englishman of the name of Anthony 
Smith was taken prisoner and brought before Shivaji. 
He was afterwards released. 2 He has left a brief account 
of Shivaji's sack of Surat. He tells how Shivaji was 
seated in a tent and persons suspected of hiding their 
wealth were taken before him. When these men 
persevered in their refusal to disclose the places where 

1 Bernier, 188-189. 

2 The Log of the Loyal Merchant (quoted by Prof. Sarkar) says that 
he was ransomed for Rs 350. The English chaplain, Escaliot has given 
a similar account of the plunder in his letter to Sir T. Browne, the 
author of Jieligio Medici, which Prof. Sarkar quotes from Ind. Antiq. VIII, 
256, to describe the state of fcjurat at the time and the manner in which, 
the loot was carried out. An equally vivid description is given by 
Dr. Fryer. All these authorities are naturally prejudiced against Shivaji. 


rtiheir fortunes were hidden, he ordered them either to be 
executed or deprived of their hands. It is said that were 
:t not for the gallant stand made by the British factors, 
Shivaji would have carried off a much greater amount of 
treasure. Their gallantry evoked the admiration of 
Aurangzeb. He congratulated Sir George Oxenden, the 
president of the factory at Surat, and presented him with 
a jewelled crest as a special distinction. The British 
merchants were granted a remission of 2|% in the customs 
luty; and the 'proprietors of the British East India 
Company were honoured with the presentation of a special 
gold medal as a mark of imperial favour. 1 

On his arrival at Surat, Shivaji had publicly announced 
that he had not come to do any personal harm to any 
of the native or foreign merchants in the city, but only 
to revenge himself on Aurangzeb for having invaded his 
own country and killed some of his relatives. Consistently 
with this declaration he had invited the governor of 
the city with three of the foremost citizens to attend hia 
camp outside the city gates and settle the ransom there. 
Jn this demand he was quite justified. He was at war 
with the Mogul government. His appearance before 
the city-gates was a masterly move on the part 
of the Maratha strategist. Again, as he rightly said, the 
Mogul emperor had forced him to keep a large army, and he 
would force the emperor to become its pay- master. 

It was the duty of the governor to pay the ransom 
or defend the city. He does neither. He leaves the city 
to the mercy of the invader. The invader has to enter 
the city-gates and exact payments from the individual 
citizens. The governor having failed in his primary duty 
does not hesitate to employ an assassin to murder Shivaji 
in his camp. The assassin attacks Shivaji with his 
dagger. Both the murderer and the intended victim roll 
on the grourd together. The blood is seen on Shivaji'a 
dress. The'.Maratha soldiers for a time actually believa 
i Vide Dr. Fryer, Vol. I, letter II, Chapter V. 


that Shivaji has been murdered. A cry runs through 
the camp to slay the prisoners. Even with this provo- 
cation there was no . massacre. Shivaji's voice was the 
first to forbid it. 1 

As a retaliatory measure only four prisoners were 
executed and twenty- four had their hands cut off'. Those 
who condemn Shivaji for the cruelty of his exactions 
are, therefore, less wise in their censure than the citizens 
of Surat were when they threw dirt upon their governor, 
when the coward at last emerged from behind the shadow 
of the castle-walls upon Shivaji's retirement. In any case 
the sack of Surat was Shivaji's decisive reply to the 
Mogul emperor for the seizure and occupation of Poona 
and the surrounding districts by the Mogul hosts under 
Shaista Khan. That occupation had lasted for three years. 
If Shaista Khan had not plundered Poona, it was because 
he found little to plunder there. In 1657 Aurangzeb had 
given orders to the Mogul hosts invading Shivaji's terri- 
tories, after the attack upon Junnar, to lay waste the 
villages, "slaying the people without pity, and plundering 
them to the extreme". 2 That was Aurangzeb's way of 
making reprisals for the attack on Junnar, the robbing, 
the slaying, and the enslaving of the poorest type of 
countrymen. This was Shivaji's way of making reprisals 
for Shaiata Khan's seizure of Poona the spoliation of 
the wealthiest citizens of the wealthiest sea-port in the 
empire on the refusal of its governor to comply with the 
demand for ransom. 3 How the Mogul armies themselves 
could pillage and plunder a great city was amply shown 
only seven years before the sack of Surat, when on the trea* 
cherous orders of Aurangzeb, in defiance of treaties and 
existing peace, the Mogul hosts under the command of 
his son entered the Golconda territory under a vile pre- 

-i Prof. Sarkar's "Shivaji >: , 115. 

2 Prof. Sarkar's "Shivaji", 62. 

3 It must be remarked that the sack of Surat took place, while the 
Rajah Jaswant Singh was besieging Kondana (Sinhagadj. Vide the dates 
in Jedhe'9 Chronology, pp. 186-87. 


text, and plundered the hapless city of Hyderabad, then 
the richest city in South India, for days together. 1 It is 
needless, therefore, to be too censorious about the cruelty 
or injustice involved in the sack of Surat. 

When the sacking of the town was brought to a con- 
clusion, a huge cavalcade of heavily laden pack-horses 
started for Raigad, which they reached safely, without any 
attempt to obstruct them on the part of the Moguls. The 
wealth obtained in this enterprise is said to have been 
computed to amount to a sum of eight and a half crores of 
pagodas. A large number of horses was captured, brought 
down from Surat and formed into a new cavalry corps. 
On his return from Surat, Shivaji wrote to Aurangzeb 
in the following strain: "I have chastised your uncle, 
Shaista Khan; I have defiled the beauty of your fair 
city of Surat. Hindustan is for the Hindus. You have 
no business here. You have no business, too, to be in the 
Deccan. The Deccan belongs of right to the Nizam Shahi 
dynasty, and I am the vizier of that dynasty." Aurangzeb 
made no reply to this letter. 

Upon his return from Surat, Shivaji learnt the sad 
tidings of the death of Shahaji. The mourning and funeral 
rites were performed at Fort Sinhagad. After the full 
period of these funeral solemnities Shivaji returned to- 
Raigad, where some time was spent in the re- organization 
of the various departments of government. It was at 
this period upon the death of the Raja Shahaji that Shivaji 
solemnly assumed the title of Raja and struck coins in 
his own name. 2 

While Shivaji was for a time resting and enjoying 
a lull in his war-like activities, his followers were by no> 
means idle. They harried the Mogul provinces in the 
south. Netaji Palkar systematically took the field with his 
irregular cavalry during the favourable season from year 

1 Elphiuatoae, 575; Prof. Sarkar'a "Aarangzeb" Vol. 1. Chapter X. 

2 Khafi Khan, ( Elliot Vol. VII, p. 271. ) 


to year, and at the beginning of the stormy season he used 
to return with his spoils. The naval contingent was 
equally active, laying an embargo upon the merchant 
vessels wherever they could and pillaging them according 
as occasion served. They levied contributions upon the 
pilgrim vessels plying between the western coast and 
Mecca. Wealthy pilgrims were subjected to heavy exac- 
tions. Shortly afterwards Shivaji took the field in person 
and led his victorious legions to the sack of Ahmednagar 
and the devastation of the Mogul province of the.Deccan up 
.to the gates of its capital, Aurangabad. 

Observing how Shivaji was engaged in hostilities 
Against the Moguls, two nobles under the hegemony of 
the Adil Shahi ruler at Panhala 1 broke the former peace 
:and made an energetic movement for the reconquest of 
the Konkan. They recaptured some of the principal 
stations in the Konkan. When Shivaji learned of the new 
crisis on the Konkan shores, he with marvellous rapidity 
presented himself at this new scene of war. A battle 
ensued, in which thousands of the Adil Shahi army were 
put to flight or killed. The agents of the British Com- 
pany at Karwar and Rajapur have estimated the number 
of the slain on both sides as nearly six thousand.* Hubli 
was plundered. The people of Vengurla rose against 
Shivaji's commander in that town. Shivaji retaliated by 
^reducing the town to ruins. Concluding this business with 
-extraordinary speed, Shivaji was again back at Sinhagad. 
iFor news had arrived that the Mogul army at Junnar had 
"been re-inforced and meditated an invasion of the territory 
under Shivaji's influence. Shivaji's quick return to Sinha- 
gad nipped this hostile demonstration in the bud. When this 
danger had been averted Shivaji ordered his light cavalry 
south of the Krishna to raid the Bijapur dominions. While 
the people of Bijapur were thus attacked in their southern 
valleys, Shivaji prepared to deliver simultaneously another 

l iWohsmed Ikblaa Khan and Fazal Khau. 

a Factory Reports, Surat, Vol. 88. The Bijapur general, Khawas 

n, wuaLernmed round by Shivaji tat escaped by a gallant charge. 


blow on the seaward side of that empire. This took the 
form of a sudden march upon Barselor and the spoliation 
of that wealthy entrepot of trade on the Konkan coast. The 
attack was to be made by sea. Shivaji's naval contingent 
received orders to concentrate at the sea-fort of Sindhu- 
durg on the Malwan coast. These preparations were made 
with extreme caution and secrecy, and it was given out to 
the diplomatic world that Shivaji was mustering a p^ong 
force for a decisive attack on the Mogul camp- at 
Junnar. Having thus thrown dust in the eyes of the 
enemy, Shivaji suddenly appeared at Malwan and the naval 
force made straight for Barselor. 1 

The invader descended upon the town quite unexpec- 
tedly before the morning twilight. It was sacked and 
pillaged for the whole day unhindered. The plunder which 
is supposed to have been almost as great as that of Surat 
amounted to between two and three crores. 

Following on the sack of this town Shivaji extended his 
conquest to other sea-board towns, such as Kadwal, Shiv- 
eshwar, Miraj, Ankola, Kodre (Kadra), Humaud and others. 
The sacred shrine of Gokarn-Mahableshwar was taken 
possession of and large sums spent in religious charities 
at this frequented place of pilgrimage. At Bednore, fur- 
ther south, a jahagirdar named Shivappa Naik had made 
himself independent of Bijapur. This Naik had recently 
died and an infant prince had been put on the throne, 
under the regency of his mother. Before proceeding to 
those Louthern parts Shivaji had made a demand on this 
chief to agree to the payment of an annual tribute and 
the maintenance of an accredited agent at Shivaji's 
court; whereupon the insolent minister of the Naik chal- 
lenged Shivaji to come and extort tribute from him, if 
he dared. Upon receipt of this haughty reply Shivaji 

1 In some bakhars, the name of the town occurs as Basnur. The 
Shivdigvijaya calls it Harhaanur. The Rairi bakhar calls it Hasnur 
Ib is elsewhere called Basrur, It was the principal port of the Bednore 


v came up by forced marches, conquering town and village 
and compelled the Naik to sue for peace. Ee sent his vakils, 
with abject entreaties for pardon and with royal presents, 
including a nazar of a lakh of rupees. The young Naik 
with his guardian came down in person to meet Shivaji 
at a friendly conference, where promises were interchanged 
and the chief finally consented to pay an annual tribute of 
threb lakhs of rupees. The Naik sent his vakil, Umaji, 
to reside at Shivaji's court. 1 

On his arrival at Gokarn, the greater part of Shivaji's 
naval force was ordered to retire to head-quarters, and the 
land force continued its depredations in the interior of the 
country. Karwar fell but suffered no harm, the inhabitants 
having offered to pay the victor a fair sum of money. 
(1665.) It is said that the local factors of the British Com- 
pany bought their safety by a prudent arrangement to 
pay down the modest contribution of 112. With these 
trophies the invader began his retreat, th'e army marching 
by land routes, Shivaji himself sailing with a small 
naval squadron, with the object of inspecting with his own 
eyes the aggressive preparations of the Janjira chief by 
a cruise along the Konkan coast. But adverse winds delayed 
this voyage. The voyagers were suddenly becalmed and 
had to spend many days and nights, in a helpless and 
profitless manner, on the sea. Shivaji found himself for 
the time being cut off from all communication with his 
army and all knowledge of the movements of the enemy. 
He never trusted himself again to the mercy of the trea- 
cherous element. A ship he now found by experience to be 
no better than a prison, in this that a man seemed thereby 
to be cut off from all communication with the towns and 
nations of the earth. 

1 Ah Adil ahaha of ttijapur had for years been fighting with this 
chief and his father. The father was Shivappa Naik and the son Som- 
shekar, and in 1665, a puppet prince was reigning at Bednore under his 
mother's regency. Shahaji had fought against Shivappa in AH Adil 
Shaba's camp. 


NEWS of a more portentous crisis in his fortunes tha/i 
any he had tided over in his hitherto triumphant career 
was destined to greet Shivaji's ears immediately on his 
arrival at Raigad from the scene of his recent conquests in, 
the Southern Konkau and Kanara. This was the bodeful 
invasion of the -Mogul army under the command of two of 
the most illustrious generals of the empire, Mirza Raja 
Jay Singh and Diler Khan, who had marched down upon 
ohe south with the fullest and the most efficient of warlike 
equipments then known in India. They were eager to 
wreak on Shivaji a full revenge for the disgrace of Shaista 
Khan and the defeat of Jaswant Singh. At first eight 
it may appear strange that an emperor of the haughty and 
bigoted temper of Aurangzeb should have allowed any 
length of time to elapse before paying off old scores, and 
making the raider of the Mogul provinces feel the power 
of the empire. Yet so it was and it could not be otherwise. 
With all his sense of power, the usurper, whose conscience 
was burdened with the guilt of having deposed his dotard 
father and the judicial murder of his more guileless 
brothers, lived in an insecurity of his own. His mental 
torments were a veritable hell. His father's fate was the 
sword of Damocles that hung above his head. He dis 
trusted Prince Muazzim even while sending him to take over 
the command from Shaista Khan. Thus Muazzim had 
come down with resources ill-proportioned to his task, but 
with all the gilded splendours of the mighty Mogul name. 
The calculating emperor was watching an opportunity 
when the political ferment in the north should have sub- 
sided in order to lead the Mogul legions under his personal 
command and destroy by one crushing blow at once the 
Maratha and the Adil Shahi powers. Of the military calibre 
of the new Maratha power he had indeed a poor notion. 
The surprise and discomfiture of Shaista Khan was in his 
opinion no proof of a genius for war ; the humiliation of tha 


Adil Shabi power was due after all to its growing incom- 
petence. Before the arrayed forces of the Mogul power. 
Shivaji seemed to him like a ftying phantom, easy to over- 
take and crush in a moment. Not for nothing did he call 
him a mountain rat. He cherished these delusions for toe 
long a time to be able to retrieve his error. 

But his wrath was still further roused by the news of 
the recent acts of the despised Shivaji, the. spoliation o 
Mogul territory, the sack of Surat, his assumption of the 
title of Raja and his presumption in instituting a coinage 
of his own. This wrath was inflamed into a bigoted hatred 
and religious frenzy by the naval preparations of the 
Maratha Raja, and the systematic pillage and confiscation 
of pilgrim vessels bound for Mecca. He vowed to wreak 
a bloody vengeance upon the infidel author of these atrocities 
and in consequence of this determination he had now 
launched, as described above, a new invading host upon 
the impious Maratha. 

The emperor's object in deputing two commanders 
obviously ivas to balance an attempted treason on the part 
of one by the envious vigilance of the other. The emperor 
lived in an atmosphere of suspicion and was convinced that 
Shivaji was a past master in the art of sowing treason in 
the enemies' camp. Aurangzeb seems to have specially 
enjoined upon Diler Khan to take particular care lest the 
infidel Jay Singh might artfully turn the tables in favour 
of the infidel Shivaji, that he should be prepared for every 
omergency and scent treason from a distance. The emperor 
had indeed little confidence in either of these leaders. He. 
sent them, however, upon the great task awaiting them, Under 
a belief that they had at least enough of that capacity which 
might serve to distract and weaken an enemy. 

In connection with thia there is a tradition of an 
attempted coalition between the Mogul and Bijapur powers 
against Shivaji. The fame of Shivaji's exploits had filled 
the emperor with dismay; the annihilation of Shaista. 


Khan's invading host had come as a staggering blow; and 
the emperor in his anxiety conceived the plan of a concerted 
campaign supported by Bijapur. With a view to- 
securing the accession of Bijapur to this projected enter- 
prise, Aurangzeb is said to have despatched an envoy 
extraordinary bearing the terms of a proposed alliance with, 
the Deccan kingdom, wherein the emperor is believed to 
have expatiated at length upon the magnitude of the menace 
to the Islam church and dynasties, as also upon the neces- 
sity of joint action in extirpating one whose state, accord- 
ing to Mahomedan opinion, was a hot-bed of rank sedi- 
tion and lawlessness. In short the united arms of Bijapur 
and the Mogul power were to be turned upon the common 
foe before his power and position really became impregnable. 
Accordingly the Deccan state was invited to form an 
alliance with the emperor and unite with him in an attack 
upon the common aggressor. The Adil Shahi state felt 
flattered by this invitation and ordered their general 
Khawas Khan to proceed against Shivaji with a great army. 
The Maratha leader overtook the enemy and forced him ta 
give battle on unfavourable ground. Khawas Khan was 
defeated and driven back in confusion to Bijapur. This 
was the result of the attempted coalition between the two 
great Mahomedan states of the north and the south, though 
it is pertinent to observe that Mahomedan historians and 
Maratha chroniclers persist in assigning the credit of the 
victory to their own co-religionists. 

Upon the appointment of Jay Singh and Diler Khan t< 
the Deccan province, Prince Muazzim and Jaswant Singh 
were naturally recalled. Their united armies had effected 
little worth the name, and the emperor, true to his dis- 
trustful nature, had grave suspicion of a possible collu- 
sion between these imperial commanders and Shivaji. The 
new commaders had a double task before them, first to 
exterminate the Maratha power, and secondly to exact thfr 
prompt payment of tribute from Bijapur, and to terrorise the> 
i Modak'a History of the Adil Shahi Dynasty (in Marathi) p. 212. 


insecure sultan, in punishment for the fickleness with 
which he had shaken of!' the last alliance and set himself in 
opposition to the Mogul arms. 

It was in February 1665 that the great Mogul host 
under Jay Singh and Diler Khan crossed the Narbada. 
Shivaji was engaged upon the naval war described in the 
last chapter. It was owing to this that he remained without 
prompt information of the new danger from the north. 
The Mogul generals did not allow the grass to grow beneath 
their feet. They came to Auraugabad, the head-quarters 
of the subha or province, put its affairs on a footing of 
efficiency, and straightway advanced upon Fort Purandar. 
Diler Khan undertook the blockade of Purandar, while 
Jay Singh advanced to besiege Sinhagad, despatching a few 
detachments to operate against Kajgad and Lohagad. 

Meanwhile Shivaji returned to Raigad and held 
a council of war to which the principal military officers were 
summoned. At this crisis one of the old Maratha leaders, 
Netaji Palkar had come under the royal disfavour inasmuch 
as instead of dogging the enemy's movements on his first 
entrance into the Maratha territory as were his distinct 
orders, he had diverted his light cavalry on distant forays. 
This conduct of his lends some plausibility to the view of 
certain authors who accuse him of a corrupt understanding 
with Jay Singh. Shivaji sent orders for his instant 
return. On his non-compliance he degraded him from the title 
of sir-nobut, or commander of the royal forces which he 
had so long enjoyed. This title was now conferred upon 
Kartoji Guzar, who is later on known as Prataprao Guzar. 1 
Guzar had earned the highest praise for the able strategy he 
had displayed in intercepting the forage and supplies of the 

1 According to Sabhasad's chronicle, when Sidi Johar besieged 
Panhala. that fort having but lately passed into Shivaji's power had not 
been well fortified and equipped; and Netaji Palkar's failure to bring 
succour to it on that occasion, led to his forfeiture of the title of sir- 
nobut. However, in any case, it is clear that he still continued in 
Shivaji's service. The assertion about bribery is made by Catrou. 


Moguls and the vigilance with which he had guarded against 
all Mogul tactics to out-wit or elude him. 

Jay Singh's forces amounted to 80,000, in which were 
represented some of the most warlike and spirited races 
of Hindustan. Jay Singh was himself a brave and clever 
tactician who was not likely to blunder easily. 

He had brought with him a number of Rajput warriors. 
From the moment he crossed the Narbada he had 
tried to form coalitions with Shivaji's enemies. He enlisted 
the support of the Abyssinians of Janjira, the zemindars of 
the Earnatic and in particular the raja of Bednore who 
had been recently humiliated by Shivaji, and the rajas 
of Jawhar and Ramnagar. Lastly he had won over to the 
imperial cause the families of those who had sworn, so to 
say, a blood-feud with Shivaji. Thus there came to the 
imperial camp Fazal, the son of Afzul Khan still thirst- 
ing for vengeance against Shivaji. There came likewise 
to the Mogul side two members of the vanquished More 
family of Javli, on the special invitation of Jay Singh. 1 
Jay Singh had realized the gravity of his task, and 
made his preparations accordingly. He had signalized his 
arrival in the Maratha country by a sudden siege of two 
of the most impregnable forts of the Marathas. Shivaji 
was shrewd enough to foresee the difficulty of subduing 
such an enemy. 2 The arts which had succeeded so brilliantly 
with Afzul Khan and Shaista Khan were not likely 
to stand any chance with the present commander. He 
was not a man to take any thing on trust. An appeal to 
his sense of patriotism or to his religious fervour was out 

1 Letters of Jay Singh in the Haft Anjuman (Paris Md.) cited by 
Prof. Sarkar, and Manuccis: "Storia." Manucci himself instigated the 
Koli Rajas of Jawhar etc. on behalf of Jay Singh (Storia II, 132). 

2 Scott Waring says that Shivaji had sent Prataprao Guzar to 
assassinate Jay Singh. According to his story Gazar went to Jay Singh 
and got himself admitted to his service. He was in close attendance 
about Jay Singh's person, and one day seeing that there were very few- 
people present attempted to kill him. But he was at once arrested and 
disarmed. He was, however, let go by Jay Singh with impunity. 


of the question as the presence of Diler Khan made ivr 
necessary that he should always be on his guard. 

Shivaji is said to have had one of those ecstatic fits 
to which he was so prone on occasions of high nervous, 
excitement. It was believed that he again became the 
medium of the communication of the fiat of his guardian, 
deity. His utterances in the trance were taken down by 
his secretaries. They were to this effect : " Great is the 
peril that is threatening thee now. Jay Singh is not fated 
to taste defeat at thy hands. Thou shalt have to make 
terms of peace and amity and go to Delhi into the sunshine 
of the imperial presence. Dark clouds gather round thee at 
Delhi. But I shall shield thee from all harm and restore 
thee safe and victorious again to thy realm." This oracular, 
assurance calmed Shivaji's mind. 

Jay Singh was encamped at Saswad between the siege; 
lines around Sinhagad and Purandar. He was well informed 
about Sbivaji's antecedents. He was prepossessed in hi& 
favour by what he had heard about his daily sacrifices in the 
promotion of the cause of religious and political indepen- 
dence. He looked upon it as in some measure a holy enter- 
prise and his conscience did not whisper to hin* any: 
assurances of success or encouragement. 

He saw the heroic stuff of which Shivaji's followers 
were made and how they had poured their hearts and soul& 
into his enterprise. These meditations combined to influence 
him also to think of peaceful methods and an honourable- 
conclusion of the task he had undertaken. Then the 
fates of Afzul Khan and Shaista Khan constantly hovered 
before his eyes, and no concessions to Shivaji appeared in his 
mind too great so long as they were consistent with self- 
respect. From the moment he had set his foot in the 
Maratha country some instinct whispered to him that his 
life was not worth a moment's purchase and his chief desire, 
now was to escape with honour from the hostile land. 1 He t , 
1 Some of the Marathi chronicles say that he got hia priests to offer . 


therefore, tried persuasion expatiating on the advantages of 
ipeace with the great Mogul. He referred to the family- 
tradition ofShivaji's Rajput descent from the Sesodia 
stock of Udaipur, expressed his personal gratification at 
'his religious pride, and concluded with an expression of 
hia willingness, to maintain the power and possessions 
of the Maratha Raja. 

The hints thus conveyed relieved Shivaji from all 
immediate anxiety. His officers and chiefs advised a con- 
tinuation of these peaceful overtures. Raghunathpant, 
the chief justice, was sent as an envoy to the camp of 
Jay Singh with the customary presents of jewellery and 
embroidered silks, of horses 'and elephants. The envoy 
presented a missive embellished with the most courtly 
<jompliments and couched in the most mellifluous strain of 
which Shivaji's secretary was capable. Shivaji professed 
himself to be inspired almost with a feeling of filial affec- 
tion at the paternal tone of Jay Singh's epistle; he 
compared himself to Jay Singh's son and offered to abide by 
his counsel. He ascribed his operations of war to his love 
of the Hindu] religion and his desire to set free Hindu 
worship, usage and law. He painted a lurid picture of the 
Hindu church bleeding under the talons of Islam, of Hindu 
temples converted into mosques. While thus striving to 
stir up the Rajput's Hindu pride and sentiment he professed 
himself ready to accept him as a mediator before the 
imperial throne, admitting the grounds of the imperial 
wrath, but pointing out that his domains and castles were 
acquired from other states, hoping to retain them under 
the imperial favour and offering to aid the imperial expan- 
sion in the South. Such in brief was the character of the 
epistle, the contents whereof were embellished and supple- 
mented by Raghunathpant's oratory. 

Jay Singh was gratified with the tone and contents 
of Shivaji's letter. He represented to Shivaji's envoy that 

special prayers and perform ceremonial rites for the success of hia 
v. campaign. 


it was to his own advantage that the Maratha prince 
should come to terms with the mighty Mogul power and 
undertook on his word of honour as a Rajput to bring 
about a reconciliation and invite him as an honoured guest 
to the Mogul durbar. The envoy at a private audience 
with Jay Singh addressed himself to the Maharaja's reli- 
gious susceptibilities and appealed to him to lend his active 
support to Shivaji's propaganda in favour of a Hindu 
revival, pointing out the degradation of service under 
a foreign anti-Hindu domination and the desecration of 
Hindu shrines and gods. This was done to secure the 
Rajput's personal intervention as against any insidious 
designs on the part of his sovereign. Jay Sing renewed 
his assurances and showed no trace of resentment at the 
frank language of the envoy. 

Jay Singh brought about an interview between Raghu- 
nathpant and Diler Khan, where it was agreed that Shivaji 
should communicate his demands and stipulations, in formal 
terms to be submitted to Aurangzeb, being assured that 
these would be carefully attended to at the imperial court. 
The envoy then returned to Raigad and Shivaji's council 
after full deliberation drafted the conditions of a treaty. 
They were to this effect: That Shivaji should retain in 
his possession the forts and territories already in his power, 
with the rights of chaut (one quarter of land revenue) and 
sirdeshmukhi (one tenth of the revenue) over the rest of 
the Deccan, and that with these rights and concessions aa 
alliance should be formed between the Maratha and the 
imperial power. 

These terms and stipulations were submitted to Jay 
Singh by Shivaji's envoy. The Rajput leader was convinced 
of the bona fides of Shivaji and got the envoy to 
confirm the declaration on oath. The Raja urged Shivaji 
to put full confidence in himself and act according to his 
wishes. The ratification of the terms was postponed to be 
effected at a personal conference between Jay Singh and 


When Diler Khan came to learn that the preliminaries 
of a treaty were all but completed between Jay Singh and 
Shivaji and the ratification depended merely on a personal 
conference between the two leaders, his jealousy was roused 
and he suspected that the Hindu leaders on either side 
were going to act in collusion to the detriment of the 
interests of the empire. He, therefore, held out against this 
proposal, urging that the final consent to Shivaji's stipula- 
tions should be withheld till receipt of the imperial orders 
on the subject, that their future relations with the Maratha 
power should be based upon the rescript from the throne, 
and that pending this decision they should prosecute with 
vigour the siege of Purandar and Sinhagad already begun 
under such good auspices. Upon this Jay Singh enlarged 
upon the wisdom of an immediate alliance between the 
Maratha and the Mogul and the acceptance by Shivaji of 
the suzerainty of the emperor. The purpose of the present 
campaign, said Jay Singh, would be amply served and the 
war fully vindicated, if Shivaji were compelled through 
the instrumentality of the treaty to surrender such of his 
fortresses and territories as belonged of right to the old Nizam 
Shahi kingdom and, therefore, formed part of the imperial 
subha of the Deccan. Apart from such an arrange- 
ment the re-conquest of the hill-forts was a difficult 
task Each fort would cost thousands of precious lives, 
and for all these sacrifices the chances of conquest would 
still remain precarious. Jay Singh, therefore, deprecated 
any further attacks upon these forts, urging that they 
should calmly wait and watch, having intercepted all 
communications of the Maratha garrisons with the outer 
world beyond their mountain walls. Diler Khan would 
not yield. He declared that his colleague might rust and 
dally in sloth before the walls of Sinhagad.. but for his part 
he was resolved to push forward the siege of Purandar and 
would brook no obstruction to thwart his purpose. He 
departed with an injunction to Jay Singh on no account to- 
make peace without direct orders from the emperor. 


And now the siege of Purandar went forward with 
great vigour on the part of the assailants. A steady blockade 
was maintained on all sides. The governor of the 
fortress, Murar Baji Prabhu, was no mean soldier. As 
the Mogul siege lines were being pushed nearer and nearer 
he surprised their straggling parties, exploded their ammu- 
nition bags and captured war material on an extensive 
scale. He sent out his light horse to cut off the enemy's 
supplies and starve the besieging host. These manoauvres 
often met with eminent success until the Moguls were 
able to overtake the flying squadrons or pursue them 
back to the rocky walls of Purandar. But the inevitable 
end approached steadily nearer. The siege lines drew 
closer round the fort and no avenue was left open by 
which any one could enter or leave it. 

But Murar Baji was never daunted in spirit. He could 
muster a small but sturdy garrison of 2000 brave men 
Mavalis and Hetkaris. Thanks to the liberal provisioning 
on the part of his government, there was an abundance 
of supplies and munitions of war. The undaunted garrison 
defended the fort for days together against overwhelming 
odds. They warded off the Mogul attacks and drove them 
off from every point of approach. Shivaji availed him- 
self of every opportunity to send re-inforcements and fresh 
fodder and corn supplies from Rajgad. Thus baffled in 
these attempts, Diler Khan having driven in some of the 
outposts, commenced mining a rock under one of the 
bastions of the lower fort. The garrison made frequent 
sallies and repeatedly drove off the miners with considerable 
losses. But their great numbers and tenacity at length 
enabled them to complete these operations. After repeated 
failures, they succeeded in shattering the rock. The 
tower was levelled to the ground, and the lower fort for 
the fortifications of Purandar consisted of an upper and 
a lower fort was exposed to an assault. No sooner did 
;the invading bands effect the entrance into the lower 
fort than tney dispersed themselves to plunder, and in their 
heedless precipitation exposed themselves to a withering 


fire which the Hetkari marksmen from the upper fort opened 
upon them with unerring precision. So sudden was the 
destruction that they wrought that the assailants were driven 
in all directions and rushed head-long to get under cover of 
the rock. A new party of assailants was in the act of 
coming up to take their place. At this moment Murar Baji, 
with the flower of his Mavali infantry, sallied out and 
engaged in a hand to hand fight with the Mogul forces 
pouring within. The Mavalis fought stubbornly. Two 
thousand of the enemy, Pathan and Mogul, felt the edge 
of the Mavali blade. Hundreds of the ardent Mavalis 
laid down their loyal lives, but for the moment they 
had achieved their object, for the foe was melting away, 
fleeing down the hill, in view of Diler Khan himself, 
who mounted on his elephant near a temple beneath the 
fort, was watching the progress of the assault. Seeing 
the flight of his men he bent his bow, called to a guard of 
Pathans around him to advance, and rallying the flying 
host, charged the Mavalis in person. But Murar Baji put 
forth his utmost strength and disputed every step of 
Diler Khan's advance. The hardy Afghans recoiled from 
the swords of the infuriated Mavalis, whom their recent 
success had raised to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. 
The example of the leader was a stirring inspiration to 
every Mavali heart; for Murar Baji recked not of blood 
or life but put his soul into every stroke. And what should 
he reck of life when in spite of his brave efforts the 
fort entrusted to him by his sovereign lord had thus 
been mined and breached and the stream of Mogul foemen 
was steadily pouring in ? It was not for him to 
survive its capture but to prevent it to the best 
of his ability. Thus, indifferent to all but the call of 
duty, he fought on, now here, now there, exhorting 
and inspiring his gallant Mavalis by word and deed. In 
the midst of all the dust and din of war he observed 
where the Khan was stationed, mounted upon hi& elephant, 
and in a moment he rushed upon him like a lion upon 
his prey. He had lost his shield and was now parrying 
L. 8.18 


the sword-thrusts of the enemy with his arm which wae> 
covered only with a scarf. When Murar Baji drew quite- 
near, the Khan addressed him in a loud voice, declaring 
his unreserved admiration of the valorous deeds he had done 
in the field that day and inviting him to surrender relying- 
upon his assurances, and promising that he would raise him 
to high titles and dignities. Upon this, it is said, the noble 
Murar Baji retorted : "Ye are Turks and Tartars and what 
care I for you and your offerings? I am a true servant 
to Shivaji and will not hear of terms of surrender. Sooner- 
will I die than yield." With these words he prepared to 
aim a sword thrust at Diler Khan, when the latter, bow in 
hand, deftly shot an arrow and killed him on the spot. 
The garrison soldiers accompanying their noble leader fell 
back at once and betook themselves fighting all the while 
into the upper fort, closing its massive gate in the face of 
the enemy. 1 A timely succour from Shivaji revived their 
spirit and encouraged them to renew the struggle. The blare 
of trumpets and the booming of war-drums began to resound 
once more and the cannonading was again resumed from 
the upper ridges. The Moguls were forced to relinquish all 
the ground they had won. 

But Diler Khan doffed his turban and vowed never 
to wear it again till the fortress was captured. He again 
carried the lower slopes, and considering the northern face 
of Purandar impregnable determined to carry by escalade 
a small detached fort lying towards the northwest, called the 
fort of Rudramal, or as Grant Duff calls it, the fort of 
Vajragad, with a view to bring up his guns upon that fort 
and direct them upon the main fortifications of Purandar. 
The havaldars in command of this fort were two brothers, 
Babaji Bowaji and Yeshwantrao Bowaji. Confident that 
Murar Baji, of whose death they had not heard, would send 
aid to their rescue, the havaldar brothers put up a strenu- 

1 There arose a superstitious tradition that when the head of 
Murar Baji was severed from the trunk the latter continued to mow 
down the Mahomedana I 


ous fight. In the end they were slain and the fort 
surrendered. The fort of Vajragad was a key to unlock the- 
fort of Purandar. Diler Khan now opened a vigorous fire- 
from the top of this fort against the upper fort of Purandar. 
But the rains set in shortly after and retarded the 
operations. The garrison, who had hitherto never lost 
heart notwithstanding the death of their captain and were 
emulous to lay down their own lives after his example, 
were, however, somewhat dispirited when they saw that 
they were now caught between two fires. The Mogul artil- 
lery was however extremely bad, and though continued 
for weeks was found to have done very poor execution., 
while the rain considerably hampered the Mogul enter- 
prise. Shivaji sent such relief as was possible and earnest 
instructions to hold on, until he should send them word, 
to surrender. 

While Diler Khan sat with iron tenacity before the- 
rocky walls of Purandar, Jay Singh had not been idle. 
He had organized many a raiding attack in the territory- 
surrounding these forts. The flying columns of the 
Moguls ravaged the villages, leaving, not a vestige of 
cultivation or habitation, but an utter desolation, wherever 
they went l This was the usual kind of warfare with the- 
agricultural classes favoured by the imperial commanders 
in the south. It was vindictive in its aims and 
methods. Its object was to terrorize Shivaji, to bring; 
home to him the vastness of the military resources of the- 
empire, and to induce him at length to make a complete 
surrender, reposing his faith absolutely in the good faith 
of Jay Singh. On the other hand the Maratba captains 
did not take these things quite so meekly. From April to 
May, Netaji Palkar pursued with frequent success his old 
tactics of sudden forays upon the Mogul camp. Jay Singh o 
course in his despatches to the emperor drew a rosy picture 
of his triumphs, but even he had often to admit that he- 
had not always succeeded in frustrating the plans of the 
* Jay Singh's letters, (Paris MS.) quoted by Prof. Sarkar. 


Marathas. The brilliant successes of Shivaji's captains, 
their assaults on dark nights, their blockade of roads and 
difficult passes have called forth the admiration of Khafi 
Khan. 1 

While these operations were in progress against Puran- 
dar, Sinhagad was also the scene of an active siege under 
the direction of a deputy of Jay Singh. The Mogul 
commander had advanced to the wall and was planting 
batteries, when Shivaji's horse made a sudden raid upon 
the besiegers' camp just before it was day-break and looted 
his stores. The officer returned discomfited much to the 
astonishment of Jay Singh. This made a considerable 
impression upon Jay Singh as also did the fact that Shivaji's 
skirmishers had constantly carried on raids, cut off 
fodder, led surprise attacks, driven off sumpter beasts, 
and set the surrounding woods on fire. It made Jay 
^Singh impatient to have done with his onerous duty. 
He remonstrated with Diler Khan for his head-strong 
pride and folly. A single fort had already cost so many 
Mogul lives, aud yet the chances of conquest stood as far 
off as ever. Shivaji's men were of heroic mettle. One 
.hero took the place of another and there was no end to 4he 
tale of valour. What did Diler Khan expect to do with 
the more inaccessible forts of the Konkan and the Sahyadri 
ranges ? Of his own accord the Maratha prince was 
-coming down to make peace and friendship. Diler Khan 
had spurned the golden opportunity only to dispel faith 
.and confidence and play a losing game. These reproaches 
now seemed to make some impression upon Diler Khan, 
for he had learnt by bitter experience the arduous nature 
of the plan he had embarked upon. He replied to Jay 
Singh that he was not averse to a peace, provided some 
means could be found to draw Shivaji to a conference and 
the acceptance of a treaty; but he pointed out that he had 
sworn not to don his turban till Purandar were taken, so 
that the floating of the Mogul flag on the citadel of Puran- 
Khali Khan (Elliot VII, '272-273.) 


dar, was a sine qua non to any treaty proposals, though it 
might be open to Shivaji thereafter to have it restored to 
him by the terms of the treaty itself. 

Upon this Jay Singh renewed the negotiations which had 
been suspended by reason of the obstinacy of Diler Khan. 
He communicated to Shivaji that his terms were generally 
agreeable to him, a condition precedent being the hoisting 
of the Mogul flag upon Purandar. The stipulations were 
to be settled at a private conference subject to confirmation 
by the emperor. Shivaji was gratified at the renewal of 
the overtures, though for the time he feigned anger at the 
abrupt breaking off of the original negotiations and the 
losses he had sustained in consequence. Far from his having 
to surrender Purandar, he declared, it was for the Moguls to 
surrender Rudramal and raise the siege-lines round Purandar 
itself. In reply Jay Singh repeated his assurance and 
undertook to make every concession. 

Shivaji then arranged to meet Jay Singh at a personal 
conference. He started with a large retinue of officers 
and attendants with every mark of royal pomp and mag- 
nificence. His personal attendants were arrayed in rich 
embroideries and ornaments. 1 His courtiers and officers 
wore jewelled brocades. The body-guard of Mavalis and 
Hetkaris was also brilliantly attired. Shivaji's own 
attire was distinguished for its simplicity. He rode an 
elephant, with bow and arrows. Baghunathpant led the 

1 Grant Dutf and the author of the Bandela Memoirs say that 
Shivaji was frightened by the large massing of the Mogul forces around 
Purandar and came to Jay Singh's camp with his retinae. Jay Singh 
sent forward his son Kirat Singh to receive him at the camp gate and 
himself came up to the entrance of his pavilion to welcome Shivaji. 
Khafi Khan says Shivaji's wife and maternal relations were in the fort 
of Sinhagad and the fort being besieged closely he could not rescue 
them. Therefore he sent men to ask for pardon and himself proposed 
to visit Jay Singh in his camp. The latter sent his Afunahi to tell him 
that if Sbivaji submitted frankly and gave up his forts his petition 
would be granted; otherwise he had better return and renew the war. 
Shivaji assured him that he was in earnest, and then the Rajah sent 
a person of high rank to receive Shivaji. 


way to the tent of Jay Singh. The Rajput came out to 
receive his guest. The Maratha dismounted at the sight 
of the veteran Rajput. The Rajput dismounted in his 
turn, and the chieftains embraced. A flourish of trumpets 
was sounded by both body-guards. The Mogul officers 
came crowding out to have a look at the distinguished 
Maratha warrior. Shivaji's bearing and manners made 
a favourable impression upon the haughty aristocracy of 
the Mogul camp. 

The warrior chief returned to the tent of Jay Singh 
amid great eclat. The nobles on either side were intro- 
duced. Jay Singh complimented Shivaji on his bravery 
which had brought the Mahomedan chiefs of North and 
South into so much trouble. He professed himself to 
be anxious to forward Shivaji's interests consistently with 
the interests of the empire. He would treat him as he 
would his eldest son, Ram Singh. He might rely on his 
word. Shivaji made the utmost professions of humility 
and respect, offering to place his kingdom at his feet, as 
a dutiful sou to hia solicitous parent. He had full faith in 
his honour and professions and complied with his wishes 
"to come to a conference. 1 He was prepared unreservedly 
to place all his hill-forts at Jay Singh's disposal. Jay 
Singh was greatly delighted at Shivaji's loyal proposals, 
'but pointed out that Diler Khan's good will must first 
T)e conciliated. He was a haughty patrician of Afghan 
descent and enjoyed the imperial favour as no other omrah 
at the court did. It was essential that he must be 
flattered into reconciliation. He would send Shivaji to 
Diler Khan's tent with an escort of Rajput officers under 
a brave noble of the Mogul court. Shivaji agreed to the 

1 According to Manucci (who was an artillery officer in Jay Singh's 
camp) Jay Singh had endeavoured to create in Shivaji's mind a good 
opinion about himself and assured him prior to the meeting that if he 
put his entire trust in him he would attain all his objects at the hands 
of the emperor. Shivaji had several conversations with Manucci, who 
testifies to the inquisitiveness with which Shivaji informed himself aboub 
'things European. 


/proposal. Diler Khan lay encamped before the gates of 
Purandar. He was exceedingly mortified at Jay Singh's 
receiving Shivaji without reference to him, and thought 
.that Shivaji was now visiting him after carrying things 
half-way with the Rajput. 1 He was smarting under the 
sense of his humiliation at not having yet fulfilled the 
vow of the conquest of Purandar. He felt that in the 
.end the whole credit of the campaign was going to Jay 
Singh's account. He suspected that Hindu was acting in 
collusion with Hindu and was frustrating the objects of 
his compaign. Thus he nursed his irritation and anger, 
and received Shivaji in a cold and formal manner. The 
Khan had no faith in Shivaji and kept his arms ready 
beside him, even when they were seated next to each 
other on the divan. Subhan Singh, the maternal uncle 
of Jay Singh, began to explain the proposal for a treaty. 
The Khan, however, with simulated wrath threatened 
to persevere in reducing Purandar and putting every 
man to the sword. "Until this is achieved," he exclaimed, 
"I won't hear of a peace." This was a mere threat and 
.Shivaji's courtly and adroit reply soothed his anger. "The 
fort is yours", said Shivaji. "Why put yourself to so 
much ado on that account?! am come here in person to 
place the keys of its portals in your gracious hands. 
With Purandar I am prepared to make over all my other 
.forts and lands. My only entreaty is for pardon and 
forgiveness. Well do I know that it is not for a poor 
chief like me to defy an imperial general of your calibre 
and distinction. Your Lordship's propitious favour and 
mediation will be the ladder of my good fortune." The 
Khan was highly gratified with Shivaji's courtly flattery 

1 It appears from Jay Singh's letters that in order to impress 

Shivaji and induce him to make a surrender of his forts, Jay Singh had 
. arranged with Diler Khan and his son Kirat Singh to deliver a final 
.assault upon Purandar at the very time when Shivaji was coming for hia 

interview to the Mogul camp, so that while the conference between Jay 
. Singh and Shivaji was going on, the latter could see from the Raja's 

tent, which commanded a full view of the siege operations, the assault! 

'being delivered. 


and replied that Jay Singh was his senior and in personal 
favour with the emperor. He was a mere satellite. The 
final disposition of things was in Jay Singh's hands, 
whose word was law to him. With this the conference 
broke up and with it the siege of Purandar. The opera- 
tions of war were succeeded by an interchange of friendly 
amenities. Shivaji entertained Jay Singh, Diler Khan 
and the leading omrahs and officers of the Mogul camp to 
a sumptuous banquet. The Mogul commanders returned 
the compliment to Shivaji and his courtiers. 

On the conclusion of the armistice Shivaji returned 
to Raigad. After several conferences the following terms 
of agreement were entered upon, subject to the imperial 
sanction, but granted under the personal guarantee of Jay 
Singh. The first condition was that Shivaji should cede 
whatever forts or territory he had taken from the Moguls. 
Of the 32 forts taken or built by him in the territory 
which had at one time or other been under the Nizam 
Shahi kingdom, Shivaji was to relinquish 20 to Jay 
Singh and retain the remaining 12, with the territory 
adjoining to these forts, 1 yielding an annual revenue of 
ten lakhs of rupees, and these forts and revenue together 
with all the reet of his acquisitions from the Bijapur 
kingdom were to continue under him as a jahgir depending 
on the emperor. Shivaji's son Sambhaji, then a stripling 
of only eight years, was to receive an imperial mansab of 
5000 horse. In lieu of the hereditary claims on the Nizam- 
shahi territory which Shivaji hereby undertook to cede, he 
was to be granted the assignments of chauth and sirdesh- 
mukhi on certain territories above the ghata under the 

1 According to some authorities 25, and again according to others 
27 forts, were to be relinquished. Khafi Khan says the forts ceded were 
23 and the ceded territory yielded a revenue of forty lakhs. Prof. Sarkar 
says the forts ceded were 23, with an annual revenue of 4 lakhs of 
pagodas (i. e. twenty lakhs of rupees) and those remaining with Shivaji 
were 12, with a revenue of one lakh of pagodas. But Raj wade (VIII, 14) 
quotes an imperial rescript to Shivaji, in which the forts ceded are stated 
to be twenty. Prof. Sarkar gives a list of the 23 forts ( Shivaji- . 
pp. 156, 157). 


Bijapur kingdom as also the cession of the sea-fort of 
Janjira. Should the last two conditions be ratified by the 
emperor, Shivaji was to pay the sum of 40 lakhs of 
pagodas as a premium or peshkush by annual instalments 
of three lakhs of pagodas, the charge of collecting which 
he took upon himself; and lastly he also agreed to main- 
tain a special cavalry force in the Mogul service. 

These conditions were submitted in petition form to the 
emperor Aurangzeb, with the special recommendation of 
Jay Singh that the terms be ratified. Jay Singh drew the 
emperor's attention to the service Shivaji was capable of 
rendering to the empire, calling him the Key of the 
Deccan and declaring his belief that without his accession 
to the imperial side, the conquest of the Deccan would 
never be realized. At Jay Singh's suggestion, Shivaji 
intimated his desire of visiting the emperor. 

In a long letter to Shivaji Aurangzeb distinctly 
confirmed most of the terms proposed by him. As to the 
grant of chauth and sirdeshmukhi over Bijapur terri- 
tories, Aurangzeb agreed to a cession of certain Bijapur 
territories on the distinct understanding that he should 
co-operate with Jay Singh, together with all his forces 
in the campaign against Bijapur and exert himself in the 
conquest of that kingdom and pay forthwith the first 
instalment of the peshkush he had agreed to pay for 
these assignments. The cession of Janjira was not granted. 1 

Pursuant to thia agreement, Shivaji, with a body of 
2000 horse and 8,000 infantry participated in Jay Singh's 
campaign against Bijapur. Their first operations were 
directed against Bajaji Naik Nimbalkar of Phaltan who 

1 Vide faraenis MiS. No. 8; Rajwade VIII, 14 The chaubh and 
sirdeshmukhi are nob mentioned in Aurangzeb's letter to Shivaji. Aurang- 
zeb apparently assigned to Sbivaji tbe prospective conquests of the 
Adil Shabi Balegbat districts, with an annual revenue of four lakhs of 
ppgcdaa, provided that Shivaji recovered them before Bijapur fell into 
the hands of the oguls and provided ha actively co-operated wifch Jay 
Singh in the invasion upon Bijapur territory. 


was completely overthrown, and the town of Fhaltan 
fell into the hands of the invaders. The chief of 
Phaltan, though a relation of Shivaji, had never been on 
friendly terms with him and took greater pride in his 
unswerving allegiance to the Adil-Shahi house. The 
iort of Tattora ( Tathavda ), another of Nimbalkar's 
strongholds was escaladed by Shivaji's Mavalis. 1 All 
other fortified places on the line of march fell before tne 
Invading army. 

Ali Adil Shaha II had prepared his troops, but at 
the same time endeavoured to avert the storm by promises 
to concede the Mogul demands. In this he had no success. 
Jay Singh and Diler Khan continued to advance and 
carry fort after fort. At length the rival powers con- 
fronted one another on the field of Mangalwedhe and 
a desperate battle ensued. The Bijapur army was composed 
to a large extent of the Maratha light cavalry and many 
distinguished Maratha nobles could be counted in their ranks. 
Distinguished among the rest was Shivaji's half-brother 
the Raja Vyankoji, whose gallantry in the field attracted 
general attention. On the Mogul side the Maratha 
arms were represented by Shivaji's contingent, ably led by 
'Shivaji himself and Netaji Palkar. The valour and strategy 
evinced by the Maratha commanders evoked the ungrudging 
admiration of Jay Singh and the Mogul officers. 
Every detail of military duty entrusted to them was dis- 
charged with conspicuous success. The Bijapur forces, as 
was to be expected, were defeated. 

1 Shivaji's wife Sayibai is said to have been a sister of Bajaji 
NimbaLkar aad his daughter Sakhubai was married to his son Mahadaji. 
After the capture of Sambhaji by the Moguls Mahadaji Nimbalkar and 
Sakhubai were, according to Khali Khan, taken prisoners and confined 
in Gwalior Fort. Mr. Sardesai, (Marathi Riyasat, P. 490) following 
the Phaltan dajtar and an article in the Itihas Sangraha, tells the tradi- 
tional story that on account of family feuds Bajaji was taken a prisoner 
to the Adil Shahi court and forced to become a Mahomedan to save 
his life, and that in about 1657, with the active encouragement of Jijabai, 
Shivaji's mother, he was purified at the temple of Shingnapur and recon- 
verted to Hinduism, and to set all doubts at rest Shivaji's daughter 
was given in marriage to the son of Bajaji. 


Jay Singh spared no compliments in acknowledging 
the services of Shivaji in this battle. Courage, bravery, 
skill seemed to be splendidly united in his actions. He 
made special mention of these services in his despatches to 
Aurangzeb about the event, upon which the emperor 
addressed a second letter to Shivaji extolling his prowess and 
services and sent him a robe of honour and a jewelled 
dagger as a mark of his appreciation. 1 

In this manner the allied forces of Jay Singh and 
Shivaji advanced to within ten miles of the fort of Bijapur. 
Here their further advance was stopped. The Maratha and 
Mahomedan nobles of the Adil Shahi state hastened to the 
rescue of their capital. They laid waste the country all 
around and forced the invading hosts to retire for want 
of fodder and water. The Moguls fell back upon Perinda. 
Shivaji asked permission to make a diversion against 
Panhala, a fort of which he knew all the ins and outs. But 
here his usual good luck forsook him, chiefly on account 
of the unexpected defection of Netaji Palkar, who was won 
over by the Adil Shahi officers to their side by the offer of 
a heavy bribe. 2 Jay Singh, however, was not the man to lose 
the services of such an excellent cavalry officer to the 
imperial cause. He made still more tempting promises, 
offered him a mansab of 5000 horse, and a substantial jahgir. 
So Netaji Palkar followed the Mogul flag again and soon 
came back to his old allegiance. 3 

1 Vide Parasnis MSS. No. 9 and Raj wade, VIII, 15. 

* Khafi Khan (Elliot VII, 278.) 

8 When Shivaji went to Agra, Netaji Palkar continued to serve under 
Jay Singh but was evidently considered a member of Shivaji's contingent. 
Khafi Khan tells us that upon the escape of Shivaji from Agra, Jay 
Singh acting under the emperor's order arrested Netaji Palkar and his 
son and sent them to court (i. e. Agra). Here ia order to save himself 
Palkar became a Mahomedan and was given a small mansab. Bab 
afterwards in 1676 he escaped to Shivaji in the south and re-canted 
( Elliot VII, 280). He underwent a purification ceremony and was 
readmitted to Hinduism (Jedhe Chronology). We have already seen how 
Jijabai had interested herself in the re-admission to Hindu caste of 
Bajaji Nimbalkar. 


The growing difficulties of the siege of Bijapur again 
roused the suspicion of Diler Khan that these difficulties- 
were of Shivaji's making. Jay Singh saw the injustice- 
of this suspicion on the part of Diler Khan. It is said 
that Diler Khan constantly asked him to put Shivaji to 
death and undertook to murder him without any impair- 
ment to the Mirza Raja's reputation. But Jay Singh had 
given the most solemn assurances of safety to Shivaji when 
he made his submission and refused to be a party to such 
a dishonest proposal. It may be it was partly due to this 
motive that he had sanctioned the diversion upon Fanhala. 
Shivaji now retired to Khelna (Vishalgad) and in spite of 
the failure of the attack on Panhala was courteously 
treated by Jay Singh. 1 From Khelna he sent an army 
under a Mahomedan officer to attack Phonda. 8 This town 
underwent a long siege, on account of the collusion of 
Bustom Jeman, the Adil Shahi governor in those parts- 
Rustom Jeman in the end being taunted by his sultan for 
his remissness sent one of his lieutenants to relieve the 
town. Rustom Jeman endeavoured to reinstate himself 
in his king's favour by capturing Kudal, Bande, Sankhali, 
Dicholi, and other minor stations, forming the barrier terri- 
tory between Sawantwadi and the Portuguese domains of 
Goa. 3 

Soon afterwards, Aurangzeb, at the suggestion of 
Jay Singh, again wrote to Shivaji and invited him to 
the imperial court, promising to confer on him a great 
rank and honour with permission to return to the Deccan. 
At the same time Aurangzeb sent immediate orders to 

1 Vide Khafi Khan, (Elliot VII, 278). Aa to Diler Khan's suspicion 
and proposal to put Shivaji to death see Manucci, Storia, II, 137. The 
Jedhe Chronology p. 187, says Shivaji took leave of Jay Singh and 
went to Raigad. 

1 First siege of Phonda 1666. Shivaji's Mahomedan officer was 
defeated by stratagem by the Adil Shahi officer, Vide Factory Records, 
Surat 104, referred to by Prof. Sarkar in his Shivaji, p. 313, foot-note. 

3 Prof. Sarkar makes wild guesses in trying to trace Sankhali and 
Dicholi on the atlas. These village towns form part of the Bardesh district 
of Goa. 


Jay Singh in his capacity as the nubhedar of AurangabacI 
to pay a lakh of rupees from the imperial treasury to 
Shivaji for his travelling expenses and send him to 
Delhi without loss of time. Upon receipt of these orders, 
Jay Singh advised Shivaji to proceed to Agra without 
any anxiety, promising that his son Ram Singh would 
look after his comfort and safety. Upon these assurances 
Shivaji resolved to visit Agra. 1 

Shivaji visited the emperor actually at Agra, not at Delhi. 


WHEN the decision to visit the imperial capital was 
finally made, Shivaji left the Mogul camp and proceeded 
to Raigad, where he had summoned his principal officers 
to communicate to them his intention. Not a few of them 
expressed their disapproval, pointing out that Aurangzet> 
was a sort of impious Titan, who never forgot his intrigues 
nor his enmities. To trust him was to take a leap in the 
dark. Besides Delhi was two months' journey off, and who 
would say what difficulties would have to be encountered? 
To these criticisms Shivaji replied that to go to Delhi was 
now a necessity, and he depended on the utterance of his 
tutelary goddess in this connection. For the prophecy had 
then been made that Shivaji would have to go to Delhi 
and his tutelary deity would bring him safe from harm. 
A journey to the north had besides its educative value. It 
would enable him to observe the state of the country and 
the Mogul durbar, to view those countries which at one time 
had been under the sway of his ancestors, and to visit the 
great shrines and holy rivers of Aryavarta. Jay Singh's 
guarantee had dispelled all fears and the emperor's friendly 
disposition had been proved by the Treaty of Purandar. 
Notwithstanding all the assurances, should any unfore- 
seen calamity overtake him, he hoped he would make shift 
to emerge from it in triumph. In this manner Shivaji 
overruled tbe objections of his counsellors and adhered 
to his resolution to visit Delhi in company with his eldest 
son Sambhaji. 

Shivaji invested three of his principal officers, Moropant 
Trimal, the Peshwa, Annaji Datto, the Surnis ( the record 
keeper), and Nilo Sondev, the Muzumdar (the auditor 
general) with full authority during his absence, bade 
them conduct all the administration from Raigad under 
the regency of Jijabai, and enjoined upon all public offi- 
cers to respect and obey their orders. To Prataprao and 


others of his intimate nobles he entrusted the care of his^ 

mother and second son. He made a tour of inspection 

throughout his kingdom. He urged all to conduct the- 

administration with the same efficiency as heretofore, to 

defend the realm and add to it, and to be on the watch for 

any news about him from Delhi. Whatever evil might 

betide, he was sure to return, and the word of men like 

Jay Singh c6uld not be pledged in vain. But should the 

unexpected happen and trouble come upon his party, it 

was left to his officers and ministers to cheer up his old 

mother and guard the kingdom and govern it in the 

name of Rajaram. In their zeal, their loyalty, and 

their ability he had complete confidence. For his escort 

Shivaji chose men of approved loyalty, who would never 

forsake him in any crisis. Among the principal officers there 

were Niraji Ravji, Trimbak Sondev Dabir, Dattaji 

Trimbak, Manako Hari Sabnis, 1 and among his aides-de- 

camp were Hiroji Farzand, Ragho Mittra, Dawalji Gadge, 

and Jiva Mahalya. 3 With these Shivaji had a corps of 

expert swordsmen and a Mavali brigade of three to four 

thousand warriors. 3 As the hour of parting came near, 

Shivaji had a last interview with the leading ministers, 

after which he paid bia reverence to the image of his 

tutelary deity in the palace chapel and came down to the 

apartments of his mother for her parting benediction. 

This parting was the most painful of all, but as she clasped 

him in a close embrace and laid her hand upon his head, 

her hopes and blessings struggled forth into incoherent 

words through her tears and emotfon. Shivaji listened to 

her blessings and the old, old precepts which he had listened 

1 Uhitnia substitutes for this name Jivanram Manko. He also 
adds to this list the names of Balaji Avji Chitnis and JNarhar Balla 

a Sabhasad omits the names of Gadge and Mahalya. The Shiv- 
digvijaya gives the names of Raghunathrao Korde, Yesaji Kunk, 
Tanaji Maluaare and Balaji Avji. It is clear from Jedhe Chronology (p. 
188 ) that Trimbakpant Dabir and Raghunathpant Korde accompanied. 
Shivaji a. id were arrested after his escape from Agra. 

3 Some bakhars state that Prataprao Guzar accompanied Shivaji. 


to from the days of his childhood and always with 
increasing enthusiasm. 

Before proceeding directly to Delhi, Shivaji had 
another conference with Jay Singh, who gave an enter- 
tainment in his honour. He also gave advice to Shivaji 
from his wider experience as to the ways of Delhi life and 
the society at court. He gave him a special letter to be 
handed to his son, Ram Singh 1 who was at the Mogul 
darbar. In this epistle, Jay Singh enjoined upon his son to 
pay proper attention to Shivaji and his party and supply 
their needs with the greatest zeal and diligence at his 
command. Finally, Jay Singh undertook to remain in the 
Deccan as long as Shivaji was at Delhi, so as to safeguard 
Shivaji's forts and possessions from any molestation at the 
hands of the Moguls, and he promised that in case of 
danger, Ram Singh would leave no stone unturned to effect 
Shivaji's rescue, even at the cost of an open rupture with 
Aurangzeb, nor would he himself fail in his turn by his 
actions to do all he could to humble the haughty emperor. 

With these assurances and re-assurances Shivaji started 
on the fateful march to Delhi, having already sent 
his envoy in advance. Orders had been issued to all the 
mahalkaria (taluka-officers ) and mokassdars (revenue 
farmers ) to require the local fouzdars ( garrison com- 
manders ) on Shivaji's route to provide for all the wants 
of his force and treat him as a prince of the empire. 
At every halt the local dignitaries came to pay their 
respects to one of whose fame and valour they had 
heard so much. The district and taluka officers took 
particular care not to cause the least annoyance or dis- 
respect to Shivaji, who was known to be very sensitive 
on this subject. In connection with this subject a story 
is told of what had recently occurred at Aurangabad, 
when Shivaji called there on his way to Agra. The 
governor Safshikan Khan, did not come to the city 

1 Some bakhars state that Ram Singh was in the Deocan with his 
father and waa sent thence to Agra to accompany Shivaji. 


gates to receive Shivaji, but sent his nephew instead. Shivaji 
in anger instead of calling on the governor proceeded immedi- 
ately to the residence provided for him, whereupon the gover- 
nor's kinsman submitted that the governor was waiting in> 
the audience hall to receive Shivaji. Shivaji retorted that if 
the governor meant to make so much of him he might have 
come to receive him at the gate. 1 Later when the governor 
and his officers came on formal visits to Shivaji's quarters 
they made a proper apology and banqueted the guests. 
Their example was followed by the other nobles in the camp. 

A story that is told in connection with the prepa- 
rations for the journey to the north illustrates the strict- 
ness of military discipline, characteristic of Shivaji's 
fort administration. With a view to test the observance 
of his rules of discipline, Shivaji presented himself sud- 
denly at night at the gates of a fort and, calling out to 
the commander of the garrison, sent word that Shivaji 
in person was come, flying before the enemy and ordered 
the gate to be thrown open for him. The captain of the 
fort manned the ramparts and replied that Shivaji'^ 
strict orders were not to open the fort gates under any 
circumstances, that if the foe did approach he might be 
kept at bay from the out-posts at the outer barrier of th& 
fort, and he would see to this being done. But as for the- 
fugitive party they must keep without under the ramparts. 
Upon this Shivaji protested that he was the author 
both of the disciplinary regulations and of the command 
to open the gates. If he still persisted in his refusal, 
he would come in for a severe censure. A loyal soldier's 
duty was to obey immediate commands, no matter how- 
ever inconsistent with general regulations. But the 
governor made little of these threats and pointing out that 
the night waa almost turning into day assured him 
that the pursuing foe would be baffled in the chase. 

1 This anecdote is given on. the authority of Scott Waring and 
the Bundela Memoirs (tftuhka-i-Dilkaaha). 



Nevertheless he detained Shivaji's party outside the 
fort walls for the rest of the night. When morning dawned 
the governor and the principal offenders appeared at the 
gate with their hands bound, and unbolting the gate gave 
admission to Shivaji and prostrated themselves before him, 
acknowledging their guilt and demanding instant punish- 
ment. Shivaji was quite overjoyed with this proof of 
their adherence to discipline and regulations and far 
from imposing any kind of censure gave them higher 
positions in the army. With this moral certainty that 
the administration at the various fort centres would be 
conducted in a spirit of harmony and discipline, Shivaji 
Jeft for the north. 

When it was announced that Shivaji's cavalcade was 
about to approach Agra, 1 Aurangzeb sent Earn Singh 
and -Makhlis Khan, a nobleman of somewhat inferior rank, 
to receive him. This marked slight, though it did not 
pass unobserved, Shivaji forbore to notice. He took up 
his residence at the mansion appointed for him and urged 
upon Ram Singh to hasten the day of the audience. He 
also represented to the Rajput prince that the meeting 
should be arranged on a footing of equality as between 
ruler and ruler. But Ram Singh pointed out that this 
"was impossible, and that the haughty sovereign of the empire 
-would never treat the ruler of a small principality on 
terms of equality, and declared that it would be ' highly 
imprudent to communicate to him such a proposal. 

Aurangzeb indeed was disposed to play the host on 
a scale of imperial splendour. Nothing was wanting to the 
comfort of Shivaji and his party. But to kindle his old 

l According to Grant Duff and the bakhara, iSbivaji's meeting with 
.Aurangzeb at the imperial durbar took place at Delhi. Shivaji might 
ifaave left Raigad with a view to visit Aurangzeb at Delhi. Bab 
soon after the death of Shaha Jahan in January 1666, Aurangzeb 
rremoved hia court to Agra which was practically his capital for the rest 
of his reign. Khafi Khan is, therefore, right when he says that Shivaji 
visited the emperor at Agra. The Jedhe Chronology also mentions 
.Agra as the Mogul capital visited by Shivaji. Vide Rajwade VIII, 23, 


anrnity and add fuel to his passion certain zenana influ- 
ences were being exercised. 1 The wife of Shaista Khan 
was then at Agra. She naturally harboured an unfor- 
giving grudge for one who had slain her son and discom- 
fited her husband. She spread the infection of her revenge- 
ful hatred among the ladies of the imperial seraglio, 
urging upon them to plead with the emperor that now 
that Shivaji was in his power, he should, instead of treat- 
ing him as an honoured guest of the empire, lead him to 
the execution block. This made Aurangzeb's mind 
waver. The gossip of these intrigues in the imperial 
household came to the ears of the leading omrahs of the 
court. They deprecated such a proposal, affirming that 
the imperial honour should not be stained in so foul 
a manner and that their own lives and fortunes rested 
entirely on the emperor's reputation for good faith. A 
treachery so glaring and unforgiveable was bound to throw 
Jay Singh and the rest of the Rajput supporters of the 
throne into open rebellion. These protestations had their 
effect and Aurangzeb revised his judgment. 

When Ram Singh arranged the day for the audience 
which happened to be the fiftieth birth-day of the emperor, 
special precautions were taken and the most loyal 
nobles and the pathans of the praetorian guard stood 
in their appointed places, round the throne, with naked 
swords in their hands. The emperor had his own fears; 
he had heard that Shivaji was no ordinary man. Gossip 
said that he was a very devil at requiting an injury, and 
that his stride sometimes measured twenty- five cubits 
in length ! In addition to the precautions that have been 
mentioned, the emperor had in readiness close to his seat 
five different weapons of war and was clad in mail, over 
which was worn a robe of muslin. Owing to a natural 
curiosity to see so distinguished a warrior of the south 
the audience hall was crowded with leading nobles and 
merchant princes of the capital. The zenana Jadies burned 
1 The authority for thia ia bernier. 


with the same curiosity, and arrangements were made 
for them behind the tapestry. As the durbar hour drew 
near, Shivaji with Ram Singh and a few chosen attendants 
came to the hall. He made the usual salutation, 1 placed 
the nazar ( loyal present ) before the throne and was 
introduced according to the usual etiquette of the court to 
the emperor. Aurangzeb made the usual enquiries after 
his health and Shivaji gave the proper answers. This 
being done, Aurangzeb motioned him with his hand to take 
his place among the second-rate amirs. Earn Singh led 
the way to that part of the hall and Shivaji had no alter- 
native but to follow. He could now no longer suppress 
his indignation and seating himself instead of standing . 
with the rest of the nobles, he inquired what was the rank 
of the amirs among whom he was placed. Earn Singh's 
answer that they were mansabdars holding command of 
five thousand men only aggravated his anger and he 
ejaculated that the emperor had grossly insulted him in 
ranking him with such inferior officers, and that he could 
not with self-respect accept such a position^ Saying this, , 
he demanded a dagger from Earn Singh. 2 The emperor 

1 According to the chronicle of Uhitnis, bhivaji did not make the 
salutation required by the durbar etiquette and Ram Singh scraped 
through it somehow. Sabhasad saya that Shivaji made a triple Salaam, 
reconciling himself to the act by mentally devoting the first bow to the 
god bhambhu Mahadev, the second to the goddess Jagadamba, and . 
the third to his father Shahaji. 

2 It may be inferred from this that Shivaji had to enter the durbar 
hall without his arms. It is difficult to conjecture why he now demanded 
a dagger. According to the Bundela Memoirs Shivaji fainted with > 
grief at the insult and had to be removed to the bath-room where by 
sprinkling rose-water etc. he was brought back to his senses. The 
author of these memoirs believes that Shivaji was frightened at the 
sight of the splendour of the Mogul court and lost his senses with 
astonishment ! He also adds that on recovering his senses he got him- 
self to be conveyed to his residence, where he became delirious, exclaiming 
in his fit that he was a fool to be caught in the talc na of an eagle and 
asking why he did not kill him outright. The bakhaia and the bundela . 
Memoirs further state that thivaji asked of Ram Singh the name of 
the Rajput commander who was standing in front of him, and hearing 
that it was the Raja Rai Singh exclaimed, "Rai Singh! What? Ami. 


inquired what was a-foot, and the amirs repeated Shivaji's 
words. 1 Thereupon Uhe emperor, fearing that Shivaji's 
3xcitement might lead him to some excess, ordered Bam 
Singh to present to him the betel-nut leaf in token of 
parting, 2 and to conduct him to his residence, adding that 
the audience might be completed on the morrow. 

But no more audience was granted. The emperor had 
no desire to see Shivaji again, The latter was now struck 
with dismay, being convinced that the emperor meditated 
avil. To know the worst and be prepared for it, he sent 
Ram Singh to enquire into Aurangzeb's intentions. Aurang- 
zeb replied that it was his imperial pleasure to retain Shivaji 
at the Mogul court and entrust him with military duties 
of the highest importance. Besides the jahgir in the 
Deccan which had already been conceded to him agreeably 
to his own stipulations, the emperor professed to confer 
on him an additional jahgir in the north with a revenue 
of lacs of rupees. Shivaji might put the southern jahgir in 
charge of his son: and in virtue of the northern jahgir he might 
serve in the imperial armies at the head of hia own force 
of 50 to 100 thousand. For a man of Shivaji's bravery, 
generalship and statesmanship, the Mogul durbar was 
the only arena for the proper exercise of his high gifts. 

Theso prospects of high office under the Mogul were 
quite distasteful to Shivaji's ideas, apart from the fact 

considered only equal to him ?" Sabhasad and Chibnis substitute the 
name of Jaswant oingh for Rai Singh. But Jaswant Singh was a haft' 
hazari and a friend of Shivaji, who was not likely to make an ungenerous 
comparison with him. Rai Singh was a subordinate officer. 

1 Orme says that Sbivaji rebuked the emperor about hia motives 
and said that the Shaista Khan affair and the sack of Surat must have 
taught him who he was. With that he drew hia dagger intending to 
plunge it into his own breast, but was prevented by the by-standers, 
and the emperor reassured him that he had nothing to fear and exhorted 
him to live in his service and take part in the Mogul campaign against) 

2 Khafi Khan states that the jewelled -crest, ornaments and an elephanb 
which had been kept ready for presentation to Shivaji remained unpre- 
eented on account of the sensational termination of the audience. 


that the sincerity of these proposals was very doubtful 
It was obvious to Shivaji that these were the blandish- 
ments devised by a naturally crafty and astute mind tc 
entangle him in the north while undermining his power 
in the south. He, therefore, petitioned the emperor through 
Raghunathpant, pointing out that he had been invited to 
the durbar by hopes of promotion, 1 that his services to the 
Mogul flag were already too well known to require repeti- 
tion, and that he was quite prepared to fulfil to the letter 
the terms of the treaty madif with Jay Singh. He submitted 
that he was willing N to co-operate heart and soul in the 
imperial project of the conquest of the Bijapur and Gol- 
conda kingdoms. He was capable of rendering much 
more vital service to the empire by operating in the south 
which was his own country and where he commanded 
such a large following and influence rather than in the 
north, where he was an exile and a stranger to the soil, 
without any friends or influence to boast of. Thus neither 
was it to the advantage of the empire that Shivaji should 
transfer the scene of his imperial service to the north, 
nor was it of any earthly use or convenience to him. 
Besides the northern climate did not agree with his health 
nor with that of his young son, or of the little contingent 
that accompanied him. He therefore craved the emperor's 
gracious permission to return to the Deccan. 

1 According to Manucci the agreement was that Shivaji was to be 
given the first place when he appeared in the durbar, and the agree- 
ment was broken by the emperor, though made in writing and on the 
oaths of Jay Singh and Aurangzeb himself. Prof. Sarkar believes that 
there is a graat probability in the assertion of the Maratha chronicles 
that Jay Singh had promised that on his return from the Mogul court. 
Shivaji would be given the viceroyalby of the Mogul Deccan. Khafi 
Khan asserts that Shivaji had a claim to nothing less than a haft-hazari 
(command of 7000), as his son Sambhaji and his general Netaji Palkar 
were already holding a mansab of 5000 each in the Mogul army. He 
asserts Jay Singh had made promises to Shivaji but had artfully 
refrained from making them known to the emperor. Sabhasad says that 
Shivaji had made the offer of conquering Bijapur and Golconda for the 
emperor if he were appointed the Mogul commander-in-chief in the 
Daccan, and Jay Singh had agreed to the proposal. 


To this petition the emperor vouchsafed no answer, 
BO much was he obsessed with the view that by detaining- 
Shivaji in the north, he would further his ambitious designs 
in the south. By the restraint he sought to practise- 
upon Shivaji, the emperor thought he would curb his 
haughty temper and reduce him to a state of helpless 
dependence. Shivaji was indeed entirely at his mercy 
and the only marvel is that he did not take more violent 
measures. But the stipulations made with Shivaji by the 
mediation of Jay Singh always came before his eyes and 
made him coward when the thought .of violence occurred 
to his mind.J Some Mahomedan chroniclers add that 
among the ladies of the imperial zenana who had seen 
the introduction of Shivaji in the audience hall, was 
a daughter of the emperor named zeb-un-nisa Begum. This 
princess had already before heard the fame of Shivaji's 
deeds and what she saw with her own, eyes of his hand- 
some person and behaviour worthy of a brave man and 
a soldier answered exactly to what she had expected in 
such a hero of romance. This princess, say some of 
these historians, pleaded with her father and successfully 
won him over from extreme measures. Besides it is 
easy to believe that Aurangzeb was quite sincere in pro- 
fessing a desire to make use of Shivaji's gifts and genius 
in war and might have attempted through the mediation 
of Ram Singh to induce him to remain permanently at 
the Mogul court, had not Shivaji persisted in his refusal. 

Among the omrahs in the confidence of the emperor 
was one Jaffar Khan a brother-in-law of Shaista Khan 
and prime minister to Aurangzeb. This noble is credited 
with having made a suggestion to Aurangzeb that 
in case Shivaji should not willingly agree to the proposal 
that he should reside at the imperial court as a grandee 
of the empire, he should be threatened and hampered in 
his movements and on no account allowed to return. 
This proposal seems to have been approved of by the 
emperor. On its coming to the knowledge of Shivaji 


he honoured Jaffar Khan with a visit and interviewed him 
on the subject, addressing himself to his sense of fair- 
ness and justice and exhorting him to use his powerful 
influence with the emperor to make him relent and fulfil 
his promise to permit his departure for the Deccan, with 
an escort befitting his rank. Jaffar Khan made a pretence 
of assenting to this request. But as a matter of fact 
even while the conversation was at its height the Khan's 
wife who happened to be a sister of Shaista Khan sent 
a secret message from the harem advising the Khan not to 
prolong his colloquies with Shivaji, as there was no 
knowing what he might do and when. At this warning on 
the part of his consort the uxorious Khan cut short the 
interview and presented the betel-nut leaves, a sign 
according to Indian usage that the visit was at an end. 

Aurangzeb pursued the policy of threatening Shivaji 
into submission and compliance with his wishes. The 
city kotwal ( commissary of police ) was given strict 
orders to place a guard of five thousand men upon 
Shivaji's residence, not to allow anybody to enter or 
depart without permission, and, in case of Shivaji's 
quitting the house, to provide a sufficient force that would 
be responsible for his custody. Shivaji remonstrated 
through Ram Singh, submitting that inasmuch as the 
emperor seemed to distrust him even when he was 
undertaking to subdue and make over to Aurangzeb the 
entire Deccan as a dutiful vassal of the empire, and 
inasmuch as he persisted in refusing to grant him permis- 
sion, though bound under the treaty, to return to the south, 
he felt the only alternative before him was to reconcile him- 
self to the emperor's wishes and to continue to remain at 
Agra as a nobleman of the court. Aurangzeb answered 
Ram Singh that the Raja Shivaji did not seem to act 
with sincerity. He had turned a deaf ear to all his solici- 
tations to take service among his feudal nobility in 
Hindustan. His pertinacity had driven the emperor to 
he necessity of restraining his movements, and until his 


mind was clear of doubt and misgiving he would remain 
in this unhappy predicament. On the other hand the 
emperor persisted in maintaining that he could have no 
covert object in ill-treating Shivaji, as he was bound in 
honour under the terms of the compact effected by Jay 
Singh and Diler Khan. He concluded by earnestly 
appealing to Ram Singh that he should use all his influence 
with Shivaji to convert him into a loyal champion and 
dignitary of the empire, as he himself was. When that 
was done, things would resume their natural course. 

When Ram Singh intimated to Shivaji the purport 
of this communication he saw that there was no pros- 
pect of success by any methods of persuasion. The police 
guard around his residence continued to increase in 
number. To elude them would tax the ingenuity of the 
ablest intriguer, but this was the question that now lay 
immediately before him. The first condition for the 
success of any plan he might form was to betray no sign 
of fear to friend or foe. The second problem was to 
reduce the number of those placed innocently in the same 
predicament as himself. It was clear that if a way 
could be found to extricate from Agra those loyal followers 
and dependents who had accompanied him from the 
Deccan, the problem of his own escape would present less 
difficulty. Shivaji, therefore, petitioned the emperor 
again, urging the hardship of detaining in the north his 
followers from the Deccan, as the northern climate did not 
agree with them and sickness was rife in their ranks. He, 
therefore, prayed that he might have permission to send 
most of them home, retaining only those whose services 
were needful. This would also mean a great saving to 
his exchequer. Aurangzeb was but too pleased to grant 
passports for the return of Shivaji's followers to the 
Deccan and his Maratha retinue with the exception of a few 
officers was ordered to return home. His loyal attendants 
were extremely reluctant to return, being aware of 
the serious predicament in which they were leaving their 


master, and Shivaji had great difficulty in explaining to 
his faithful adherents that the scheme he had formed for 
his own escape made it imperative that they should first 
leave their master. He assured them that he would 
return in safety and they should be under no anxiety oa 
this ground. The imperative orders thus received com- 
pelled them to turn their backs upon their master, who 
was now left to face calmly what was probably the greatest 
crisis in his career. 

Shivaji now obtained permission to exchange visits 
and cultivate friendly relations with the leading omrahs 
at the Mogul court. On these occasions, Ram Singh 
attended him and introduced to him the leading grandees 
of the court. Shivaji's suavity of manners and urbanity 
of social intercourse won golden opinions wherever he 
went. In his most intimate conversation he now began 
to harp on the change in his opinions and his determina- 
tion to aspire to the highest honours and dignities in the 
empire by rendering the most loyal and devoted service 
in field and council. These repeated professions gradually 
won the confidence of the courtiers and drew them into 
free and unrestrained social intercourse with Shivaji, 
nor did it take long for the rumour of his changed 
behaviour to reach the emperor's ears. 

Shivaji now commenced to celebrate special festivities 
every Thursday in the week under the pretence of 
a religious vow, and as a part of this function to send 
presents of sweets and confectionery to the great omrahs 
whose friendship he had taken such pains to cultivate. 
For the conveyance of these sweets to and from Shivaji's 
residence ten large baskets were ordered to be prepared. 
When filled with sweets, these monster baskets became 
so heavy as to require two persons to carry them. They 
were usually hung by ropes from a bamboo that rested 
on their shoulders. The sentinels used to order the 
carriers to lay down their burden and only allowed them 
to carry it on, after they had duly satisfied themselves about 


its contents. This went on from Thursday to Thursday 
and the sentinels got tired of the needless search, and 
instead of examining all the baskets one after another 
they began to examine just one or two to clear their 
conscience. The sentinels were on the best of terms with 
the august prisoner they guarded, having been won 
over by his repeated largesses and by the punctilious 
courtesy that the great Maratha never failed to extend 
to his keepers. Shivaji mingled in their blunt conversa- 
tion and unreserved ways of life and they used to 
speak freely to him of their hopes and fears as though 
he wore one of themselves. With equal tact Shivaji behaved 
towards the officers of the guard, k>sing no opportunity to 
expatiate on his allegiance to the emperor, with the 
natural result that they unconsciously relaxed the rigour 
of their surveillance. 

Now that there were growing signs of the fulfilment 
of his design, Shivaji gradually sent away to the Deccan 
many of the officers who yet kept company with him. 
Some left on the pretence of sickness and for a change of 
climate, others as being wearied with his service and 
desiring a change of master. Thus on one pretext or 
another the number of his followers dwindled from day to- 
day. They had no difficulty about their passports and 
were instructed by Shivaji to await his arrival at certain, 
appointed places. Thus most of his Deccani menials 
and attendants were got out of the way and their places 
filled by Hindustani servants. At length there were 
left with Shivaji of his original retinue only his son 
Sambhaji, Hiroji Farzand and one or two attendants. Shivaji 
now feigned illness, sent for diverse physicians and got them 
to prescribe for him. Affecting to grow worse and worse, he 
avoided company and instructed any one coming on 
business to transact it _ from a distance. After a time he 
gave it out that he was on the way to recovery and out 
of gratitude nent large hampers of sweets to his physicians- 
as also complimentary presents to the amirs and 


omrahs of the court. Alms were liberally distributed 
among Brahmans and the poor, and the fakirs in the 
mosques had sweets and confections in abundance, the 
monster baskets being borne to and from Shivaji's door. 
This occurrence had now become so usual that it no longer 
excited any curiosity. One evening, Shivaji ordered 
some four or five baskets to be made ready with sweets, 
in one of which Shivaji concealed himself, while his son, 
the Prince Sambhaji hid himself in another. After their 
usual practice the sentinels examined one or two baskets 
and let the others pass unchallenged. As it is related in 
one of the chronicles, the pretence made use of on this 
occasion was that the sweets in question were being 
despatched for distribution among fakirs and the Brahman 
priests of the holy shrine of Mathura (Muttra). The ruse 
succeeded perfectly. Shivaji eluded his guards and joined 
his party outside of the city gates. 1 

It was arranged that the trusty Hiroji should for the 
time put on Shivaji's robe and occupy his master's place on 
the sick-bed and seize the earliest occasion to make good 
his escape. The trusty officer willingly undertook the 
perilous honour, assuring his master that he might leave 
the scene without any anxiety on his servant's account, 
since by the good fortune which had always attended 

1 The Bundela Memoirs say that on account of Shivaji's practice 
to give sweets in charity to mendicants of all sorts every Thursday, there 
was a crowd of beggars at his door. A quantity of sweets had to be 
brought in monster hampers, which when exhausted had to be retaken 
empty to the confectioners' shops to be reloaded. Shivaji and Sambhaji 
escaped in two of these empty hampers. 

Khafi Khan tells the story that Shivaji had purchased three 
excellent horses ostensibly to give in charity to Brahmans, for which 
purpose they were taken out of the city and kept ready with all their 
trappings and equipments at a village about 14 kos (i. e. 35 mitas) from 
the capital. Another authority, the Alamgir Namuh (i. e. the life of 
Alamgir or Aurangzeb) states that when Jay Singh heard of the 
captivity of Shivaji, he remonstrated with the emperor describing 
the impropriety of the action, upon which the kotwal's watchmen were 
removed from Shivaji'a residence. 


his loyal service he hoped to make good his own deliver- 
ance. He lay all night covered by the bed clothes, except 
for one of his hands on a finger of which appeared con- 
spicuously Shivaji's ring. Thus with serene confidence he 
maintained the deception, a young page contributing to it by 
gently rubbing the supposed patient's feet. It was now 
morning, and as Shivaji did not appear to have left his bed 
though it was broad day-light, some of the sentinels 
approaching the door inquired the cause of the Maharaja's 
keeping so long to his bed. The page replied, as he had 
been instructed, that the Maharaja had a severe head- 
ache, whereupon the sentinels withdrew. Upon this 
Hiroji rose from the perilous place he had occupied the 
night before and putting on his dress left the palace 
with the trusty page, giving out that Shivaji had had the 
most acute pain all through the night, and as he had just 
then fallen into a doze after a whole night's torture, he 
enjoined them to observe the strictest silence, until he 
returned with medicine from the physician. On their 
making further inquiries about the unusually late hour 
that the Maharaja was sleeping he put them off by 
a repetition of the pretence of sickness, and left the 
place as in urgent haste to see the physician. He had 
a hasty interview with the Prince Ram Singh, whom he 
informed of Shivaji's eafe escape, and bidding him a hasty 
adieu, he hastened away to complete his deliverance from, 
captivity and exile. 

Let us now follow the fortunes of our hero when he 
had turned his back on the capital. At a certain 
distance from the city, Shivaji found a horse that had been 
kept in readiness for him, and mounting it, with young 
Sambhaji seated astride before him 1 , he put spurs to it, 
not drawing reins until he had reached the village 2 

1 According to Bundela, Sambhaji sat on a horse which was. k led 
by the reins by Shivaji upto Mathura. 

3 The Bairi bakhar says that a Deccani potter lived outside the 
capital with whom an arrangement was made by Hiroji Farzand. On . 


where the officers of his private staff were waiting to 
receive him. With their advice the future line of route 
was determined, as it was extremely hazardous to return 
to the Deccan by a straight and direct route from the 
north, when search parties were scouring the ordinary 
roads in all directions. With a view to obviate the risk 
of capture, Shivaji ordered a portion of bis party to dis- 
guise themselves and proceed as best they might to their 
southern homes. Shivaji himself and his chosen band of 
secretaries and menial attendants were now attired as 
gosavis and followed a leisurely and circuitous route from 
one pilgrim place to another until they reached the 
Deccan. Thus they came to Benares and from thence to 
Mathura where they had the good fortune to fall in 
with three good friends of their cause, Krishnajipant, 
Kashipanb, and Visajipant, the brothers-in-law of the 
minister Moro Trimal Pingle. Shivaji unravelled to them 
the whole story of his escape and wanderings and inquired 
if they would undertake the charge of young Sambhaji 
till the Maharaja's safe arrival in the Deccan. They 
heartily entered into the plan. One of the three 
brothers joined Shivaji in his wanderings. 1 The whole party 
disguised themselves as gosavis, having shaved their top- 
knots, beards and mustaches. 

arriving outside the city, Shivaji made his way to the potter's and there dis- 
guising himself lived in hiding at his cottage for a month. When the scouts 
sent after Shivaji by Aurangzeb returned without hope of finding any trace 
of the fugitives, Shivaji assumed the disguise of a gosavi and travelled as 
if proceeding on a pilgrimage. According to Orme, at the extremity of the 
city a boat was waiting in readiness to take over Shivaji across the river 
on crossing which Shivaji paid the boatman handsomely for the service 
rendered and bade him go to Aurangzeb and report that he had conveyed 
the Haja across the river. Having crossed, Shivaji rode at full speed 
for a considerable distance down the river and crossing again to the 
other side made hia way over hills and dales baffling all pursuit. 

1 According to the Rairi bakhar, Prince Sambhaj i was kept at the 
'house of a certain Nanaji Vishwasrao at Benares. The reason for keep- 
ing Sambhaji behind was that he could not stand the fatigue of the 
hasty march and hia health gave way. Vishwasrao was, however, the 


At Mathura Shivaji's party used to perform their 
anorning ablutions in the Jumna. On one occasion their 
identity was all but betrayed. Shivaji commenting on 
the untidy state of the river-ghat expressed his surprise 
that in such a place of pilgrimage renowned all through 
India, the river-ghats should be kept in such an unsightly 
condition and suggested what appeared to him the 
proper arrangement of such river embankments. Upon 
this one of the priests of the pilgrim town exclaimed 
that he could be no gosavi. He had such knowledge of 
architecture that he must indeed be some other person 
in disguise. At this Krishnajipant silenced him with 
a heavy bribe, made him join the pilgrim party on its 
peregrinations, and on his return to the home country, 
Shivaji granted him a state pension. 

It is now necessary to take notice of what transpired 
at Agra after Shivaji's deliverance. The sentinels 
observed soon afterwards that there was no movement at 
Shivaji's residence and that the attendant who had left 
the place so hurriedly on the plea of calling the physi- 
cian had not yet returned. To investigate the cause of 
this strange silence, the officers of the guard came to the 
door of the illustrious patient's bed-chamber and to their 
unspeakable consternation found out that there was no 
Shivaji on the couch nor any of the usual attendants 
there. The bird had flown ! A great alarm was now 
raised, and search-parties were sent after the fugitives in 
all directions. But there was no trace of Shivaji nor of 
his confidential servants. The local servants in Shivaji's 
temporary service were quite in the dark ajbout the mode 
of their master's flight. On cross-examination they 
declared that Shivaji was as usual sleeping in the morning 
and his young page attended upon him. They did not 
know when he had left his chamber or how he had 
gone. The sentinels made their report ? 'to Polad (Fulad) 
'title which Shivaji gave to these Brahtnana after his and Sambhaji's 
-safe return home. 


Khan, the kotwal, who ran in great trepidation to the 
emperor with the incredible news that Shivaji had 
disappeared. He protested that the sentinels he had 
appointed to watch over the illustrious prisoner were as 
trustworthy and alert as they could be, but for all their 
vigilance Shivaji's arts had triumphed. He attributed it 
to the black art, of which, he claimed, Shivaji must be 
a master, for how else could he become invisible, when 
the sentinel parties were stationed all round, and watched 
the gates with unremitting zeal, day and night. The 
news came to Aurangzeb like a bolt from the blue. 
There was no questioning the loyalty or sincerity of 
Polad Khan's protestations. None knew better than 
Aurangzeb himself that Polad Khan had enlisted the 
pick of his police force for the great charge laid upon 
him. Yet could he not spare the helpless kotwal the 
fulminations of his fury. The most stringent search was 
ordered. Clouds of cavalry hung about every great road 
leading from the capital. Cavalry parties scoured the 
plains and the hills and the valleys. Each subhedar or 
talukdar was immediately informed that the Maratha 
eagle had flown from his cage and ordered to arrest the 
fugitives if found within their jurisdiction. Jay Singh 
received orders to put under arrest Netaji Palkar whom 
Shivaji had deputed to co-operate with the Mogul army. 
to keep an eye upon the fugitive's flight, and prevent 
him from making good his position at the head of the 
Maratha armies in the Maratha hill-forts. 

Ram Singh did not quite escape a certain measure 
of suspicion. 1 Immediately on the escape of Shivaji, 

1 Chitnis asserts that Kam Singh connived at tohivsji's escape. 
Some Maratha Brahmans who were caught admitted under torture 
that Shivaji had escaped with the connivance of Ram Singh. But when 
Jay Singh heard of this charge, he protested his son was innocent of 
such faithlessness to the emperor. The Jedhe Chronology ( p. 188 ) 
corroborates the story of the arrest of the Brahmans. In a subsequent 
letter to the prime minister Jay Singh proposed to give a proof of 
his loyalty to the emperor by trying to entrap and murder Shivaji by 


when Hirqji Farzand communicated the great secret to 
him, the Rajput prince immediately asked for and was 
granted an interview with the emperor. At this inter- 
view, the prince protested that Shivaji had come to the 
imperial durbar relying on the assurances both of himself 
and of his noble father and that the emperor instead of 
fulfilling the conditions made with the Maralha warrior 
had kept him under a strict surveillance. Henceforth, 
neither himself nor his father was to be held responsible 
for anything relating to Shivaji. Upon this Aurangzeb 
replied that Shivaji was his dependent and he might deal 
with him in any way he thought proper. Should Shivaji 
relent and submit to the imperial terms, he would be glad 
to raise him in dignity and position, and neither Ham Singh 
nor his father need have any anxiety on this subject. This 
was just before the intelligence of Shivaji'a flight was 
received, the Rajput prince thinking it right to free himself 
from all responsibility for the event. When the news 
of the flight came shortly after, a certain amount of 
suspicion was awakened in the emperor's mind. Ram Singh, 
came under a cloud. He no longer obtained admission, 
to the durbar. 

i As to the omrahs of the court the news of Shivaji's 
adroitness in eluding the vigilant guard set on his movements 
and the daring escape from the hands of hid imperial captor 
evoked feelings of undisguised admiration. The opinion 
was freely expressed that it was scarcely in accord with the 
traditions of imperial greatness and statesmanship that one, 
whose loyal co-operation with the empire had been secured 
by such a pillar of the Mogul monarchy as the trusty and 
valorous Jay Singh, should have been entrapped into an 
unworthy and treacherous servitude instead of having been 
welcomed and tret ted with hospitality. The emperor 
thus lost for ever the active participation 01 a i>rave and 

pretending to eater a matrimonial alliance and enticing Shivaji . o give 
his daughter in marriage to his eon. Nothing came of this fine pro* 
poaal. (Jay Singh's letter in the Haft Anjwnan quoted by Prof Sarkar.} 

L. 8. 20 


resolute leader in the military councils of the empire, whose 
services in the Deccan conquests were bound to be 
invaluable. A willing ally had been turned into 
a relentless antagonist. Fortune had all along seemed to 
tsmile upon all his enterprises With such a foe in the 
Deccan, what would the fortunes of the empire avail against 
the southern principalities ? And Sbivaji's ability was 
as notable as his good fortune. Such a talented leader had 
.once espoused the Mogul cause, but who could now expect 
him to do the like again? Such and other criticisms 
rumour brought to the ears of the disconsolate emperor. 
The forlorn reports of talukdars and subhedars deepened his 
>chagrin. A vague fear succeeded this despair, lest Shivaji 
.might be skulking somewhere in some obscure corner 
^>f the capital itself, maturing some plan of revenge or 
treachery. The emperor had to look warily to himself, 
lest Shivaji might spring upon him from some unexpected 
-quarter. He became a stranger to sleep and rest. Nemesis 
seemed to threaten him on every side. 

From Mathura Shivaji cantinued his journey in the garb 

^.nd the company of gosavis. At every halt at a pilgrim 

town Shivaji performed the proper religious rites, doling out 

3klms and giving religious offerings on a modest scale. He 

travelled to Allahabad, Benares, and Gaya, the celebrated 

shrines in the north, and thus he traversed the country from 

shrine to shrine up to the regions of the Deccan. In these 

-extended tours of piligrimage he had to put up with many 

vexations and inconveniences. The autumnal monsoons had 

.already burst when he left Agra. The streams were so deeply 

.flooded as to make it impossible to ford them. At many 

ipoints the travellers had to swim from one bank to the 

other. Forests and mountains had to be crossed und it was 

.most trying to have to surmount these obstructions on foot. 

.But obstacle or .no obstacle steady zeal and patience 

overcame them all. At a certain village the local fouzdar 

or police officer, on some cause of suspicion, put him under 

arrest, when nothing but a prompt confession of his identity 


oould save him from the predicament in which he found 
himself. The fouzdar was quite taken aback at the 
revelation of the arrested person's identity and made his 
apology for the discourtesy of which he had unwittingly 
been guilty towards so illustrious a person. Shivaji made him 
a sufficient recompense in money and requested him not to 
disclose to any Mogul officer the fact of his having travelled 
by that way. In another place when Shivaji, intending to 
perform hisjxblutions with due ceremonial, had entered the 
river and ordered the attending priest to recite the sacred 
chants, another priest conversing with the first happened to 
remark quite casually that Shivaji, the Kaja of the south, 
who was for some time under arrest at Agra, had escaped 
and was- wandering over the country. These words fell like 
molten lead upon his ears. He somehow completed liis 
ablutions and hurriedly left the place 1 . At Cuttack Shivaji 
was quite prostrated with the fatigue of his wanderings 
and decided to purchase a horse so as to prosecute the rest 
of his journey on horse-back. A horse was selected for the 
purpose and Shivaji had to pay down the purchase price, 
Not finding any silver coins about him, he inadvertently 
opened his purse in presence of the horse-dealer, who was 
astonished to see that it was crammed full of pagodas. 
Upon this the horse-dealer exclaimed : "When you offer gold 
for this common sort of horse, you must be none else than 
the Raja Shivaji." At this, says the chronicler of the 
Bundela Memoirs, Shivaji flung the money at him and 
beat a hasty retreat. 

On his arrival in the Deccan, Shivaji did not proceed 
directly to his own principality, but diverted his route to 
Puri, Gondwan, Bhaganagar (Deccan Hyderabad), Bijapur 
and so on to Panhala and thence to Raigad. He continued 
to wear the garb of a gosavi, having previously sent word 
of his arrival incognito in his own dominions. When Shivaji 
first presented himself at the Raigad gate in the coarse 
.habiliments of a gosavi and demanded an interview with 

1 Kfoati Khan is the authority for these two anecdotes, 


Jijabai, the sentinel conveyed the intelligence within the 
fort that a stranger gosavi desired to see her. When 
introduced within the fort, Nirajipant played the part of 
a gosavi in earnest, invoking blessings on her in true goeavi 
style. But Shivaji could not longer sustain his part in the 
comedy, and advancing prostrated himself at her feet. She 
did not recognize him : to such an extent had the constant 
anxieties and privations of his long journey altered his 
features. She was astonished at the amazing conduct, as 
she took it, of the gosavi in falling at her feet. Shivaji 
doffed the pilgrim's garb and laid his head on her knees 
Then indeed did she recognize him by the old marks upon 
his person dating from the earliest days of his childhood. 
Mother and son embraced each other joyfully. Tears 
streamed from her eyes. It was not merely that her son 
had returned, he was re-born to her ! 

The happy interview with his mother over, Shivaji gave 
audience to the leading chiefs, ministers and distinguished 
gentry in his kingdom. Shivaji's return was celebrated on 
a lavish scale by all classes from the greatest to the humblest. 
Men vied with one another in their eagerness to have a glimpse 
again of his well-beloved and familiar features. Shivaji 
celebrated the occasion with proper observances. He was 
open-handed in his hospitality and largesses to the 
Brahmans. He scattered alms, food and raiment among 
the helpless and the poor. Special thanks-giving ceremonials 
were celebrated in honour of the tutelary Bhavani and 
pearls were plentifully showered upon her image. Sugar was 
distributed in oriental fashion to the joyful multitude from 
panniered elephants. Each nobleman and garrison officer 
received his honorary present of sweets. Sweets and alma 
were distributed to men of learning and piety, to hermits 
and sages. Each fort fired, its feu de joie. The whole land 
celebrated the restoration in a spirit of jubilation such as 
they had never experienced before. Their hopes Were 
aroused to the highest. Here was a chief that knew no defeat. 
Hie was a cause that was bound to triumph. The air was- 


filled with admiration for Shivaji's exploits, his tameless 
spirit and the inexhaustible resources of his inventive mind. 

Nor did Shivaji forget to reward the gallant services of 
that devoted hand of followers who had shared with him 
the perils of captivity in the Mogul capital. The rewards 
took various shapes according to the merit of each zealous 
vassal. In the case of some personal honours and dignities 
were granted, in other cases annual allowances or 
assignments of revenue over villages and mahals. Presents 
of horses, elephants, trappings and personal ornaments were 
bestowed upon the most devoted of his personal attendants. 
None merited these more eminently than the self-effacing 
chief Hiroji Farzand. He was made a commander of 
a corps of cavalry and the honour of a palanquin was 
conferred upon him. 

An interesting anecdote is related of Shivaji's adventurous 
flight. Shivaji was compelled one night to seek a lodging at 
the house of a peasant and to procure provisions from him 
for his immediate use, and when he demanded them the 
peasant's aged mother is reported to have said that they 
would gladly have offered provisions to gosavis, (as Shivaji 
and his party appeared to be) but that Shivaji s army had 
quite recently sacked the place, and among the booty much 
of their moveable property had been carried away. 'Shivaji,' 
continued the old woman in her garrulity, 'has, we hear, gone 
to Delhi, and we don't know why the emperor Aurangzeb 
does not chastise him, for, to say the truth, he was a great 
nuisance to us peasant folks.' From this Shivaji knew 
that in his absence his followers had not been idle, but had 
carried forward the old programme of making forays into the 
enemy's country. He gave his assurance to the old woman that 
things would after all turn out happily for her family, took 
down the peasant's name and other particulars, and on his 
safe arrival in Maharashtra, sent an escort to bring down the 
peasant's family and, having made them full compensation for 
their losses, admitted the head of the family to his service 1 . 

i Vide Chitnis, 118.; Shivdigvijay, 254. 


According to previous arrangements the guardian ol 
young Sambhaji at Mathura was invited to the Maharashtra 
court with all his family. On receipt of this invitation, 
Kashipant left Mathura escorting Sambhaji to his father's 
kingdom. On the way this party fell in with a Mogul 
commander, whose suspicions were roused at the princely 
bearing- and handsome features of young Sambhaji, with 
the result that the latter was on the point of being 
arrested. 1 Kashipant and his brother submitted that they 
were Brahmans of Mathura and that he was a son of the 
family. The commander desiring to put this to the test 
bade him dine out of the same plate with Sambhaji, which 
a Brahman would under no circumstances do with a 
non-Brahman. Kashipant had to obey the command. 2 
A dish of curds and pounded rice (poha) was hastily 
improvised and was served out on a plantain leaf 
to Kashipant and Sambhaji, and the Brahman and 
the Maratha prince partook of the common meal. Upon 
this the commander let them off 3 . The company reached 
Raigad without any further adventures. Sambhaji'* 
arrival was greeted with great jubilation. Kashipant's 
enthusiastic services to the cause were duly acknowledged 
and the title of Vishwasrao or lord of good faith was 
conferred upon him. His two brothers received similar 
marks of recognition and appreciation of their noble 
services. 4 

1 The author of the Bundela Memoirs says that the young Sambhaj 
Having long hair was disguised ae a girl and Kashipant made the journey 
in company with his wife and the prince thus disguised. 

2 Chitnis, 1'20 ; Shivdigvijay, 255, 256. 

8 Other bakhars give the version that Aurangzeb came to be informed 
that Prince Sambhaji was in hiding at the house of Kashipant and had 
his house watched, upon which the Brahman dispelled the Mogul officer's 
suspicion by dining in the manner described. 

* Shivdigvijay says that the title Vishwasrao was conferred 
upon all the three brothers. The saoad conferred upon them i.- 
pubiished in Kajwade VIII, *3l Thia sanad refers to Shivaji's flight from 
Agra, not Delhi, showing that Shi vaji attended the Mogul durbar at the 
former town. 


A more romantic incident is interwoven by certain 
writers in their version of the Agra episode. It is related 
that on the occasion when Shivaji was invited to the 
durbar the ladies of the imperial harem, out of a natural 
curiosity to see with their own eyes one of whose romantic 
escapades they had heard so much, were seated behind 
a curtain. Among these ladies was an unmarried daughter 
of Aurangzeb, known as Zeb-un-nisa Begum. The 
princess was twtnty-seven years of age. It is said that the 
Begum fell in love with Shivaji though it was not perhaps 
merely a case of love at first sight. 1 Already had she 
heard, so runs this romantic account, of his valour and 
efforts for the advancement of his country's liberties. 
Already had the fame of his romantic and soul-stirring 
adventures ravished her heart. His generosity towards the 
fallen foe, his filial devotion, his exemplary piety towards 
the gods of his country had touched in her breast a chord, 
of sympathy. And now had he come after achieving so 
many labours in the furtherance of his country's cause, 
after so many shocks of battle with her father's invincible 
forces, now Lad he come as a conciliated friend and ally, to 
honour the hospitality of the Mogul court. These feelings 
had prepared her heart for the first advances of a passion, 
which Shivaji's conduct in the durbar only served to make 
even deeper than before. It is said she vowed a firm 
resolve that she would either wed Shivaji or remain, 
a virgin for life. 

It is even said that Shivaji came to know of the 
sentiments of the princess towards himself and that the 
matter was duly represented to him on her behalf that 
should he be prepared to embrace the faith of Islam, the 

1 Vide Douglas : Bombay and Western India, I, 349-51. The so- 
called love-intrigues of the princess Zeb-un-nisa are discussed by Prof. 
Sarkar in his " Studies in Mughal India " pp. 79-90. He has proved the;e 
stories of love-intrigues to be entirely baseless. None of the Marathi 
bakhars contains the least hint as regards the supposed passion of the 
princess for Shivaji, nor does any of the Persian authorities or European 
contemporaries like Bernier, Manucci or Dr. Fryer mention it. 


princess would be glad to be united with him in wedlock. 
Shivaji was naturally opposed to any thing like this 
proposal. To him the social and religious traditions which 
were his birth-right were dearer than any connexion with 
the imperial family. Had he been merely a creature of 
ambition, had he been swayed by no Higher feelings than 
self-aggrandizement, he might eagerly have grasped at 
this otter of love and obtained a de facto sovereignty of 
the south, as the son in- law of the reigning emperor. 
However, the whole story appears too much like romance 
to have been true, and appears to have arisen from 
a traditional belief, current at any rate in some of the 
chronicles, that a daughter of Aurangzeb remained a life- 
long virgin on account of her love, not indeed for Shivaji, 
but for his son Sambhaji. 1 

The princess Zeb-un-nisa at any rate vowed to remain 
unmarried till her death, which took place in 1702. She 
was involved in Prince Akbar's rebellion and her last days 
were spent in the prison-fort of Salimgarh near Delhi. 
This princess is said to have been a lady of considerable 
intellectual attainments. 2 The Marathi chronicles have 
apparently not distinguished between this princess and the 
second daughter of Aurangzeb named Zinat-un-nisa, as 
they speak of the latter only as Nisa Begum, a term that 
could be applied to all the daughters of Aurangzeb. It was 
Zinat-un-nisa who accompanied Aurangzeb in camp during 
his interminable wars in the Deccan and who after the 
barbarous execution of Sambhaji and the fall of the fort of 
Raigad interested herself in the guardianship of the 
stripling son of that ill-starred Maratha sovereign. The 
young prince, the last hope of the Maratha race, was 
brought up by this princess with a tender care as if he 

1 V'iae Sarkar'a Studied in Mughal India, pp 89-90, 
1 It is said that like her father Aurangzeb she knew the Koran by 
heart and that she wrote poetry under the pseudonym of Makhfi or the 
Concealed One. Vide Masir-i-Alamgiri, ( Elliot, Vol. VII, p. 196 ) and 
Prof. Sarkar's Aurangzeb. Vol. I. Ch. IV, and Vol. Ill, p. 61 and Studies 
in Mughal India, pp. 79-90.) 


were her own HOD. The Marathi chronicles, like the Shedgav- 
kar's bakhar, represent this princess to have remained 
unmarried on account of her regard for Sambhaji, who, it 
is known, had made an insolent demand for her hand after 
his capture. 1 The Begum's ward became afterwards 
distinguished in history as the Maharaja Shahu. 

1 See Shedgavkar, pp. 110-112. 

RE-CONQUESTS, 1667-69 

No sooner did the news of Shivaji's captivity after 
the sensational scene at the durbar reach the Deccan than 
the great officers, whom Shivaji had appointed as the high 
stewards of his kingdom during his absence, began to 
make retaliatory invasions of Mogul territory in the 
southern subhas. The announcement of Shivaji's escape 
and presently his safe return put new life into the Maratha 
campaigns. The English factors at Karwar made 
a correct forecast in'one of their letters of the time : " If 
it be true that Shivaji hath escaped, Aurangzeb will 
quickly hear of him to his sorrow." How correct this fore- 
cast was, was soon proved by the events that followed. 

Before Shivaji's return to the scene of his Deccan 
triumphs, the Bijapur and the Mogul arms had been pitted 
against one another in a decisive campaign very much to 
the disadvantage of the latter. Jay Singh laid siege to- 
Bijapur. The Deccan light horse under the Adil Shahi 
government had resumed those century-old tactics that 
had saved the capital from many a blustering conqueror. 
The Adil Shahi troops hovered round the Mogul camp and 
cut off all its supply of corn and fodder. A season of drought 
added the miseries of thirst to those of famine. To crown 
these difficulties an auxiliary force from the sultan of Golconda 
came opportunely to the aid of his oppressed neighbour 
of Bijapur, while Jay Singh's petitions for re-enforcements 
to his imperial sovereign might as well have been addressed 
to the wind. It is clear that the suspicioua mind of the 
emperor exaggerated the danger of the good understand- 
ing subsisting between Shivaji and Jay Singh; and he seems 
to have been the victim of a fancy that Jay Singh was going 
to make himself more powerful than was consistent with 
loyalty, and that with Shivaji's aid he would presently defy 
the armies of .the empire. While the emperor continued 
ia this attitude of studied indifference, Jay Singh himself 


began to conclude that it was a thankless task to sacrifice 


the lives of his gallant Rajput veterans only to court 
an inglorious defeat by the Bijapur forces, which indeed 
was inevitable in view of the attitude of indifference 
adopted by the emperor. He began, therefore, of set purpose 
to withdraw his armies from the invaded country. The 
forces gradually retreated in the direction of Aurangabad. 
The enemy gave chase. But the gallant Rajput succeeded 
in making good his retreat to the Mogul head-quarters in 
the Deccan. 

Jay Singh indeed found his resources both of men and 
money so exhausted that he had scarcely enough forces at his 
command to garrison the fortresses ceded to him by Shivaji 
as also those which he had succeeded in capturing with 
Shivaji's aid and assistance. Nor had he sufficient balances in 
his military chest for the maintenance of these mountain garri- 
sons. He had to eke out his resources with the utmost caution 
and prudence, maintaining large garrisons upon only the 
principal hill-forts such as Lohagad, Sinhagad and Purandar 
in the ghat country and Mahuli and Karnala in the Konkan. 
In these five forts large forces were maintained, with a 
sufficient supply of war-material. In other places, where 
there was a possibility of obtaining local suj plies of food 
and fodder, moderate garrisons were stationed. But as 
regards the greater number of other fortresses, as he could 
afford neither men nor money for their maintenance, he 
withdrew his garrisons demolishing the gates and defences 
of the fortresses and leaving no necessity for any garrison 
at all. Having thus made the best of his scanty resources 
and secured his conquests as best he might, he calmly 
awaited orders at Aurangabad. He was at last recalled 
by his ungracious sovereign, and Jaswant Singh and Prince 
Muazzirn (Mauzam) were jointly appointed governors of the 
Deccan. It is sad to chronicle the death of this noble and 
magnanimous prince. On his march to North India after 
his recall the gallant Rajput was taken ill and died. 

Meanwhile Moropant Pingle, the minister of Shivaji, 


occupied fortress after fortress as it was evacuated by 
the Mogul armies and, arranging for such improvised 
defence works as were practicable at the moment, 
re-established the Maratha rule round about. When just 
a small force of Mogul troops still remained in garrison, 
Moropant defeated and expelled the occupants and re-gar- 
risoned the fortresses with Maratha troops. This he did with 
fort after fort with the gratifying result that already before 
Shivaji's arrival in the south, many of the ceded forts 
were already flying the Maratha flag. On Shivaji's arrival 
he lost no time in recovering the entire district of the 

The final failure of the great armies sent down with 
Jay Singh and Diler Khan, the capture and subsequent 
escape of Shivaji, the junction of the military resources of 
Golconda with those of Bijapur, and the accession of strength 
they were likely to gain from the possibility of Shivaji's 
throwing in the weight of his immense resources on their 
side showed how seriously imperilled was the Mogul cause 
in the south, and the magnitude of the interests at stake was 
sufficient to have induced the emperor himself to gird on 
his armour and take upon himself the supreme command 
of the new army of invasion. But there were disturbances 
on the northern frontier which obliged the emperor to 
remain at the capital. He had his own misgivings at having 
mismanaged things so as to force Shivaji into a bitter hosti- 
lity with the empire, and he was now placed in an unfor- 
tunate dilemma with regard to the course he should pursue. 
Were he to entrust the command of a very considerable 
array to his son or to the Raja Jaswant Singh, and with 
all these armaments at their command should they be 
beaten, the prestige of the empire which was now at stake 
would be lost for ever. If on the other hand the prince 
triumphed over his enemies and found himself at the head 
of a large army, he might perhaps be so much flushed with 
his victory as to forget the allegiance due to his father 
and raise the flag of revolt. In view of these misgivings 


the emperor deemed it prudent oot to commit himself to 
a special campaign against Shivaji, who on his part was 
the last person to fail to turn to his utmost advantage the 
opportunities presented to him by the procrastination and 
mistrustful character of the emperor. 

In many respects the appointment of Prince Muazzim 
and the Raja Jaswant Singh to the satrapy of the Deccan 
was favourable to Shivaji's wishes. He had cultivated the 
friendship of Jaswant Singh during his enforced sojourn 
at Agra. The Raja was a Rajput prince of a haughty 
character and had much of that religious pride which is 
rarely absent in a noble-spirited Rajput. When Aurangzeb 
entered on a rebellious war against his father to secure his 
succession to the throne, Jaswant Singh at first opposed his 
wicked ambition. It was only when it seemed clear that 
victory would at last smile on the rebel prince, that he 
turned round to his side. He was naturally never in the 
closest confidence of the emperor. His greatest weakness 
was avarice, and Shivaji turned it to very good account. 
Well did Shivaji call him a calf with a fondness for the 
oil-cake of a bribe. And Shivaji managed him so well by 
taking advantage of this weakness, that he always played 
the tune which was agreeable to the Maratha leader. The 
Mogul prince was a magnanimous and high-spirited general. 
He had nothing of his father's distrustfulness in his 
disposition. An open hand and a love of luxury were the 
distinguishing traits of his character. He was a fickle-minded 
young man, and the slightest persuasion turned him from his 
purposes. Upon such a plastic mind Jaswant Singh exercised 
a considerable influence. He scarcely, if ever, deliberately 
crossed his wishes. On his departure for the south 
Aurangzeb had given him much wholesome advice. He 
had warned him not to try conclusions with Shivaji. He 
would be no match for the Maratha in diplomacy or intrigue. 
He had been the ruin of many a general. A fresh 
discomfiture at his hands would recoil on the Mogul state 
with the most grievous results. He thus advised him to aim 


at conciliation in his dealings with the Marathas, to please 
them and so to save the Mogul fortunes from their inter- 
ference. This advice was addressed to ears that were 
naturally willing and sympathetic. The prince had never 
approved of Aurangzeb's futile attempt to entrap Shivaji. 
It was his conviction that the highest interests of the 
empire required that Shivaji should be treated as a valiant 
and enterprising feudatory of the empire. 

There is a tradition that when the intelligence came 
that the prince was marching to the south, Shivaji, disguised 
as a poor peasant, overtook him at a village near Brahma- 
puri and presented to him a pot of curds, which was 
accepted by the prince on account of its exquisite flavour 
and ordered to be served to him at table. A little pellet of 
wax, says the story, was found in the midst of the curds, 
and it was found that a little note was rolled up in the wax. 
The note purported to say that Shivaji had resorted to this 
expedient that he might be able to see with his own eyes 
what manner of man was the noble prince who was entrusted 
with the war against himself. If there is any truth in 
this story, we can well judge what reflections must have been 
roused in the prince's mind about the enterprise and daring 
of the author of this curiously presented epistle. He must 
have been convinced of the great hazard of war with a general 
of such inventiveness and enterprise. On his arriyal at 
Aurangabad negotiations for a peace were opened thu>ugh 
Jaswant Singh. The latter had already been bribed. 
'Shivaji was thus able to shape a treaty according to his 
wishes. The time was not yet ripe for a complete break 
with the Moguls, /and a conciliatory attitude towards 
a magnanimous prince like Muazzim might be productive 
of future results. Upon the conciliatory proposal of 
Muazzim, therefore, Shivaji sent his private secretary, 
Balaji AvjiChitnis, as an envoy extraordinary to wait upon 
Muazzim at the Mogul camp, with ^special instructions to 
find out the prince's real intentions. According to court 
^etiquette, presents of jewels, brocades, and elephants accom- 


parried the envoy. On Jaswant Singh introducing Chitnis 
to the prince, he began with the preamble of the treaty 
between Jay Singh and Shivaji, as a consequence of 
which Shivaji had gone up to Agra for the favour of 
a personal audience with the emperor. After the personal 
interview, proceeded the envoy, it was Shivaji'a intention 
to get imperial ratification of certain clauses of the treaty 
-and take service under the emperor, but that in spite of 
the mediation of sardars like Jay Singh, Ram Singh 
and others the emperor had distrusted the whole thing and 
put him under arrest. This, submitted the envoy, could 
not be said to have been done with a good grace. The 
prince protested that the emperor neither had then, nor 
now, any evil intention against Shivaji. The emperor's 
sole motive had always been that there should be thorough 
cordiality between himself and Shivaji and that the latter 
should seal this friendship by immediately enlisting in the 
service of the empire. As Shivaji had not approved 
of the emperor's arrangement, the latter had proceeded to 
obtain his consent by force and therefore kept him under 
.restraint. Shivaji had not appreciated the kind intentions 
of the emperor and had effected his escape and come down 
to the Deccan. The prince then explained that on his 
setting out for the Deccan he had 'received special injunc- 
tions from his father not to enter upon any hostilities with 
Shivaji, of whose extraordinary ability he was perfectly 
Assured. The emperor had told Muazzim that his own 
attempts to pacify Shivaji had unfortunately taken an 
untoward course. Shivaji had shown he had no desire to 
live at Agra, but would live only in his Deccan home. So 
far, so good. What the emperor now wanted was to ratify 
the former treaty and to enlist Shivaji's services in the 
Mogul campaigns in the south. Had the emperor indeed, 
continued Prince Muazzim, any hostile purposes against 
Shivaji, he would certainly have prosecuted his designs 
when the Maratha leader was at Agra. Such being the 
-case, Muazzim wanted to know Shivaji's real opinion upon 
ibis proposal. 


Upon the report of this conversation being duly sub- 
mitted by Chitnis to Shivaji, the latter signified his wishes 
for a treaty, when the following conditions were mutually 
approved of between the two parties: (1) that there should 
in future be mutual peace and friendship ; (2) that the 
former treaty be ratified; (3) that unless and until all mutual 
distrust was clearly swept away, Shivaji should send no forces 
to co-operate with the Moguls, and till then there should be no 
friendly intercourse ; (4) that on cession of territory being 
duly made for the maintenance of his auxiliaries, Shivaji 
should furnish a contingent of 5000 to co-operate with the 
Moguls ; (5) that the talukas of Avdhe and Balapur in the 
Berars be ceded in jahgir to Sambbaji for the maintenance 
of his mansab of 5009 horse in the Mogul service as provided 
for in the last treaty; (6) that Shivaji should have full 
power to levy the chauth and sirdeshmukhi contributions 
as asked for in the last treaty ; and (7) the fortresses and 
territories of the Nizamshatii and Adil Shahi states now 
in the possession of Shivaji should continue to be in his 
possession. 1 Upon the draft setting forth these con- 
ditions the Mogul prince affixed his signature and told 
Shivaji to prepare as a matter of conventional form the 
draft treaty in the form of a petition to the emperor, upon 
which he would forward it to him with a personal recom- 
mendation for its acceptance. This was done and the prince 
added to it his warm recommendation that the present 
offer of such a valiant warrior as Shivaji should be accepted 
by the government and the bonds of friendship drawn 
closely together. (March, 1668). It was convenient to 
Aurangzeb to accede to this request and the treaty was 
duly ratified. The title of Raja was conferred upon 
Shivaji, the mansab conferred upon Sambhaji was confirmed, 
and the jahgir described in the treaty sanctioned, the proper 
sanads for the same being sent down by the emperor. 3 

1 According to Cnitnia'a chronicle the t went j -seven forts ceded under 
the first treaty had to be ceded over again to the Moguls. 
> Rajwade, VIII, 17. 


The management of the revenue of this jahgir was 
entrusted to a Brahman revenue clerk, named Ravji Somnath 
who was promoted to the rank of mokasdar and sent up 
with proper equipments. Sambhaji presented himself at 
Aurangabad as a inansabdar in the imperial army, with hi& 
5000 horse, attended by the experienced commander, Pra- 
taprao Guzar. 1 The Mogul prince received him with due 
honour for his rank and assigned to him an independent 
place for his residence, which became quite a new ward or 
the town. As Sambhaji was quite a stripling he was soon 
permitted to return, and Prataprao remained in the Mogul 
camp in command of Sambhaji's contingent. Shivaji himself 
managed to avoid the servile position of a mansabdar in the 
imperial army. 

By this friendly peace, Shivaji again recovered posses- 
sion of the districts of Poona and Supa and most of the 
other territory lost under the first treaty. However the 
important forts of Purandar and Sinhagad still remained 
with the Moguls. In offering such conciliatory terms, the 
emperor's plan was gradually to entice Shivaji to the 
position of a dependent and so to Jure him on inevitably to 
his final destruction. But Prince Muazzim had no such 
sinister designs. His liberality and purity of motives were 
incapable of any baseness or double dealing. 

It is even affirmed that some years later Muazzim, 
weary of the emperor's perpetual distrust and duplicity, 
was prepared to rebel from his father and invited 
the assistance of Shivaji. Suspecting some stratagem, 
the Maratha chief warily replied that in case of a serious 
conflict between the prince and the emperor he would 
be glad to join him with an army at the out-break of 
hostilities. With a view to assure Shivaji of his serious- 
ness and to dispel his suspicions, the prince suddenly 
marched with his army to the north and sent urgent 
messages to Shivaji for instant help, employing an officer 
of high rank upon this embassy so as to impress him all 

1 This occurred in October, 1667. (Jedhe Chronology, p. 188.) 


the more with the earnestness of his request. Shivaji sent 
word in reply that while the prince was fighting in the 
north, he would watch and defend his interest in the south, 
that this would be the best plan under the circumstances, as 
Muazzim had an army large enough to encounter the emperor; 
and should fortune frown upon his attempt he invited the 
iprince to come and partake of the hospitality of his domi- 
nions. Muazzim tried once more to tempt him by offering to 
.place his army under Shivaji's command. But the latter 
was too prudent a man to yield to such an allurement. 
Despairing of Shivaji's support, the prince gave up his chi- 
merical project and having by his abject repentance obtained 
the emperor's pardon, he returned to the Mogul head-quarters 
a,t Aurangabad. But true to his magnanimous nature, 
ihe harboured no grudge whatever against Shivaji for his 
-prudent refusal to join him in his rebellious folly. The 
event served only to draw closer the bonds of their mutual 
friendship and good opinion. 1 

In his despatches to the prince, Aurangzeb advised 
liim to encourage Shivaji to continue his invasions of 
the Bijapur and Golconda territories, so that the Deccan 
monarchies with their foundations undermined by these 
^repeated onslaughts might fall easy victims before the 
IMogul invaders. Part of the territory thus captured by 
Shivaji was to be ceded to him for the maintenance of his 
armies. Following these orders Shivaji made repeated 
descents upon the Deccan kingdoms. When the Bijapur 
government saw how they were caught between two fires 

1 Catrou ( Manned ) tella the story of a mock rebellion ot Prince 
Muazzim got up under Aurangzeb's special order, for the triple purpose of 
deceiving Shivaji, testing the good faith of the Mogul commanders, and 
discrediting Muazzim incase he should at a later date seriously think of 
rebelling against his father. Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji p. 212-219 ) shows that 
this event, which at one of its phases threatened to wear the aspect of a 
civil war between Muazzim and the emperor, was due to a quarrel between 
(the prince and Diler Khan who had been despatched in 1670 to co-operate 
with the former in the prosecution of the war with Shivaji. On this occa- 
sion Muazzim and Jaswant Singh pursued Diler Khan into Khandeeh 
against the wishes of the local governor, and invited Shivaji ( with whom 
.they carried on a pretended war ) to help them in the pursuit. 


and how the invasions of Shivaji were parts of a general 
tolicy prosecuted with the co-operation . of the imperial 
armies, they determined to make their peace with the Moguls, 
which they did at the price of the cession of the fort of 
Sholapur and the territory adjoining to it, yielding an 
annual revenue of eighteen thousand pagodas.Upon receiving 
intelligence of this treaty Shivaji had a private con- 
ference with Muazzim and Jaswant Singh at which he got 
them to consent to connive at any expedition he might 
conduct on his own account in the territories of Bijapur 
and Golconda. With this permission Shivaji embarked OR 
a vigorous campaign to levy the chauth and sirdeshmukhi 
contributions throughout the Adil Shahi dominions, until 
helpless before these depredations and with a view to 
purchase peace and security at any price, the tired minis- 
ters of the Adil Shahi state agreed for a seconq! time in 
the history of their dealings with Shivaji to pay him au 
annual tribute of three lakhs of rupees, a sum which some 
chroniclers raise to seven lakhs. This second treaty with 
Shivaji like the first was a private understanding. It would 
have served no useful purpose to give out the fact that, 
a Mahomedan state was actually reduced to the condition of 
paying tribute to a Hindu chief and of living as it were 
on his sufferance. The haughty nobility at the Mahomedau 
capital would have reckoned it an unspeakable disgrace to 
their manhood, and by an unseasonable and impotent 
outcry would have added to the embarrassments of the 
government. The secret treaty was however approved of by 
the sultan, who now retained Shivaji's ambassador to 
reside at his court. The ambassador thus nominated to this 
charge was Sbamji Naik Pande. 1 

1 Prof. Sarkar makes no mention of this treaty. He, however, quotes 
from the Factory Records, Surat, to show that there were no acts of hosti- 
lity between Shivajij and Bijapur. (Prof. Sarkar's bhivaji pp. 20* and 315. ) 
The Jedhe Chronology p. 188 affirms that peace was made with Bijapur in 
May 1667. It states the name of the Maratha ambassador at Bijapur 
as Bawaji Naik Pande. Shanoji Naik Pande also acted as Shivaji's Ambas- 
sador after the secret treaty with Abdul Mahomed, the chief imnisbjr of 
Bijapur, (Vide concluding portion of Oh. XIII). Pande died at s>:iO;r:i in. 
Desember 1675 ( Jedhe p. 19^ ). 


Shivaji then turned bis attention to the Golconda 
kingdom, making the same predatory incursions into every 
province of that state. The sultan of the state scarcely 
possessed the resources to resist successfully these repeated 
invasions, and the knowledge that Shivaji was acting on 
a secret understanding with the Moguls made him realize 
that any such resistance would be useless. The sultan was 
thus reduced to the arts of conciliation. His two ministers, 
Madanna and Akanna, advocated a peaceful policy. With 
their mediation a treaty was made with Shivaji, the Kutub 
Shahi chief agreeing to pay an annual tribute of five lakhs 
of rupees. Both parties were pledged to mutual friendship 
and alliance and the admission of embassies at their respec- 
tive courts. The ambassador deputed by Shivaji under the 
operation of this treaty to reside at the court of Golconda 
was Nirajirao. 1 

Having reduced the two principal Deccan monarchies 
to the condition of tributaries, Shivaji turned his attention 
to the Konkan. Here the Abyssinians and the Portuguese 
still wielded considerable influence, which it was part of 
Shivaji's policy to wipe away and so to bring the Konkan 
littoral under his undisputed power. With this view he 
fell suddenly upon Goa, resolved to expel the Portuguese 

i Khafi Khan ( Elliot, VII 236-87 ) says that on his return from Agra, 
Bhivaji saw the Sultan Abdulla Kutub Shaha and formed an alliance with 
him, in virtue of which he undertook to conquer for Golconda from Bijapui 
some forts which the latter had wrested from the former power. Some of 
these forts Shivaji gave up to Golconda and others he kept for himself. 
But some of the forts mentioned were obviously conquered later and Khafi 
Khan himself mentions a report that Shivaji first went to Hyderabad in 
the first or second year of the reign of Sultan Abdul Hassan, who came to 
the throne in 1672. Grant Duff bases his account of the treaties with Bijapur 
and Golconda on the Marathi chronicles and Scott's Deccan. The Jedhe 
Chronology under date Jeahta, Sbaka year 1594 ( June 1672 ), states that 
Niraji Ravji made a treaty with Golconda which was to pay a tribute of 
one lakh of pagodas, of which he brought 66,000 to Shivaji ( Jedhe, p. 190). 
It would seem to have been a fresh demand on the accession to the throne 
of a new sultan and is no argument against an .earlier stipulation for tribute. 
At any rate about 1669 Niraji Ravji was at the Mogul head-quarters at 
Aurangabad, along with Prabaprao Guzar, and could not then have been 
Shivaji's ambassador at the Golconda capital. ( Jedhe, p. 188 ). 


from this province. He does not seem to have met with the 
success he had reckoned upon. The chronicles are silent 
upon these operations, lending countenance to the view that 
no great encounters took place. Shivaji then made a 
renewed effort for the conquest of Janjira, but with no 
greater success than on the former occasion. The 
Abyssinians were seriously handicapped in the operations 
against Shivaji and had to apply to the East India 
Company's representatives at Bombay for help. Shivaji 
had to return without realizing his ambitious projects. 

On the formation o the alliances with the Mogul, the 
Adil Shahi and the Kutub Shahi powers, as has already 
been described in the beginning of this chapter, peaca 
reigned all over Shivaji*s dominions and he had leisure 
t-o devote himself to the organization of his kingdom. But 
the subject of the re-construction of the country on, 
Shivaji's own lines may be held over for a later chapter. 
'Ch. XXIV) 

The alliances formed for the present with the Mahomedan 
powers naturally created an impression that Shivaji's 
ambition was quenched and that he was now going to rest 
upon his oars, devoting his energies to the establishment of 
a regular administrative system in his dominions. For had 
he possessed the grit and the resources to try conclusions 
with the Mogul power, why should he court their present 
friendship at the cost of an implicit acknowledgment of 
their supremacy ? Why observe such patience with the 
Mogul pro-consuls? Why keep them propitiated with 
a periodic interchange of presents and social amenities ? Thus 
it is that Shivaji's attitude must have struck the superficial 
observer. But the events that were yet in the womb of 
t.ime and had scarcely cast their shadow before them ought 
to help us to understand that this was a delusion, and that 
the great Deccan warrior was but resting awhile with eyes 
wide awake, giving to his exhausted countrymen a 
necessary period of recuperation after all their triumphs 
and vicissitudes. There was a risk at all times, and never 


more so than after what had happened in the matter of the 
defeat of Jay Singh, that Bijapur and Golconda might 
make common cause and turn a united front against 
a Hindu power that was still in its birth-throes. To have the 
imperial assurance and an asylum in the back-ground of all 
his political plans was, therefore, an indispensable weapon in 
his defensive armoury. Shivaji could not count on that 
imperial assurance to shield him in the prosecution of any 
extreme measures with the Deccan monarchies. The 
fanaticism of the emperor would scarcely permit him to 
look with stoical indifference upon an infidel pressing hard 
upon the kingdoms of the faithful, and the moment it was 
discovered that it was no longer to the advantage of the 
empire to connive at his ally's forward movements, the 
emperor's wrath was sure to burst forth suddenly upon his 
nascent enterprise. There was moreover a point beyond 
which the Maratha leader could not proceed without coming 
into direct collision with the wishes of the emperor, who 
for so many, years had looked upon the domains of the 
Bijapur and Golconda kingdoms as his own royal spoils 
and would scarcely permit a partner in the chase . to 
appropriate the trophies to himself. The time was not yet 
for such an open defiance. 

But the Maratha-Mogul entente was not destined tc 
endure. The distrustful emperor soon began to suspect that 
Shivaji's present humility was merely a cloak to cover his 
ambitious designs. He guessed that Shivaji had managed by 
bribes and other arts to lead the imperial commanders to fall 
in with his wishes. He, therefore, sent fresh orders, warn- 
ing Prince Muazzim against the perils of Shivaji's political 
blandishments and his professions of love and amity. He 
pointed out that Shivaji's ambition soared far higher. He 
was about to pounce upon the prostrate sultanates of the 
south, and presently when he had disposed of them, he 
would launch an attack upon the central power. It 
would then be too late to repel his invasions. He was 
presumptuous enough, even as matters stood now, to turn to 


nis own uses the revenues of forts, towns and territories- 
which he had won from the southern sultanates with the 
active connivance of the Mogul generals, and never felt 
himself to be under any obligation to account for these 
revenues. This was not as it ought to be. The good 
relations established with him by treaty must now be 
broken off, the forts and territories made over to him 
recovered, and the auxiliary contingent sent by him 
discharged, and if such a splendid chance did indeed present 
itself, that contingent should be surprised and Prataprao 
Guzar, Shivaji himself and the other great commanders, 
who owned him allegiance, must be apprehended, if 
possible. A reluctance to obey these orders, so the emperor 
plainly hinted, would bring down his displeasure upon his 
head. 1 Before these despatches were actually received, the 
prince got intelligence about their contents from his 
confidential spies and was able to inform Prataprao Gnzar 
about it and advised him to ensure his safety by flight. 
That very night Prataprao left the Mogul camp at 
Aurangabad along with the cavalry contingent in his charge 
and accompanied by Niraji, Shivaji's envoy at Aurangabad, 
reached Poona in safety. (December 1669.) On receipt of 
the imperial despatches, Prince Muazzim, to avert suspicion 
of any collusion, attempted a feigned pursuit of the retreating 
Marathas. The pursuers returned, as was anticipated, to 
their general, without achieving any success. The prince 
wrote in reply to his father's despatches that the ungrateful 
traitors, the Marathas, had already left before receipt 
of the imperial firman, and in consequence could not be 
put under arrest, as he had been directed to do. 

1 The Bundela Memoirs give the version that the jahgir conferred, 
upon Prince Sambhaji was revoked on the pretext of reimbursing the 
amount of one lakh of rupees which had been paid to Shivaji when he 
started from the Deccan for Delhi. When the news of the resumption of 
this jahgir reached Shivaji, he at once recalled Prataprao Guzar with his 
contingent ; and his representatives in the jahgir districts likewise 
returned to the south, carrying off auch booty as they could lay their hands 
upon. The text follows Sabhasad, 61-62 and Shedgavkar, p. 62. 


Shivaji was gratified at Prataprao'a safe return with 
all his party and the unmistakable proofs which he brought 
with him of the imperial prince's esteem in the form of 
presents sent with every precaution for secrecy and con- 
cealment. Little did he regret the interruption of his peaceful 
relations with the great Mogul. He had spent two years 
in almost profound peace in looking after the internal 
organization of his kingdom. For two years without any 
overt warfare he had the satisfaction of supporting a not 
inconsiderable part of his forces at t.he cost of the Moguls. 
But now it was time again to be up and doing. 



THE campaigns that Shivaji now undertook were 
conducted on a scale to which we have no parallel in all his 
previous career. The first plan was the recovery of the impor- 
tant forts of Sinhagadh and Purandar, the possession of which 
by the Moguls enabled them to obstruct Shivaji's free 
communication with Poona, Chakan and adjoining parts. 
Jay Singh had furnished the bravest of his Rajput soldiery 
to man these forts. The garrison armies were as vigilant 
as they were brave and loyal. Shivaji aimed his first 
operations against Sinhagad. The governor of the 
garrison was a brave Rajput veteran named Uday Bhanu. 
His loyalty was not to be tampered with by any means. 
The picked men under him were tried veterans, whose 
chivalrous valour had been proved on many a well- 
fought field. The conquest of this fort, therefore, was one 
of the most perplexing tasks that ever presented itself before 
Shivaji, who was all the more keen about its conquest, 
because, as the national ballads (powadas) of the Maratha 
minstrels would lead us to infer, he had entered upon the 
undertaking at the urgent desire of his mother Jijabai. 1 In 
this perplexity, Tanaji Malusare, the veteran general and 
the companion of Shivaji's youthful adventures, presented 
himself before Shivaji and undertook with his younger 
brother Suryaji and a corps of one thousand Mavalis of 
his own choosing to capture the fort. According to the 
ballad celebrating the event, Tanaji was attended by a force 
of 12,000. 

1 The powada says that Jijabai challenged Shivaji bo a game of dice 
and having defeated him demanded the fort of Sinhagad as the forfeit. 
The fort was then under the Moguls, and thus Jijabai got him effectually 
to conquer it. Tanaji Malusare was engaged in the festivities in connection 
with the marriage of his son Rayaba, when the orders of Shivaji reached 
him to come with his Mavalis straightway to Ratgad. And so the hero 
came, putting off the festivities. 


About Taoaji himself almost incredible accounts are 
given in the native chronicles as to his valour and personal 
appearance. He is described as a man of gigantic propor- 
tions, of an aspect most terrible, with chest-nut hair and 
blood-shot eyes, and a marvellously long, bushy moustache. 
He had such muscular strength that, we are -told, he could 
control the movements of an elephant, by drawing him 
about by the tusks at his pleasure. On the field of war, 
no one would stand before him face to face. Shivaji had 
not his equal. He was as versed in the theory and practice 
of arms, as he was distinguished for his personal valour 
and physique. 

Sinhagad lies on the eastern side of the great Sahyadri 
range. The hills projecting from Fort Purandar extend 
right up to it, with which indeed by steep and narrow 
ridges lengthening from west to east Fort Sinhagad conV 
municatee. On the northern and southern sides the fort 
rears itself up into a huge precipice, with an ascent of half 
a mile, rising abruptly from the depths below. Arrived 
at this height, the traveller finds the mountain overtopped 
by a craggy summit, consisting of a huge mass of black 
rocks upwards of forty feet in height. Surmounting the 
rocky mass, arise the stone fortification and its towers. 
The fort is of a triangular shape, the area enclosed being 
about two miles in circumference. Except at the gates, 
it seems to present no entrance. The summit of the fore 
commands a prospect of the beautiful but narrow valley of 
the Nira on the east. On the northern side a great plain 
unfolds itself before the eyes, ths city of Poona being its 
chief attraction, while masses of undulating mountains 
rise on the west and south. In this quarter rises Fort 
Raigad, from which Tanaji Malusare proposed to lead his 
faithful Mavalis. 

This force of a thousand Mavalis set forth by devious 
paths known only to themselves. Over hill and glen the 
veterans followed separate tracks until they united 
together at the try sting- place near the fort in the darkness 


of the night. It was the night of the eighth day of the dark 
half of the moon, in the month of Magh (February). Tanaji 
divided his forces : one-half posted themselves at a little 
distance, with orders to advance at a pve-arranged signal, 
and the other half took up their position unobserved at the 
foot of the rock. 1 A part of the fortress most difficult of 
access and on that account less likely to be guarded by the 
sentinel parties was chosen for attempting an escalade. 
Here it was that a Mavali warrior, most daring and 
resourceful among his fellows, scrambled up the crag with 
the aid of a ghorpad or iguana and making fast a ladder of 
ropes to a rock enabled his comrades to ascend the rampart 
one after another. As each Mavali scaled the ladder in 
silence he laid himself down to prevent discovery. But 
scarcely had 300 of them entered the fort 2 , when the 
sentinels began to suspect that some unusual event was 
brewing around them, and their attention being attracted 
to the quarter in which the Mavali escalade had in part 
been effected, one of them ran up to ascertain what was the 
matter. An arrow shot with deadly aim was the silent 
answer to his inquiry. An alarm was now raised and 
presently the garrison camp became a babel of confusion 
with mounting and arming in haste. The scene of panic 
determined Tanaji to a bold charge with the handful of 
Mavalis who had made good the ascent. Soon a shower of 
the Mavalis' arrows was directed towards the spot whence the 
out-cry proceeded. By this time the sentinels had kindled 
their torches, and a blaze of light discovered the plight of 
the garrison and the cool intrepidity of their assailants. A 
desperate conflict then ensued, reducing itself to a series of 
hand-to-hand encounters. Though surprised in the middle 
of their plan and out-numbered by the Rajputs, the Mavalis 
fought with such terrible earnestness that the enemy had to 
retire on all sides. Meanwhile the leaders of the opposite 

According to the powada, Tanaji did the scouting himself a: 
a village Patil ( headman ). 

The powada says that the rope gave way after fifty Mavalie- 
had climbed up the rampart. 


sides, Tanaji and Uday Bhanu 1 , were engaged in deadly 
conflict. They were both known to fame for their perfect 
mastery of the science of self-defence. They had at last 
discovered in each other foemen worthy of their steel. 
The combat was long and arduous, a succession of thrusts 
and parries, and much blood was shed on both sides. At 
length both heroes fell mortally wounded. When the 
Mavalis saw that their leader was slain and that the tide 
was turning against them, then for the first time they lost 
heart and began to retire. The retreat had almost turned 
to a rout, each making for the place where the escalade 
had been made, when Suryaji, the brother of Tanaji, 
appeared on the rampart, bringing up the remainder of 
the escalading party. On learning what had happened 
Suryaji rallied the fugitives, pouring scorn upon 
them for flinching from "the post of duty at such 
a crisis. He declared escape was impossible, for he had cut 
down the scaling ladder, and he asked who among them was 
so base, such a faint-hearted craven as to leave his father's 
remains to be unceremoniously dealt with by a common 
'niahar (sweeper) ? For Tanaji was as good as a father to 
them. " Now is the time," he exclaimed with growing 
animation, " to prove your loyalty to Shivaji, to try your 
mettle as heroes. Come then and attack the enemy!" With 
a deafening cry of " Har ! Har ! Mahadev ! ", the Hindu 
war-cry invoking their principal deities, the whole party as 
one man again turned round upon thair pursuers : Suryaji's 
words had infused new vigour, new ambition, new life into 
them. They steeled themselves to the task of avenging the 
death of Tanaji, the idol and the hero of every loyal Mavali, 
and of paying their last honours to his mortal remains. 
The tide turned. One victorious charge and the fort fell 
before them. Three hundred hardy Mavalis laid down 
their lives. Nearly five hundred valiant Rajput soldiers 
lay dead upon the field of battle. A few very few kept 

1 The powada describes Uday Bhanu aa the huaband of eighteen 
wives and father of twelve aona. A fearful account is given of the quan- 
tity of meat he consumed at his meals. 


in hiding and surrendered. Many precipitated themselves 
over the rampart and were dashed to pieces. 

According to the pre-arranged signal the glad tidings 
of victory were conveyed to Shivaji by setting on fire 
a thatched house in the fort. Shivaji hailed the news with 
joy, but when he heard that the victory was purchased by 
the death of the gallant Tanaji, his joy was turned to sorrow. 
" The fort is taken," he exclaimed, " but the lion is slain ! " 
in allusion to the name of Sinhagad or the Lion's Den which 
he had given to the fort, though according to some 
historians the fort had up to that time been known as- 
Kondana, and received the name Sinhagad after this event. 
The gallantry of the faithful Mavalis received handsome 
acknowledgments. Every member of the expedition received 
a silver armlet in token of the victory. The officers were- 
amply rewarded. Suryaji's services were duly acknowledged 
by his being promoted to the command of the garrison of 
the captured fort. 1 

On the capture of Sinhagad, it took little time to 
reduce Purandar, About a month after the victory of 
Sinhagad, Suryaji led his gallant Mavalis to Fort Purandar, 
which was escaladed by a night attack, the garrison cut to 
pieces, and Shivaji's standard planted on the flag-staff. The 
Rajput garrison of Purandar knowing but too well how 
ineffectual had been the resistance of their comrades at 
Sinhagad lost heart and with all their preponderating 
numbers offered little resistance. The Mavalis carried the 
fort without much loss on their side. 

The next move was against Fort Mahuli the conquest 
of which was assigned to the minister, Moropant. This 

i One of the most interesting historical novels in the Marathi 
language is on the subject of the conquest of Sinhagad. The author 
was the late Mr. Hari Narayan Apte popularly known as the Sir Walter 
Scott of Marathi Literature. In the four pages of his description of the 
capture of Sinhagad ( pages 'J27-31 ) Mr. Kincaid has crowded together 
the romantic and fantastic incidents celebrated in the powada but in 
a foot-note at page 231 he refers to the "less romantic but more probable 
atory" to be found in Sabhasad'a bakhar, which in the main is followed here. 


warrior surrounded the forfc and led a sudden assault. A 
'bloody battle followed, in which Moropant lost a thousand 
lives and was obliged to fall back. Nothing daunted by 
this reverse, Moropant Peshwa continued the siege while 
the garrison within the walls redoubled their effort to hold 
out. After some rest, Moropant Peshwa again advanced to 
the assault, but again a second time was he obliged to 
retire. The Peshwa's siege force still continued the blockade 
without the least sign of irresolution, while the defenders 
relying on the expectation of a relief force from the Mogul 
camp at Junnar maintained the defensive with a dogged 
determination. This went on for two months, neither 
party giving way. At length the defenders lost faith in 
the ability of the Mogul commanders to efl'ect their rescue 
and surrendered the fort to the Peshwa. 1 Soon after the 
capture of Mahuli the fort of Karnala was captured by 
assault and the whole of the district of Kalyan was 
recovered before the commencement of the monsoons. 
Other stray forts, here and there, under the Moguls, 
such as Lohagad, Bohida, Shivneri, fell before Shivaji's 
storming parties without much resistance. 

Shivaji in person had advanced against Janjira, which 
was subjected to all the rigour of a land siege with ceaseless 
cannonading. Even with the advent of the monsoons the 
siege was not relaxed, Shivaji having resolved to carry the 
fort before the cessation of the rains. While Shivaji spared 
no exertion to press home the blockade, he tried at the same 
time with gold to win over the commander of the garrison. 

1 According to the Bundela Memoirs Shivaji conducted the siege of 
Mahuli in person. The Commander of the forfc was a Raj pub named Manor - 
das. When the provision in the fort came to an end Maoordas sent a 
message to Shivaji that he and his garrison soldiers were Rajputs and would 
not surrender the fort till every man had fallen on the field of war. Shivaji 
knew the secret passages leading to the fort and tried to escalade it by one 
of these paths. But the enemy within waa on the watch and attacked 
the raiders in full force, Shivaji losing many men in the contest. He had 
to return, raising the siege for the time being. But eventually he made 
another raid and captured the forfc. The Jedhe Chronology gives the date- 
August 1670 for the capture of Mahuli. 


Fatteh Khan, the lord of the sea-fort, at first resented 
these offers, but as the blockade became more and more 
stringent he was glad to entertain these conditions of 
surrender and accept a feudatory dependence under 
Shivaji. But his three principal officers scorned any suoh 
proposals. Theirs was an inveterate enmity with Shivaji. 
Their bigoted hatred was far too pronounced to admit of 
-any pourparlers with the enemy, and if they hated the 
Hindus in general, they had a special racial antipathy 
against the Marathas. They made up their mind to frustrate 
Fatteh Khan's design, enlisted the sympathy of the 
Abyssinian leaders, and with their assistance apprehended 
Fatteh Khan. Having thus excluded the possibility of 
the proposals for surrender, they opened negotiations with 
the Mogul governor at Surat soliciting his intervention and 
promising to transfer the fort from the suzerainty of the 
Bijapur sultan to that of the Mogul emperor and to make 
over to the empire the services of their magnificent navy 
and hold their lands as in jahgir from the emperor. 1 These 
proposals were duly submitted to the emperor with the 
iavourable comments of the governor of Surat and were 
sanctioned by Aurangzeb. One of the Abyssinian 
petitioners was declared the lord of the fort and placed in 
command over it, with the imperial title of Yakut 

The result of the Mogul intervention was decisive. 
Shivaji had to break up his camp and move his forces in 
pursuit of objects more easy of realization. The fulfilment of 
.his intention to chastise the Abyssinians had to be indefinitely 
.postponed. With a view to inflict an immediate and 
summary vengeance on the imperial subhedar of Surat 
whose intervention bad such disastrous effects upon his 

1 Khati Khan gives the names of the confederate Abysainians as 

Sidi Sambal, Sidi Yakut and Sidi Khairiyat. But his account is rather 

confused, for Yakut Khan seems to have been in general the title 

of the Sidi admirals under the Mogul and not of a particular Sidi chief. 

4Khafi Khan in Elliot VII, 889-290). 


plans against Janjira, Shivaji suddenly turned round upon 
that wealthy town when the rains had scarcely subsided 
and fell upon it unawares with a squadron of 15,000 horse 
Unhappily for Shivaji sudden sickness and death had 
removed the subhedar from the reach of the Maratha venge- 
ance. But the hapless town fell an easy prey to the victorious 
invaders, the more easy inasmuch as a goodly proportion 
of the city guards had recently been diverted by the local 
governor, whether under orders of Muazzim and Jaawant 
Singh out of collusion with Shivaji's plan, or merely by the 
blind operation of chance, there is no means to determine. 
And so it came that though the governor of Guzerat had 
prepared a large squadron of horse to face the anticipated 
invasion of Shivaji, the third of October on which Shivaji 
reached Surat, saw the governor of the city in command 
of a defence force of barely three hundred men. For some 
days before the invasion news had leaked out that Shivaji 
had gathered a large body of light horse at Kalyan, and 
the British factors at Surat had rightly conjectured that 
their own town was the objective of this light armed force. 
They had taken steps to remove their goods to Swally, where 
the new president 1 Gerald Aungier and most of the councillors 
of the English company had betaken themselves. The 
English factory and ware-houses in the city were left in charge 
of Streynsham Master, who was then on the Surat council; 
and afterwards governor of the Madras factory. 

Shivaji plundered the city at leisure to his heart's 
content. The citadel was stormed, bub an attempt to 
demolish it by mining was according to the English traveller 
Dr. Fryer beaten off by the Moguls. The Marathas 
spread themselves over the whole town except the European 
factories. For three days the sack of Surat continued. 
(3rd to 5th October 1670). 8 

1 Aungier succeeded to the governorship of the Surat factory in 1669 
Sir George Ozenden, the hero of the first sack of Surat, having died in 
that year. 

2 Accordirg to Dr. Fryer the old mud walls of Surat had by this 
time been replaced by a solid rampart of masonry. According to the- 


Once again the English merchants fought on the 
defensive and saved their possessions from wholesale 
plunder. They resisted two of the invader's attacks, 
but in the end consented to make a small present to 
Shivaji. This the company's 'agents took to the invader's 
tent outside the town. Shivaji told them that he \vi&ke<- 
to be on friendly terms with the English and assured them 
that he would do them no harm. 1 The Dutch factory lay 
rather isolated from the busy part of the town. Shivaj: 
sent a letter assuring them that no harm would be done tc 
them, if they remained quiet. 2 The French by pruden: 
management and the payment of a fine saved their factory. 
They remained neutral permitting Shivaji's troops to paefe 
through their factory to attack a Tartar prince, once Kin-. 
of Kashgar, who having been deposed by his son had just 
returned from a pilgrimage to Mecca and was -then living 
at Surat under the protection of the emperor. Shivaji 
obtained a quantity of gold, silver, jewels and many other 
valuable articles in the pillage of this unfortunate prince's 

On the third day Shivaji received intelligence from 
Barhanpur, that a great Mogul army was coming with all 
e-peed for the defence of Surat. Shivaji immediately broker 
up his camp and evacuated the plundered town, having left 
a letter to the townsmen, demanding a tribute of twelve 
lakhs of rupees per annum, as the price of their exemption 
from future pillage. 

On receipt of the news of Shivaji's invasion of Surat, 
-he subhedar of Aurangabad had forthwith despatched 
a force of eight to ten thousand under two commanders, 
Mohabat Khan and Daud Khao, to the aid of the town. 

Marathi chronicles the Mogul governor m .da show of fight; but tte 
i'acbory Reports state that he fled to the castle. 

1 Vide letter of the Surat Council to the Company, of 20th 
November 1670, quoted in Hedge' j ->iary. 

' Dutch Reports, Translations, Vol. 29, quoted by Prof. Sarkar 
( Shivaji, p. 222 ). 



When Shivaji swiftly pursuing his return march along the 
great road of Salheri had passed Kanchan-Manchan near 
Chandor (Chandwad) he was overtaken by the Mogul 
officers near Vani-Dindori.* 1 This he did not mind, his 
object being to descend upon the Kolwan by the great pass 
near Xasik. But when he perceived that a large Mogul 
force was likewise holding this pass, he saw the situation 
had^become an embarrassing one and became anxious for 
the safety of his booty. He, therefore, divided his forces into 
four or five parties. One of these began to skirmish with 
she enemy posted in the front, while two others were ordered 
to manoeuvre on his flanks. Another party was entrusted 
with the safe convoy of the precious spoil obtained at Surat. 
They had orders to elude the enemy held in play by the 
other divisions, to sweep across the hostile positions beyond 
the mountains and to make the best of their way home into 
the Konkan. As Shivaji himself accompanied this division, 
there was a hot pursuit by the Moguls under Daud Khan. 
Shivaji wheeled round on the enemy with a column of this 
division and kept the Moguls engaged, while the rest of the 
.party successfully cleared the defile. The skilful manreuvr- 
ing of the Marathas and the simultaneous attacks delivered 
on different sides of the Mogul divisions led to a concentra- 
tion of the Mogul forces and a pitched battle with Shivaji. 
Leaving Prataprao Sirnobut to defend the Maratha rear, 
^Shivaji charged the united Mogul armies, fighting and 
exhorting his men in every part of the field, conspicuous 
with his burnished arms and helmet, his spirited war-horse, 
and the mighty sweep of the double-edged sword he wielded 
in either hand. Fired with the example of their chief 
-he Marathas met the Mogul charge, broke it and turned 
it into a rout. Such was the battle of Vani-Dindori, It 
lasted above three hours. Three thousand Moguls lay 
dead on the field. The remnant were driven into headlong 
:3ight. Instead of pressing the pursuit, Shivaji turned his 
attention to the Mogul encamp'ment, which yielded an 
J Vide Scott's Deccan, Vol. II, p. 26 & Sabhasad, 64-66 


Abundance of spoil, horses, elephants and war-material. 
When Shivaji's men heavy laden with this booty turned 
Cowards the defile, they found themselves intercepted by 
\ brave Maratha lady, Rai Bagin, her son Jagjivan and 
:heir corps of feudal retainers. This lady was the wife of 
a brave officer in the Mogul service, Udaram, the deshmukh 
jf Alahur. In a former battle the deshmukh having fallen, 
fighting with great bravery, his place was taken by his 
wife, who exhorted her men and led them to victory. 
Admiring this marvellous presence of mind and valour iu 
the woman, Aurangzeb had conferred upon her the title of 
Rai Bagin. in appreciation of her noble service. On this 
occasion, the brave lady had again with her wonted fidelity 
taken up arms in behalf of her impeiial master. Bub 
she had taken up arms in vain. She was encompassed 
on all sides by Shivaji's followers. Baffled in all attempts 
to escape, she had to surrender and sue for pardon. The 
chivalrous victor received her with every mark of respect 
and had her escorted home, laden with presents of jewelled 
ornaments and dresses. 1 

On his return from Surat, Shivaji made preparations 
by land and sea. Prataprao Guzar at the head of ten 
thousand horse and Moropant Peshwa in command of 
20,000 foot were ordered to march northward into Mogul 
territory. The people of these parts were on the whole iu 
fairly affluent circumstances, and the military control 
being lax, great hopes were entertained of a rich and easy 
booty. These hopes were abundantly fulfilled. Pratap- 
rao invaded Khandesh and Berar, a region teeming 
with wealth and, ^considering the conditions of the time^ 
also with population. The larger towns were pillaged and 
annual tributes imposed upon them. Written agreements 
were made with the leading citizens, by which the latter 
bound themselves to pay a quarter of the annual tribute 
due to the imperial authorities into the hands of Shivaji or 

his accredited agents. The due payment of the annual 

, . . - . _ . , .4. 

1 Shedgavkar p. 64 and other bakhar*. 


tribute was to exempt the particular towns and villages 
from any molestation at the hands of Shivaji's hosts. 
Shivaji on bis side was to ensure their protection from 
incursions by any other power. This was the first imposition 
of the famous chauth on a province immediately subject 
to the Mogul rule. The principal incident of this expedition 
was the capture and pillage of Karanjia. Prataprao made 
A halt of three days at this town and plundered it at 
leisure. 1 The citizens were found to have buried their 
valuables in their houses, and Prataprao made a strict 
search of the houses of the wealthy, dug up their treasures, 
and carried them away as prisoners of war. A few escaped 
in women's clothes, Shivaji's orders on the subject being 
strict, that under no circumstances and on no account 
should a female be molested or interfered with. In another 
part of the Mogul dominions, West Khandesh and Baglan, 
Moropant's victorious infantry carried town after town and 
fort after fort. Daud Khan, the governor, was campaigning 
near Ahmednagar. He came up too late to save these 
places. The leading conquests were those of Aundha : 
Patta, Salheri, Mulheri, Trimbak and Ramnagar. Salheri 
was in the end carried by Shivaji in person. He invested 
the fort with a force of 20,000 horse and foot and captured 
it by escalade, after the Mogul governor of the fort had 
fallen in battle. Many new fortresses were erected in 
these newly conquered parts. 

The fleet set in motion comprised one hundred and sixty 
war-ships. The object of the fitting up of this flotilla was 

1 The Jedhe Chronology, page 189, says that after the battle of 
Vani-Dmdori, Shivaji retired to Kunjargad and in the following month 
proceeded to Karanjia, capturing on the way the forta of Ahiwant, Ravla- 
Javla and Markanda. 

According to babhasad's chronicle the sack of Karanjia was made by 
Shivaji in person. Grant Duff adds in a foot-note that the East India 
Company's factors at Surat were under the impression that Shivaji made 
the incursion upon Karanjia in person, and that of the leading people of 
the place fe v escaped except such as ran away in women's clothes. From 
this Grant Duff concludes that the Moguls must have known Shivaji e 
regulations regarding protection to females. 


shat the naval forces should co-operate on the coast, when 
the port of Broach should be attacked, as was projected, 
on the landward side. But shortly after the fleet had 
weighed anchor from the vicinity of Bombay, it was recalled. 
On the return voyage they captured off Damaun a large 
Portuguese war-ship, which was safely brought to Dabhol 
creek. It is said about the same time the Portuguese brought 
to the port of Bassein about a dozen of Shivaji's war-ships 
intercepted by them. These events point to the probability 
of a sea-fight between the Portuguese and Shivaji's navies 
between Bombay and Damaun. 

It would appear very strange that while Shivaji was 
winning these new triumphs, the Mogul authorities should 
not have moved a finger. But this inactivity of the Mogul 
commanders is chiefly to be ascribed to the absence of an 
adequate supply of troops in the southern subha. It had 
become an article of faith with the mistrustful emperor that 
to send additibnal forces to the distant satrapy of the south 
was fraught with singular danger to the empire. Whilst 
the Peshwa Moropant was storming Mahuli, a considerable 
force was stationed at Junnar and 5000 additional troops 
]ay at Surat for the defence of the country around. There 
was likewise the usual quota of troops at the Aurungabad 
head-quarters. But these numbers were insignificant when 
compared with the numbers at Shivaji's command. At any 
given moment, if the Mogul armies in the south were to 
combine together for any initiative, it was within Shivaji's 
power to put up forty thousand men to try conclusions 
with them. And this without any weakening of the garri- 
son forces maintained at each fort and station. While the 
deficiency of forces crippled the Mogul offensive, the rumours 
and divisions in the camp made the stagnation complete. 
All action was paralysed by the common report of a secret 
league between Shivaji and Prince Muazzim. The friendly 
relations between Shivaji and Jaswant Singh were well 
known. The repeated applications of the prince for re- 
inforcement were rejected by the suspicious emperor. It is' 


not too much to believe that the main object of Prince 
Muazzim was to make friendships in the south BO as to 
pave his way to the throne on the emperor's demise. For 
between a Mogul prince and the grave, the only alternative 
stages were the peacock throne at Agra or the prison - 
walls of Gwalior fort. The growing depredations of Shi - 
Taji were to him a new excuse for obtaining re-enforcement 
from the emperor. Lack of troops was his stereotyped answer 
to the emperor's complaints about the Marathas. It was to 
his personal advantage to maintain good relations with 
a valiant chief like Shivaji, and though he could not 
altogether abstain from action, he managed to send against 
the Maratha generals such insufficient forces that defeat 
was a foregone conclusion. 

But Aurangzeb was not an emperor to be thus baffled. 
He recalled Jaswant Singh and appointed Mohabat Khan in 
his place with powers almost independent of Prince Muazzim 
The latter had barely a thousand men left under his com- 
mand at Aurangabad. The rest of the Mogul force took 
the offensive under Mohabat Khan. Diler Khan was sent tp 
co-operate with him. The subhedar of Surat was charged with 
neglect in the performance of his high duties. The censure 
was too great for the haughty subhedar to bear and he put an 
end to a life that had ceased to give pleasure to himself or tc 
his master by poison. The new subhedar received orders tc 
build a number of war-ships at Surat and Bombay,the object 
being to co-operate actively with the Abyssinians of Janjira 
"with a view to extinguish the new sea-power of Shivaji. 

Immediately on his arrival in the Deccan,Mohabat Khan 
"began the offensive. He had recovered Aundha and Patta, 
when the monsoons compelled him to suspend his operations. 
On the opening of the fair season, he formed his army intc 
"two divisions. The one under Diler Khan advanced against 
Chakan, which was immediately taken and all persons 
within the fort above nine years of age were put to the 
sword. 1 Upon this success, he received orders to start 
1 Prof, Barkar ( Shivaji, p. 242, Foot-note) ia inclined to think 


against Rawla-Javla, and Ahiwant. His assaults or. 


these two forts were gallantly repulsed by the Maratba 
garrisons, and on the approach of a relief force of twelve 
thousand sent up by Moropant, he had to break up his .camp 
from before these forts. He next advanced to Kanergad 1 
and captured it. A gallant attempt to recover this fort was 
made by Bamaji Pangare 2 , the naik or commander of the 
personal retinue of the governor of the fort. With two 
thousand Mavalis 3 he made a mid-night attack. Observing 
the small force of the assailants, Diler Khan [sallied out 
with a larger body. Nothing daunted, the resolute Pangare 
rallied the bravest of his Mavalis to the charge, asking only 
those to follow who were prepared to lay down their lives. 
Seven hundred Mavalis responded to the call. A furious 
charge ensued. The seven hundred fell along with their 
brave leader, with wounds all over their bodies, but in their 
fall they carried down two thousand Pathans to bear them 
company. Diler Khan was Riled with admiration at this 
noble exhibition of valour. The rest of the Mavalis, 
seized with a passionate desire to emulate the prowess 
of their comrades, continued the unequal contest, but at 
last broke and fled. 

While Diler Khan was thus occupied, Bahadur Khan, 
the governor of Guzerat, was directed to take charge of 
Mohabat Khan's division. He advanced and laid siege tc 
Salheri. This position was considered to be of high strategic 
value and Shivaji determined to exhaust every mode of 
resistance in defending the fort. A shortage of food 
supplies was reported by the garrison and Shivaji had tc 
exercise all his ingenuity in making good the deficiency. 

that the description in the English Factory Records that "Poona 
Chackne' ' was captured by Diler Khan really stands for the conquest- of 
Poona and not that of Chakan, judging by the language used. 

1 Chitnis calls the fort by the name of Konargad. 

2 Chitnis gives the officer's name as Ramaji Nalage. 

3 According to some chronicles the gallant officer led one thousand 
men only. Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji, page 243, foot-note) would place thi* 
event after the battle of Salheri. 


For the siege lines lay all round Salheri and it was no easy 
task to convey the necessary provisions to their proper des- 
tination. Fully resolved, however, that the garrison should 
not be starved into surrender, Shivaji mustered a large 
?.rmy and drew nearer to Salheri as if for battle. Diler 
Khan, then under the orders of Bahadur Khan, was not slow 
to accept the invitation. Diverting the greater part of his 
army from the siege, he came readily to give battle. But 
Shivaji had merely practised upon the simplicity of the 
Mogul general, for no sooner were the siege lines relaxed in 
consequence of the lure of battle, than the baggage and 
ammunition trains dashed into the fort of Salheri from the 
aorth. Two thousand of Shivaji's horse sent to raid Diler 
Khan's camp were, however, charged by the Mogul com- 
mander and cut to pieces. The situation had become grave. 
Moropant was ordered from the Konkan with his personal 
corps to march against Diler Khan and Prataprao had to 
speed with his flying columns to relieve Salheri. Thus 
a force of nearly 20,000 horse was flung against the Moguls. 
The Mogul commander anticipating this movement, deputed 
Ikhlas Khan with a great part of his forces to oppose their 
approach. Prataprao saw the advancing standards of 
Ikhlas Khan, ordered a halt and prepared for battle. 
The Moguls charged. Prataprao remained steadily on the 
Defensive. The battle having lasted some time, the Maratha 

o * 

general sounded a retreat. The Marathas dispersing like 
the wind, the Moguls broke order and joined eagerly in the 
pursuit. Upon this Prataprao suddenly turned round in 
:flight, drew up his men in order and charged straight at the 
disarrayed ranks of the pursuing Moguls. Meanwhile 
Moropant had arrived on the scene with the troops in his 
command, and uniting his arms with those of Prataprao 
added to the confusion of the enemy. Ikhlas Khan re-formed 
his forces with the addition of a few fresh troops and 
renewed the battle. But again the Moguls had to sustain 
a Maratha charge more fiery and spirited than before. 
They wavered, broke and fled. The flight became a reck- 


rout. Five thousand of their bravest were killed* 
among them twenty-two high-placed officers. Several of the 
leading commanders were wounded and fell into the hands 
of the Marathas. Among these were Ikhlas Khan himself 
and Mukaham Singh, the son. of Rao Amar Singh of 
Chandawat. They were released after some time and 
returned to Ahmednagar. On Shivaji's side, the loss amounted 
to between ten and fifteen hundred slain. Among others 
they mourned the loss of Surrao Kankde, 1 a hero of many 
battles, who was killed by a chain-shot. Kankde was one of 
Shivaji's earliest followers and was commander of a corps of 
thousand Mavalis. He first earned his laurels at the capture of 
a Javli and afterwards distinguished himself in the escalade 
of Rohida fort. Shivaji received the news of his death with 
great sorrow, exclaiming that in his death he had lost an old, 
valiant and devoted officer. The total defeat of Ikhlas Khan 
and the loss of such a numerous army took the edge from 
Mohabat Khan's offensive. He had no heart to persevere 
in the campaign with the remnant of his army. Bahadur 
Khan raised the siege of Salheri and retreated straight 
to Aurangabad. The Marathas hung on his rear almost 
to the gates of that town. 

This was the battle of Salheri, 1672. The Maratha 
victory was as complete as it could be. The spoils of 
victory were great and various. The booty comprised 125 
elephants, 700 camels, 6000 horses, innumerable draught 
animals, and an enormous quantity of treasure, jewellery and 
war material. Dresses and presents of jewellery were 
conferred upon Anandrao Bhonsle, Venkoji Datto, Rupaji 
Bhonsle, Khandoji Jagtap, Mansing More, Visaji Ballal, 
Moro Rangnath, Mukund Ballal and other distinguished 
officers, for the great daring and courage they had displayed in 
this battle. The Mogul officers and commanders wounded 
and taken prisoners were sent to Raigad with the respect due 
to their position, and when their wounds were healed they 

1 Sabhasad gives a variation of the name as Suryarao. The Shed- 
rvkr bakhar calls him Surerao. 


were courteously given leave to depart with the customary 
presents. Such of the prisoners as chose to throw in 
their lot with Shivaji were gladly entertained in the 
Maratha service. 1 

This was the most considerable victory hitherto gained 
by Shivaji over the Moguls. It exceeded every other 
success that had previously crowned Shivaji's arms. It 
enhanced his prestige at every court. It made a revelation 
of Maratha chivalry and generalship such as had never 
been witnessed in the past. The Mogul armies were eloquent 
in their testimony to the fighting spirit of their opponents. 
The dread of Shivaji's name pervaded every camp in SoutL 
India. Maratha sepoys deserted in shoals the Mogul and 
Adil Shahi governments and came flocking to Shivaji's 
standards. Shivaji captured the opposite fort of Mulheri 
and dominated the entire Baglan region. This was 
a permanent menace to Surat. 

Fresh from the scene of this victory Moropant was 
ordered to march towards Surat with ten thousand horse. 
As already related Aurangzeb having enrolled the Abys- 
sinians under the protection of the empire had given orders 
for the construction of a fleet at Surat with a view to making 
descents upon the Konkan regions under Shivaji and 
destroying his sea- power. The imperial fleet at Surat was 
now believed to have well approached towards com- 
pletion and Moropant's instructions were to destroy the 
incipient naval force before it could effect a junction with 
the chief of Janjira. But in this design Moropant was 

1 In view of the fact that the charge of cruelty is often thought- 
lessly made against Shivaji by his traducers, it is but fair to his memory 
to state that these observations about his good treatment of prisoners of 
war are made by no less a historian than Grant Duff himself. Indeed the 
ethics of war practised by Shivaji in the treatment of the fallen foe and 
prisoners, of women and children and persons of the priestly class, what' 
ever their religion, and of mosques and other places of worship would pot 
to blush the many examples of military and political outrage and acts of 
ruthless vandalism which have been recently perpetrated upon the war 
fields in the west. 


completely foiled, for the fleet had already wet sail for 
Janjira before Moropant's arrival. He now threatened the 
approaches of Surat, cut off all supplies and trade communi- 
cations and demanded a heavy tribute. The governor of 
the city pretended to agree to this condition and extorted 
huge sums of money from the leading citizens, a part of 
which he paid over to Moropant as tribute and put all the 
rest into his own private coffers. 1 

Shivaji now resolved upon reducing the territory 
surrounding Surat so as to bring it under his own dominion 
that he might be in a position to command the approaches to 
that town and place it entirely under his control. With this 
view he invaded the territories of two petty princes reigning 
at Jawhar and Ramnagar in the northern Konkan. On 
the last two occasions when Shivaji invaded Surat he had 
marched through their territories having purposely taken 
this circuitous mountain route to evade the attention of the 
Mogul commanders and divert them from his real objective, 
which was the wealthy town of Surat. The services of these 
Rajas in their dominions were handsomely acknowledged on 
the return of the victorious armies. The state of Jawhar 
had, during the late struggle, sometimes been on the side 
of the Moguls, sometimes of Shivaji. Moropant entered 
Jawhar at the head of a large force and captured it. He 
then advanced to Ramnagar. When welcomed to the fort of 
Ramnagar by the local prince, Shivaji declared that the 
fort must now remain permanently with himself, for this 
stronghold was the key to unlock the banking house oi 
Surat and it was fair to keep the keys of his safe with 
himself. 2 

The Raja had no alternative but to acquiesce in 
this demand. The territory of this prince comprised a few 

1 According to Prof. Sarkar, the governor pocketed all the money 
subscribed by the citizens for a defence force and attempted to extort 
farther sums for a ransom, which the citizens refused to pay. 

2 The Jedhe Chronology ( p. 190 ) states that the Raja of Ramnagar 
fled to Damaun. The Raja Vikram Singh of Jawhar fled to join the Mogub- 
t Nasik, which place was attacked by Moropant Peshwa six years later , 


mountain forts, the outlying territory on the sea-coast, 
forming the district of Damaun,being under the Portuguese. 
The latter were accustomed to pay an annual tribute to the 
Raja, to secure their immunity from his incursions. 
Shivaji having occupied these mountain forts turned upon 
the Portuguese power at Damaun. The Portuguese were 
seized with panic. The fortress ramparts had just been 
completed, but the cannon had yet to be mounted. With 
difficulty the garrison erected a few guns on the bastions 
and sent an officer to inquire what errand Shivaji's men 
had come upon. They made answer, as they had been pre- 
viously tutored, that they had come to enforce and confirm 
the annual tribute to the lord of Ramnagar. The Portuguese 
willingly consented, glad that the storm had passed with- 
out further damage. 

At Aurangabad there was a fresh transfer of command, 
incensed with the defeat of Mohabat Khan and the impair- 
ment of the Mogul forces, the emperor recalled both Mohabat 
Khan and Prince Muazzim and appointed Khan Jehan 
Bahadur (Bahadur Khan) subhedar of Guzerat to take 
charge of the Deccan subha with an army of 70,000 strong 
and to operate against Shivaji. When this governor came 
upon the scene of his activities he realized that the force 
at his disposal was inadequate for a direct offensive against 
the Marathas and determined to have recourse to Fabian 
tactics, warding off the Maratha incursions and protecting 
the peaceful inhabitants of the Mogul dominions from these 
repeated attacks. This resolution made, he planted batteries 
upon the mountain defiles and secured the ghat passages 
through which the Maratha armies used to pour down on 
the fruitful plains below. The policy was not approved of 
by Diler Khan, elated as he was with his cheap victory at 
Chakan and being on that account in the good graces of the 
emperor. He was eager for an aggressive campaign. He 
advised Khan Jehan that there was no advantage in station- 

1678, when Vikram Shaba was defeated and killed. ( Jedhe Chronology 
pp. 190-194 ). 


ing his men at the ghats, but that the squadrons must be 
hurled against Shivaji's force, one after another. But this 
argument had no effect upon the new viceroy and he persisted' 
in his own method of warfare. The result was that the 
extensive invasions upon Khandesh and other northern 
parts were indeed stopped, but the Maratha armies divided 
into small parties kept hovering about the territories of 
Ahmednagar and Aurangabad being prepared to strike 
a blow as occasion served. The governor went after them in 
various directions but with little success and at last 
encamped for the rainy season at Fedgaum on the Bhirna. 
where he erected a mud-fort for the defence of his camp 
and gave it the name of Bahadur-gad. 1 

While the Khan was thus passing the time in a state 
of inaction, Shivaji undertook a campaign further a -field. 
His envoy at the court of Golconda informed him of a plan 
adopted hy that durbar to embark on war operations c.. 
a considerable scale against the French who had recently 
created trouble within the Kutub Shahi frontiers. 2 True 
LO his usual plans in such operations, Shivaji observed 
^reat secrecy as to his objective, when starting upon this 
new campaign from Raigad with ten thousand horse. 
For aught that his followers knew, Shivaji might have 
meant to swoop down upon Aurangabad, or Ahmednagar 
Dr Bijapur. With extraordinary celerity and advancing by 
forced marches, Shivaji made a sudden diversion into th d 
Golconda territory and presented himself all at once before 
the gates of Hyderabad (Bhaganagar). The city was seized 
with panic. Shivaji threatened to use fire and sword unless 

1 Vide Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji pp. 248-54 ) for a detailed account; 
D these minor operations. A Maratha light horse column 750 strong 
charged an imperial force of 10,000 -it Bakapur on the barriers of Berar and 
was repelled by the gallant Bunclela general Subhakarn. Dr. Fryer ( I, 
329-340 ) describes an unsuccessful attempt on the side of Shivaji to 
capture Shivneri. Apparently this fort ( Jedhe p. 189 ) was besieged, 
perhaps captured, by Shivaji in 1670, and subsequently lost. 

J M. De La Haye, the French governor, seized St. 1 home and drove 
out the Golconda garrison. Upon this the Kutub Shahi sultan prepared 
his army and sent it forth to recover St. Thome. 


the officers and leading citizens paid a tribute of twenty lakhs 
D pagodas. They submitted to these terms, levied what sums 
:hey could upon the citizens and delivered their town 
from the horrors of an invasion. Content with what he 
received, Shivaji withdrew from the town, without further 
molestation to any of the Kutub Shahi possessions, and with 
the same rapidity as before brought home his victorious 
squadrons to Raigad. 1 

While Shivaji was intent upon this expedition, the 
united navies of the Moguls and the Abyssinians had made 
a descent upon the Konkan coast, with much destruction to 
the towns and villages. The Maratha batteries at Danda- 
Rajpuri were stormed and destroyed, and the officer in 
-charge, Ragho Ballal Atre, though he resisted bravely, 
was defeated and slain. 2 

The Abyssinian attack was made during the Holi 
carnival and the garrison soldiers were caught napping. 
Sidi Khairiyat made a demonstration on the landward side 
and while the Maratha soldiers rushed in full force in that 
direction the sea-ramparts of the stronghold were carried by 
Yakut Khan, with a fleet of forty war-ships. There was 
great slaughter. The powder magazine caught fire and 
blew up with a number of men, including a dozen or so of 
the Abyssinians. It is said that when the magazine blew 
up, Shivaji, who was forty miles away, started from sleep, 
and said some misfortune must have occurred to Danda- 
Rajpuri. He sent his men forthwith to ascertain what 
had happened. In the neighbourhood of this sea-port were six 
or seven forts belonging to Shivaji. Yakut attacked them 
and six of them surrendered after two or three days' resist- 
ance. But the quilledar of one fort held out for a week in 
the hope of relief from Shivaji. He was at last obliged to 
surrender. Sidi Yakut granted quarter to the garrison 
and seven hundred of them came out. With true Abyssi- 

i -The entry at page 190 in Jedhe's Chronology baa reference to this 

a FWe Khafi Khan, (Elliot. VII, 290-92 ) 


aian treachery, he violated his promise, made the children 
and handsome women slaves and forcibly converted them 
to Islam. The old and ugly women he set free, but the 
men he put to the sword. In this way he fulfilled his 
promise to the garrison to let them go without injury. He 
boasted the of exploit and wrote about it in a grandilo- 
quent vein to the Mogul commanders. The latter made 
themselves parties to his perfidy and atrocities by increasing 
his mansab and sending him presents of robes of honour. 
"On Shivaji's return from Golconda he was able to take 
ample vengeance. 1 

The Mogul and Abyssinian admirals about this time 
arranged to get into Bombay harbour and make a descent 
upon Coorla, then under Shivaji, and applied to the Bri- 
tish governor of Bombay, Mr. Aungier, for permission to 
disembark their troops at Bombay. This permission was 
not granted. Nevertheless they made their entry into 
Bombay harbour by force after devastating some of Shivaji's 
villages and made overtures to the Bombay government for 
joint action against the Maratha king. Shivaji's representa- 
tive at Bombay having got wind of these proceedings 
threatened the British authorities with an invasion of the 
island town by the Marathas the moment they threw in 
their lot with the Abyssinians. In the face of these threats 
Aungier considered it a wise policy to maintain strict 
neutrality and sent the Abyssinians about their busi- 

There was war at this time between England and 

"Holland (1672). A Dutch fleet of twenty-two war-ships under 

Commodore Reickloff Van Goen had just arrived, sailing up 

the Malabar coast, with a view to attack and capture Bombay. 

The Commodore applied to Shivaji for aid against the 

Bombay government with a land force of three thousand 

promising in return to co-operate with him with his sea- 

1 Vide Khafi Khan ( Elliot VII p. 292 ). The narrative of the ereno 
is taken from Khafi Khan. Sorely after this admission of a Mogul manaab- 
dar's perfidy and inhuman atrocities by a Mogul historian, the charges of 
iperfidy and cruelty against Shivaji cannot be easily sustained. 


forces against Janjira. The Dutch admiral waited for 
a reply, but Shivaji was engaged in a wider project of hig 
own and had no leisure to attend to these proposals. The 
Dutch fleet is said to have returned, not finding it easy t 
commence their operations without that active co-operation 
which they had so confidently counted upon. 


As related in a former chapter the wars with Bijapur 
had been concluded by a secret treaty between Shivaji and 
the chief minister of the Adil Shahi state, by which the 
latter had bound -themselves to pay to Shivaji an annual 
tribute of three lakhs of rupees. From the conclusion of 
that treaty up to the date of the operations described in 
the last chapter the Bijapur government had faithfully 
paid the tribute as it became due from year to year. But 
Alii Adil Shaha II in whose reign this treaty was con- 
cluded having died in 1673, the sceptre had come into the 
weak grasp of a minor prince, five years of age, and the actual 
powers of government were exercised by the regent Khawas 
Khan. The latter was indifferent to the treaty obligations 
incurred by his predecessor, Abdul Mahomed. Khawas 
Khan gave himself the most arrogant airs. The, other 
nobles of the court were gradually estranged from him and 
the durbar was split into factions. Each leading chief had 
his Brahman secretaries, and through them Shivaji was 
kept informed about the latest changes occurring in the 
state. It did not escape his watchful eye that the. dissen- 
sions and distractions now reigning at Bijapur "gave an 
excellent opportunity for beginning a new campaign. A 
great army was assembled at Vishalgad. The Adil Shahi 
commander, Abdul Karim Bahlol Khan, on the other 
hand, enlisted the support of the Moguls and prepared 
for war. 

Of the entire Maratha force, fifteen thousand were told 
off for the re-capture of Panhala. The siege had just 
commenced, when Abdul Karim came down with a large 
army upon the besiegers. The battle was hotly disputed 
but in the end victory rested with the Khan, who proceeded 
to refresh his exhausted army by cantoning it for a 
short time at Tikota. But Shivaji was immediately on the 
scene with his relief forces. The Marathas once more charged 

L. S. 23. 


the enemy and turned the Khan's victory into a complete 
rout. 1 

Fresh from this triumph, Shivaji pressed forward to 
attack Hubli. This town was a flourishing centre of com- 
merce and its marts were a meeting-ground for merchants 
of diverse nations. Shivaji was able to pillage it at leisure, 
without let or hindrance, and is said to have obtained 
a larger booty here than in any other town. Among others 
the English factory at Hubli came in for a share of his 
attention. According to their records they lost seven to 
eight thousand pagodas. Mr. Aungier, the governor of 
Bombay, who, as we have seen, maintained friendly relations 
with Shivaji and avoided to the best of his power giving any 
offence to the Maratha ruler, made at the next favourable 
opportunity a demand for indemnification as regards these 
losses.' In reply Shivaji made answer that the English 
merchants at Hubli had not been molested by his people, 
nor had they suffered such losses as were complained of. 
In support of his contention Shivaji called for the inventories 
of the booty obtained as compiled by his commanders, and 
he proved by reference to these that only two hundred 
pagodas' worth had been taken from the English factory, 
fie undertook to reimburse the company to this extent as 
also for the losses they had suffered at the sack of Rajapur. 
While giving these undertakings Shivaji also urged upon 
the company to re-establish their factory at Rajapur. This 
request was subsequently complied with, but when Shivaji 
demanded naval guns for the purposes of his fleet, Aungier 
declined to comply with Shivaji's wishes, having no desire 
to provoke the enmity of the Moguls and the Abyssinians. 
Jn maintaining these friendly relations with the English 
and promising them compensation for their losses, Shivaji 

1 In Modak's chronicle of the Adilabshi state, it is stated that) 
Shivaji executed those of his men who had fled from the field of battle. 
The Jedhe Chronology (page 190 )says that Panhala was won by Annaji 
Datto by tampering with the loyalty of the garrison in March 167*. 

2 Prof. Sarkar quotes Factory Reports, Surat, Vol. 87, and refers to 
Original Correspondence, 3779 and 3800. 


was guided by a deeper purpose : he was eager to enlist 
:he naval help of the Company in his conflict with the 
Mogul and Abyssinian fleets. Shivaji did not make any 
mystery about his motives but frankly proposed to 
Aungier a concerted attack upon Janjira. If this were 
undertaken he offered to make up immediately all the 
losses that had been sustained by them in his expedi- 
tions. But Aungier was too wary to swallow the bait. 
The Moguls and the Abyssinians were allies. Surat was 
under the Moguls, and Surat was the largest entrepot of 
the East India Company's trade in India. It was certainly 
not to the interest of the company to court open enmity 
with the Mogul power and an offensive alliance between 
ihe English and Shivaji would be a sufficient ground for 
the expulsion of the British merchants from Surat. Aungier 
had likewise similar invitations from the Abyssinians 
against Shivaji himself and had to decline them also on 
similar grounds. For Bombay was almost entirely surrounded 
by Shivaji's dominions and it would have been perilous in 
the extreme to court hostilities with such a neighbour. It 
was for this reason that Aungier adhered to his policy of 
strict neutrality. With both parties he behaved with 
equal friendship and equal indifference. Again and again 
did the Abysssinians apply to the Bombay government 
to permit their fleets to enter Bombay and make it the base 
of their operations. But he sternly set his face against 
such proposals, allowing neither party the advantage of 
making use of Bombay harbour for naval purposes. He 
had however permitted four Mogul warships to sail into the 
harbour, but on the condition that they must not on any 
account attempt to disembark. For this impartial neutra- 
lity Aungier was in the long run highly respected by both 
parties. 1 

Shivaji's high ambition was to bring the western coast 
under his undisputed authority, and it was in furtherance 

1 Factory Records, Surat 87, Original Correspondence, Nos. S952 ami 
3870 (Quoted by Prof. Sarkar in bis Shiraji, pages 347, 445 & 447 j. 


of this object that his fleets scoured the seas and made 
new descents upon Karwar, Ankola and other towns. 
The deshmukhs in the interior were instigated to rebel 
against the Bijapur commanders, who in many parts were 
obliged to desert their stations and save themselves by an 
immediate flight. 

To concentrate his efforts on the Bijapur conquests 
and carry them through to a decisive issue, it was 
imperative that he should be on peaceful terms with the 
Great Mogul. With this view Shivaji made conciliatory 
overtures to Khan Jehan, on the old plan of beseeching the 
emperor's favour and forgiveness and requesting that the 
rights of deshmukh all over the south should be conferred 
upon him and the imperial patronage extended to hies 
enterprise. Shivaji also claimed the mansab promised to his 
son Sambhaji, and undertook, on the fulfilment of these condi- 
tions, to serve the imperial interests truly and loyally at all 
times. These petitions were forwarded by the Khan to the 
emperor with a request for favourable consideration. The 
true inwardness of these negotiations was that Khan Jehan 
having failed in his design had perforce come to a private 
understanding with Shivaji. He had learned by experience 
the arduousness of the struggle and the impossibility of 
forcing the Maratha chief to surrender his conquests. The 
Mogul armies had greatly suffered in strength and numbers 
and there was no prospect of fresh contingents being sent by 
the emperor. In these circumstances the only alternative 
open to him was to humour Shivaji and ward off his 
furious onslaughts from his province. Later when Shivaji 
had launched upon this new war with Bijapur, he main- 
tained a mysterious silence; and it would seem he himself 
made a suggestion for Shivaji's present approaches to the 
emperor to obviate personal risks. For the present, therefore, 
the war had turned its course entirely against Bijapur. 
Perfect peace reigned all over the south as between tho 
Moguls and the Marathas. 

About this time, Mian Saheb, the fouzdar ( military 
governor ) of Karwar, declared an open rebellion against 


Bijapur. Those of his Mahomedan subordinates who refused 
10 be accessories to his plot were forthwith apprehended. 
The deshmukhs who still held out for their Bijapur 
sovereign found themselves hard pressed on all sides. 
The rebel chief becamo a source of general annoyance 
to the Portuguese subjects of Goa and to their possessions. 
He made demands for a supply of guns and ammunition from 
the English factory at Karwar. On their refusal to grant 
his request he pillaged the English factory. When the news 
of these events reached Bijapur, an army of eight thousand 
was sent down to chastise the recalcitrant fouzdar. 
Apprised of these proceedings Shivaji resolved to deal 
a blow while the Adil Shahi state was agitated by these 
internal convulsions. 

The fort of Parali 1 , which was then under the govern- 
ment of Bijapur, was suddenly surprised and captured by 
the Mavalis. The fate of Parali put the garrison of the 
neighbouring fort of Satara on the alert and the attempt 
to surprise it failed. Shivaji was obliged to have recourse 
to a regular siege. Well provisioned with food and 
ammunition supplies as it was, the fort held out strenuously 
for four or five months. But at length it had to surrender and 
a good deal of booty fell into Shivaji's hands, which wasr 
duly transferred to Raigad. Then fell in quick succession 
into Shivaji's hands the forts of Chandan-Wandan, Panda va- 
gad, Nandgiri, Tattora and others. The towns of Wai, 
Karhad, Shirol and Kolhapur were his next captures, 
bringing Shivaji's possessions upto Hookeri Raibag. About 
October, Shivaji was reported to be engaged in raising an 
army of twenty thousand. The Moguls, in doubt as to ita 
destination, feared Shivaji might contemplate a fresh inva- 
sion of Surat and arranged to strengthen its defences. The 
Bijapur government, on the other hand, feared that Shivaji 
intended to make common cause with their rebel fouzdar 
at Karwar. The fears of both the parties proved false. A 
large Maratha army of twenty-five thousand descended the 

* Jedhe Chronology, p. 190. 


ghats by various defiles, and having plundered Bankapur 
presented themselves suddenly before the walls of Phonda 
which they proceeded to invest. The Bijapur army sent 
down against the rebels at Karwar was seized with sudden 
dismay when Shivaji's host presented itself in such close 
proximity to them. The soldiers lost heart, left Karwar to 
its fate and retreated up the mountains. 

When the affairs of Bijapur were reduced to this state 
of hopeless confusion and the Maratha hosts were spreading 
devastation far and wide, the regent Khawas Khan was 
at last moved to send a large army under Abdul Karim 1 
against Shivaji. Abdul Karim marched with a large 
force straight upon Fanhala and laid siege to that fort. 
Prataprao Guzar received orders to advance against 
him. This general proposed to raise the siege of Panhala 
by a strategic movement without appearing directly 
with a force of deliverance before the beleaguered fort 
or engaging the besiegers under its walls. With this 
plan in view he moved his force straight upon Bijapur and 
advanced, pillaging and destroying, to the gates of Bijapur 
itself. With Guzar at the city-walls Khawas Khan was 
thrown into great consternation. There was no army in 
the city to meet the invader. It was necessary to recall 
Abdul Karim from Panhala and raise the siege of that fort. 
Abdul Karim returned but was intercepted by Prataprac 
at Umrani on the way between Miraj and Bijapur. The 
Mahomedan forces were threatened on all sides and subjected 
to all the rigours of a blockade, foraging and provisioning 
parties being cut off. No one could leave or straggle away 
from the Mahomedan camp, without instant fear of being 
captured and put to the sword, There was at the same 
time a constant skirmishing in front. The Khan was now 
in great extremity and, acknowledging his defeat, applied 
for an armistice. Prataprao permitted him to make hie 
way unmolested to Bijapur. The terms of this truce are 

1 The Marathi chronicles call this officer sometimes by the name 
Bahlol Khan or Ballal Khan, which is properly the name of his father, 
an Afghan follower of Khan Jahan Lodi. He subsequently arrested 
Khawaa Khan and made himself prime minister at Bijapur. 


not known. Shivaji at any rate was greatly displeased at 
this act of Prataprao and wrote to him severely censur- 
ing his conduct, at which he felt so mortified that out of 
sheer discontent he led his victorious troops to a most 
remote and isolated scene of operations, an unnecessary 
excursion to the Pain Ghat in the Berars. This unprofit- 
able expedition was doubly disadvantageous at that parti- 
cular time. For Shivaji having put forth all his strength 
in the siege of Phonda, it was essential to have a reserve 
force in hand nearer home as a check upon Bijapur., and he 
had expected Prataprao to fulfil this necessary function. 
He had, therefore, grave reasons to regret these errant and 
maladroit ways of Prataprao. 

While Prataprao was thus giving vent to his feelings 
of discontent and leading his squadrons miles away from 
the actual scene of the Deccan war, Abdul Karim put 
together his scattered forces and again advanced towards 
Panhala. Shivaji was duly informed of the revived 
offensive of the Bijapur authorities but was hampered by 
the absence of a suitable general or army to take the 
field. As to himself he had staked all his resources upon 
the conquest of Phonda, an enemy town between his 
dominions old and new, the fall of which would make his 
Swarajya realms one connected, inter-linked chain, north 
and south. Abdul Karim was already operating against 
Panhala, backed by a numerous army, when Prataprao 
getting intelligence of this new move hastened into the 
Deccan plains and was drawing up his cavalry for 
a charge, when a despatch from Shivaji was placed in his 
hands, couched in severest terms of censure. Shivaji 
complained of his disobedience to orders. "The very 
person," wrote Shivaji, " whom you have allowed to 
escape scot-free from the most hopeless of predicaments 
has turned round upon us and is now devastating our lands. 
On what ground could you put faith in such a man ? Had 
he been crushed on the spot, there could have been no 
etorm of his raising." The letter held Prataprao answer- 


able for all this, and concluded with these peremptory words: 
"Never come into my presence until you have extinguished 
the army of Bijapur ! " The high-souled commander was 
stung to the quick and determined at once to attack 
the enemy. With the most fearful odds against him he 
charged the serried ranks of the enemy, paying no heed 
to the risk he incurred. He discarded his usual methods 
of attack, to skirmish and tempt, advance and retire, draw 
the enemy into a pursuit and turn round and overthrow 
the pursuers. These tactices which had usually stood him 
in such good stead he now despised in his sullen rage and 
thought to redeem his laurels by an impetuous onset upon 
the enemy. Heavy was the price he paid for this impulsive 
act 1 The Marathas broke and were cut to pieces. 
Prataprao himself was slain in the general rnele'e. The 
death of their leader paralysed the Marathas, and the flight 
became a rout. Abdul Karim pressed the pursuit with great 
slaughter, until the remnant of the fugitive army found 
shelter behind the ramparts of Panhala, the garrison of 
which opened an effective fire and kept back the pursuers. 
But the unforeseen was yet to happen. Hansaji Mohite, 
a commander of five thousand had somehow been left 
behind with his division. On his coming up and learning 
the fate of those whom Prataprao had led to the charge, he 
pushed forward and finding the enemy dispersed carelessly 
in all the excitement of a reckless pursuit about the approaches 
of Panhala, he fell unexpectedly upon them at Jessary 
and changed the whole aspect of the battle. For 
defeat was turned into victory and the erewhile fugitives 
became themselves the pursuers. Thousands of Mahomedans 
were overtaken and slain. 1 Such was the battle of Jessary 
(1674). With a heavy heart Abdul Karim turned his 

1 Vide Sabhasad 78, 79. The Basatin-i-Salatin is silent about 
Jessary, but gives a long account of the battle of Umrani. Jedhe chrono- 
logy ( p. Ifcl ) says Guzar fell at Nivte. We have followed Sabhasad'a 
version of the event. Prof. Sarkar following the account of Na-ayan 
Shenvi, British interpreter at Baigad at Shivaji's coronation shortly after- 
wards, states that Prataprao Guzar with only six Maratha horsemen rushed 


foot-steps towards Bijapur, which he reached not without 
many impediments to his retreat. 

Shivaji was highly gratified with the marvellous 
bravery of the man who in the hour of darkest disaster 
had so triumphantly turned the scales against the enemy. 
He extolled the conduct of Hansaji Mohite, appointed him 
to the cheif command or sir-nobut, and gave him the 
title of Hambirrao, by which he is generally known. Two 
Illustrious warriors, whose names were destined to become 
immortal in the history of Maharashtra, won their spurs 
in this battle under Hansaji's command. Right valiantly 
had they fought and done deeds of which tales might be told. 
The heroes whose sterling worth was first seen and admired 
in this battle were Santaji Ghorpade and Dhanaji Jadhav. 
They were introduced to Shivaji, who complimented them on 
their noble prowess and promoted them to higher com- 
mand. No one mourned the death of Prataprao more 
than Shivaji himself, as he saw that his stinging words had so 
much to do with that mental anguish and excitement which 
had moved him to head a reckless charge and court 
a hero's death in battle. Shivaji felt he had lost in him one 
of his bravest and most devoted generals, and had now 
the melancholy consolation of testifying to his gallant 
services by making handsome provision for his relations 
and dependents and marrying his daughter to his second 
son, Eajaram. 

Meanwhile the town of Phonda was undergoing a siege. 
The town had already been invested for a long time and 
had so far baffled all attacks. Shivaji was now convinced 

upon Bahlol Khan in a narrow passage between two hills and the gallant 
seven were cut down by the swarming hosts of Bijapur, and that the 
general who rallied the Marathas and led them to a second attack was not 
Hansaji Mohite but Anandrao, upon whom, according to this version the 
title of Hambirrao was conferred. This view is apparently supported by 
two entries in the Jedhe Chronology, dated February and March 1674, 
page 191. Narayan Shenvi's letter is dated 4th April 1674 ( Factory Re- 
cords, Surat, Vol. 88 ). But in a subsequent entry immediately after- 
wards, the Jedhe Chronology speaks of Hambirrao Mohite as the sir-nobut, 
appointed as such about April 1674. 


that there was little wisdom in keeping engaged such a 
large army for the capture of such an insignificant town and 
decided to raise the siege, but while doing so, he made 
a treaty with the subhedar of the fort to the effect that he 
should not interfere with a force Shivaji intended to 
station in its neighbourhood to arrest the free movement 
of the Bijapur army into the ghats below. As long as they 
would abide by this condition Shivaji undertook not to molest 
the fort or the territory within its range. It is said that 
for the purpose of this siege Shivaji had purchased from the 
French at Surat a supply of ammunition and eighty cannons 
and that this war material was brought to Rajapur. 1 
During this campaign Shivaji conquered and brought 
under his absolute sway the entire sea-coast from Rajapur 
to Bardesh, and, having arranged for the military occupation 
of these new conquests, he returned to Raigad. The whole 
of Shivaji's cavalry cantoned this season at Chiplun owing 
to a shortage of water and fodder above the ghats 
occasioned by a scanty rain-fall. 

While Shivaji's armies were occupied with the pro- 
tracted siege of Phonda, the united Abyssinian and Mogul 
fleets made fresh descents upon Shivaji's Konkan dominions. 
Many naval encounters took place between Shivaji's fleet 
and the Abyssinian sea-forces but with little success 
on Shivaji's side. Many of his war-ships were captured 
and borne off by the invaders. There were repeated irrup- 
tions of the Mahomedan fleets upon the territory of Coorla, 
and in spite of the protests made by the governor Aungier, 
these fleets constantly sailed into Bombay harbour and 
made it the base of their operations against Salsette. They 
abstained from no species of violence against the inhabi- 
tants, plundering, massacring and kidnapping men, women 
and children to be sold into slavery. Aungier continued 
vainly to represent to them, that by these rapacious acts, 
they would bring down upon him and the island of Bombay 

1 The ammunition was purchased from the French East India Com- 
pany founded by Colbert. 


the vengeful bands of Shivaji. At length an army of 
three thousand came down from Raigad and, engaging the 
Abyssinans in a decisive contest, put them to rout. When 
they were thus beaten and a good many of them put to 
the aword, they finally weighed anchor and quitted 
the harbour of Bombay, fearing lest the victorious Mara- 
thas might enter the harbour and make a holocaust o 
their fleets. 


THE victory of Hambirrao over Abdul Karim had 
cost many lives to the Bijapur army which remained 
appreciably crippled for some time. Neither was it 
possible to muster a new army against Shivaji, nor did a 
capable general offer himself for a renewal of the contest. 
For a long time to come, Khawas Khan thought it was 
imperative to let Shivaji alone. Nor was there any like- 
lihood of trouble brewing from Auraugabad. The subhedar 
there had, as we have seen, an amicable understanding 
with Shivaji and was not over-anxious to risk his troops 
beyond his frontiers. He considered it a great matter for 
congratulation that the periodic incursions of the Marathas 
were stopped and was anxious to keep good relations with 
Shivaji. Aurangzeb was involved in complications in 
the north. He no longer considered Shivaji the insignifi- 
cant enemy he once had been inclined to believe him to be. 
A personal defeat at the hands of one whom he had affected 
to despise would be not merely a disgrace but a danger to 
the empire. He remembered too the treachery he had 
often practised upon Shivaji and feared the Maratha chief 
might seek to avenge himself upon him. He had also 
heard of the valour and bravery of the generals under 
Shivaji and could not help contrasting with them the 
knights of the sorrowful countenance whom he was able to 
send upon the Deccan campaigns. Could he count on the 
co-operation of Golconda and Bijapur against this incipient 
power ? He who had done his best to subvert them from 
their foundations ? Verily, the Southern Mahomedan feared 
the Mogul more than the Maratha. Nay, the emperor 
was rather glad at the rise of the new power, so far as 
it had weakened the powers of Islam in the Deccan. For 
he was biding his time to sweep down upon the Deccan with 
the avalanche of a Mogul army and overwhelm the Deccan 
sultanates, and after them the Maratha Power, so he 
proposed to himself. No need then to quicken the movements 


of his tardy generals or send them the re-inforcements 
they kept crying for. There was indeed Shivaji's application 
for a treaty as mentioned in the last chapter. Th*e shrewd 
monarch was not to be over-reached in this manner and 
saw plainly enough that it was only a make-shift alliance 
that Shivaji wanted. Such being the attitude of Aurangzeb, 
Shivaji saw that for the present there was no fear from 
this quarter. The only other power to consider was the 
state of Golconda. The prospect of any storm blowing 
from this state had not yet arisen. As things went for the 
present there were good relations indeed. The annual tribute 
with clock-work regularity, and the chief minister 
was most favourably disposed towards Shivaji. 

thus no need to dread the Islamic powers, 
Shivaji {'thought it a favourable opportunity to assume the 
insignia of royalty and be duly crowned king of his people. 
From the deatfi-.jof Shahaji, Shivaji had already borne 
the title of Raja antf.- had struck his own coins. But it 
was felt desirable to consecrate his authority by the 
solemn sanction of the Hindu reiYgiifla,, by goiryr Jtlwirgil 
the elaborate ritual prescribed by Hindu usage for a conse- 
crated monarchy. Unless he was invested with the visible 
symbols of regal pomp and power, the throne, the canopy 
and the umbrella of state, there would always be an appreci- 
able deficiency or inferiority in the homage of his people 
and the respect of his enemies, in the opinion of princes and 
states, and the few agents and factors of foreign powers then 
established in India. Without such a religious confirma- 
tion of his power, both Indian princes and foreigners might 
continue to reckon him as an exalted polygar and confound 
his systematic war programme with the random depreda- 
tions of a free-booting chief. These thoughts were now 
passing through his mind. It was necessary to rally the 
Maratha nobles still serving the Mahomedan monarchies 
in the south or carrying on independent wars and marauding 
excursions on their own account. It was necessary to 
teach them that the new power that had sprung up in their 


midst was based on broader and deeper foundations and 
was not an isolated effort for dynastic aggrandisement. 
It was necessary to unfurl the standard of Maratha 
unity, freedom and self-government, rally their wavering 
spirits, and unite their wayward forces under the segis 
of a Maharashtra monarchy. To this end he had laboured 
for thirty years. The standard, to which all Marathas 
were to rally as an undoubted national cause, was by the 
nature of things required to be the standard of an 
independent sovereignty. 

It is rather a matter for astonishment that this stf^p 
should have been postponed to so late a period of /his 
triumphant career. But in the first place as long as Sbi&haji 
lived and he died only in 1664 Shivaji would n"Jt have 
cared to have his name emblazoned with royal porrjp, while 
his father was content to shine by the reflated glory of 
Bijapur. Had Shahaji elected to remair/in Maharashtra 
when he paid his last visit to the lan<V of his fathers, it is 
possible that Shivaji, as was trV'be expected of his filial 
devdcioii inA. his HteJiC't adherence to religious ideals and 
precedents, might have invested him with the sovereign 
power and conducted the administration in his name. The 
ten years that had elapsed since the death of Shahaji had 
been a period of stress and excitement, chequered with 
Mogul and Mahomedan wars, when the best of his time and 
resources were taken up with the fortification and entrench- 
ment of his strongholds, the maintenance of his fleet and 
armies and the consolidation of his possessions. The bustle 
and excitement of war allowed no time for thoughts of 
coronation, pageantry and ceremonial. Now that peace 
reigned undisturbed over his varied realms, the thought of 
the assumption of the ensigns of sovereignty again recurred 
to his mind. 

An incident occurred at his court which led Shivaji to 
hasten this event. There was a dinner at his palace to 
which invitations were issued to the leading Maratha nobi- 
lity. Due arrangements were made in the banquet-hall 


where the guests were to be entertained. A cushioned seat 
or chaurang was in the centre, higher than the rest. This 
seat was intended for Shivaji, and to the left and right 
the guests were to seat themselves at dinner. Among the 
assembled guests were included the ancient Maratha nobility, 
the Mohites, the Mahadiks, the Shirkes, the Nimbalkars, 
the Ghatges, the Jadhavs and scions of other families. On 
noticing the elevated seat unoccupied, evidently reserved 
for Shivaji, they were chagrined in the highest degree and 
their vexation was so great that they began without respect 
for place or person to criticise the arrangement : " And is 
Shivaji now become such a great personage in the land, 
and have we become mere cyphers ? We the representa- 
tives of illustrious ancient families, entitled to the princely 
honour of the morchel ? x The honours and dignities we 
have enjoyed Shivaji's father never earned for himself. It 
is an insult to us to be seated on a lower level than Shivaji. 
Far better for us to leave the hall than submit to such an 
indignity." Muttering such complaints they were about to 
leave the banquet-hall, when the officers of the household 
tried to pacify them, entreating them not to irritate Shivaji 
on the auspicious occasion but to represent their grievance 
to him personally at a more suitable time. However the 
commotion in the hall reached Shivaji's ears and he was 
considerably embarrassed at the ill humour of his guests. 
The representatives of some of the second grade noble 
families, however, on being privately interviewed by Shivaji 
said they had no objection to the banquet arrangements. 
Shivaji then spoke privately to the great sardar? like the 
Ghorpades, Nimbalkars and others and asked what their 
grounds of complaint were, upon which they made answer that 
they were the hereditary officers of the Mahomedan sultans 
for four or five centuries past, they could not brook Shivaji's 
taking precedence over them at such a social function, and 
that it was for Shivaji to consider the matter. Shivaji 

1 The morchel was a tuft of pea-oock feathers uaed as a fan, and 
raved over the heada of princely personages at an attribute of royalty. 


replied that if they made so much of their family prestige 
they ought not to attend his court. If need arose for 
their presence, they might be invited. Those who did not 
like the banquet arrangements had leave to depart. And 
with these words he presented " pan " to his obstinate 
guests, the usual ceremony according to Indian etiquette 
for bidding farewell to a departing visitor. This incident 
more than anything else impressed upon Shivaji the neces- 
sity of proclaiming himself a crowned king in these parts 
of India, since for lack of such a ceremony even the 
Maratha nobles showed a certain hesitation in recognizing 
his sovereign authority. 

While these thoughts were revolving in his mind it is 
said that his tutelary deity appeared to him in a vision 
and assured him that his desire to be duly crowned 
and invested with the insignia of sovereignty would 
by her grace be fulfilled, and that one who had fought 
so nobly and strenuously in the cause of his country's 
gods and religion deserved more than any one else 
the divine attributes of povereignty. Encouraged by the 
thought of a^divine sanction to his proposal, he broached 
the subject to his mother and on obtaining her support sub- 
mitted it to others. Shivaji sent a confidential officer to 
communicate his intention to Ramdas, his spiritual adviser, 
who cordially approved of the proposal. Other persons of 
sage and saintly character in his kingdom were similarly 
consulted and concurred in the proposal. The acute scholars 
and learned expounders of Hindu law, the pillars of the 
Brahman community, were next invited to a council, with 
all the honour due to their L't.rning, palanquins and other 
conveyances being sent to bring them to court from their 
residences. To this council the great nobles, commanders 
and ministers of state were also summoned. The question 
of a solemn coronation was submitted to the meeting. 
They all expressed themselves in favour of the idea and 
it was unanimously decided that Shivaji should go through 
the coronation ceremony according to 'the Hindu Shastra& 
and be invested with all the insignia of royalty. 


The next question to investigate was what things 
were essential according to Shastric requirements for 
a complete coronation ceremonial on orthodox Hindu lines. 
And here an initial difficulty presented itself which 
rendered the traditional ceremony of a Hindu coronation 
well-nigh impossible. For according to the prescription of 
the shastras only the twice-born who had duly gone through. 
;he ceremony of the investiture of the sacred thread were 
capable of going through the forms of a shastric coronation.. 
To all others this ceremony was denied. The circumstance 
that Shivaji had not been invested with the sacred thread 
placed him in the eyes of the pandits and the preceptors 
of the Hindu law in the category of Shudras or serfs. The 
pandits, therefore, declared that in his case a shastric corona- 
tion was impossible. Shivaji was then already far past 
the age for such an investiture, being now forty-six years 
of age, and had been married more than once and had 
children by his wives. A man of such an advanced age, 
a husband and a father, could by no means be capable of 
such investiture. 

It was not easy to cut this knot, but one of Shivaji's 
most trusty and sagacious officers, Balaji Avji Chitnis, sug- 
gested a remedy. He advised Shivaji not to rest satisfied 
with the decision of the local pandits but to appeal. to 
other shastris in India. He said that hitherto with God'a 
grace he had triumphed over every difficulty and achieved 
his highest ideals and there was no reason why he should 
be baffled in this one object. He then spoke of a learned 
scholar of Benares, Gaga Bhatt by name, who was versed 
in all branches of Sanskrit learning-the four Yedas, the six; 
shastras or sciences and the commentaries on the 
1 aw> an d had attained an unrivalled reputation in India 
for his learning. His decisions on knotty questions of 
Hindu law were accepted by other pandits. His pronounce- 
ments carried almost a pontiBcal authority with them. The 
officer advised Shivaji to make a reference to this learned 
pandit on the question of his coronation, especially as he 

US, 24 


then happened to be at Faithau. He proposed that Gaga 
Bhatt should be invited along with the other renowned 
pandits of Paithan. 1 He would not refuse the invitation, 
as he could not but have heard of Shivaji's fame. Shivaji 
was gratified at this suggestion and Balaji Avji was deputed 
to invite Gaga Bhatt from Faithan and bring him under 
a safe escort. A sum of ton thousand rupees and the neces- 
sary paraphernalia of horses and palanquins were placed 
at Balaji Avji's disposal for this mission. 3 

On his arrival at Faithan Balaji had an interview 
with Gaga Bhatt and communicated to him Shivaji's pro- 
posal. At Gaga Bhatt's instance a meeting of the pandits 
was held at Faithan for the discussion of this question. 
After a long debate it was unanimously decided that there 
was no objection to Shivaji's going through the ceremonial 

1 The family of Gaga Bhatt belonged to Paithan, which was famous 
as a repository of Hindu learning. Many of hia ancestors and descendants 
have written authoritative works on Hindu religious usages. The family 
attained a celebrity for its learning and scholarship at Benares, and the 
descendants of the family still enjoy their high prestige among the Hindu 
princes of North India. 

3 According to the chronicles of Sabhasad and Chitragupta Gaga Bhatt 
came uninvited, hearing the renown of Shivaji, to pay a visit to his court. 
He was treated with proper hospitality and pleased with what he saw of 
bhivaji's court spoke as follows : 

" The forms of Kshatriya duty have been utterly extinguished during 
the Kali Yuga. The earth is overrun with Yavanas ( Mahomedans ) who 
have usurped the thrones of kings. No spark of valour is left in the war- 
riors of the Solar or the Lunar race. Sacrifices are stopped ; forms of duty 
forgotten ; the Brahman Dharma eclipsed ; the great shrines have lost 
their expiatory virtue. It is only you who have put forth great valour, 
defeated the Mahomedan sultans, quieted Aurangzeb, vanquished his 
pro-consuls, won a great kingdom, and maintained in your power a hundred 
thousand cavalry, three hundred and sixty forts, and great wealth and 
possessions. This being so, you are yet without a consecrated throne. It 
is, therefore, my wish and the wish of many other Hindus to crown you king 
and have you saluted as a king of the royal umbrella by other rulers. 
Without a formal crowning a ruling king has no honour. By getting your- 
self formally crowned, you will complete the humiliation of Aurangzeb and 
the other sultans. Do you, therefore, indulge us in this our desire?" Those 
words of Gaga Bhatt induced Shivaji to take up the idea of a formal 


of a ahastric coronation after the manner of the Rajput 
princes of Jaipur, Udepur and other places. Gaga Bhatt 
was then brought by Balaji to Raigad, where he was 
received with all the honour and respect due to his learning, 
Shivaji himself going forward to welcome him to the fort. 
A procession was formed and the pandit conducted to the 
mansion selected for his residence, amid pomp and 

Shivaji then convoked another assembly of the pandits, 
ministers of state, and citizens of note, at which Gaga 
Bhatt and the learned men of Faithan were introduced. 
The question of the coronation was again taken up for 
discussion, and the pros and cons having been fully con- 
sidered by the meeting, the learned Gaga Bhatt delivered 
his decision as follows :- "That it appears to this meeting 
that Shivaji, a scion of the princely stock of the Sesodia 
family, is of Kshatriya descent, and that though his fore- 
fathers, having crossed the Narbada, came to be known as 
Marathas and gave up the investiture and other ceremonies 
of the Kshatriya class, the Kshatriya character of their 
descendants is not thereby impaired or extinguished. That 
as in the case of the princely dynasties of Jaipur, Udepur 
and others, the investiture of the sacred thread precedes 
the coronation ceremonial proper, the same proceeding 
may be followed in the case of Shivaji, and that such pro- 
ceeding would by no means be contrary to the precepts of 
the shastric law or to usage and precedent. That the 
fact that the original stock of the Sesodias at Udepur have 
always been distinguished by the insignia of royalty is 
a special circumstance to be considered in the- case of Shivaji, 
As to the objection that the investiture ceremony was time* 
barred by Shivaji's age and the circumstance that he was 
already a husband and a father, it was to be understood 
that in this case the rite of investiture would be wholly- 
exceptional, curing a defect occasioned by unavoidable 
adverse circumstances and to be viewed only as a pre- 
liminary part of the coronation rites, the whole constituting 


together one grand, integral, religious function." This 
learned decision was accepted by the pandits of Paithan and 
the Swarajya dominions and it was unanimously resolved 
that Shivaji should celebrate the investiture and corona- 
tion rites. 

Gratified at this decision, Shivaji hastened to make all 
the necessary preparations for the ceremony. The waters 
of the sacred rivers and the several seas, horses and 
elephants with the auspicious marks, the skins of tigers and 
beasts of chase, the lion-supported chair of state or throne, 
vases of gold and silver and other sacred vessels-all these 
were provided for. The state astrologers were ordered to 
investigate and determine the most auspicious time for the 
assumption of the title. They reported that the thirteenth 
day of the first half of Jesht ( the 6th of June 1674 A, D. ) 
of the current year of the cyclic name of Anand was the 
most propitious time for the installation ceremony. 

Invitations were sent to all the notable gentry and nobi- 
lity of Maharashtra, to ministers and commanders, to subject 
princes as well as independent kings. To start with, it was 
determined that Raigad should be the capital town of the 
newly inaugurated monarchy. It seemed the best of all the 
places in Shivaji's possession ; it satisfied approximately the 
shastric conditions for the capital of a great kingdom, some 
of which were that the site should be sacred ground in the 
neighbourhood of holy places and the waters of a noble stream, 
that there should be an abundant supply of water and facilities 
for the construction of tanks and reservoirs, that the ter- 
ritory around should be fertile, and above all it should bo 
impregnable to the assaults of an enemy. It was resolved 
that the coronation celebrations should be held at Raigad. 

Shivaji had already erected a spacious mansion at 

'Raigad for bis own residence, with buildings for his various 

departments of stores, classified under eighteen heads. 

Here were the offices and residences of the great ministers 

of state and the secretariat staff. 1 The durbar-hall 

* The Shivdigvijay describes many other halls which were erected 


where the throne was installed was spacious enough to 
accommodate thousands of spectators without any dis- 
comfort. From all these arrangements, it appears clear 
that Shivaji had from the beginning intended to make 
Raigad the seat of his government. When the pandits 
sanctioned this decision, the palace- walls were painted 
and decorated in the best style of the country. The throne- 
room was adorned with a rich canopy and with tapestries 
of rare designs and texture. The throne itself was adorned 
with a richly embroidered canopy supported upon four 
columns plated with gold and fringed with strings and 
tassels of pearls. The other public places and edifices on 
the fort were similarly painted and decorated in expecta- 
tion of the event. Due arrangements were made for the 
residence and for the comfort of the distinguished guests 
invited to witness the ceremony, among whom were 
distinguished Brahmans and subject princes. Spacious 
pavilions were erected for the celebration of coronation 
banquets and other functions. Persons showing any kind 
of skill were liberally patronized on the occasion. Indian 
musicians, both vocalist and instrumental, professional 
dancing girls, and entertainers of all kinds were called 
in large numbers for the amusement of the guests. As 
the feasting of Brahmans is always a special feature 
of such auspicious ceremonies, large pavilions were erected 
at more than five places, each pavilion accommodating at 
one and the same time more than four thousand guests. 
At each banquet-hall, a separate staff of cooks, waiters, 
attendants and overseers was appointed, and these men had 
orders to alter their menus and principal dishes from day 
to day. Separate pavilions were set up for the banqueting 
of friends, relations, officers and ministers of state. 

such as the Vivek aabha for the debates of learned pandits, the Pragat aabha 
for giving audience to the poor and hearing their disputes, the Nyaya 
aabha the audience of Justice, the Prabodh aabha the hall of Kirtans and 
Puranas, the Ratnagar sabha for connoisseurs of gems and jewels, the Nit. 
sabha for giving audience to distinguished foreigners etc., likewise also 
halls to serve as seraglios, chapels, baths etc. etc. 


The fort and its lower slope were thus crowded with 
tents and pavilions. A staff of supervising officers maintained 
a general control over the stores, with clerks in charge of 
each camp, who were under instructions to supply the needs 
of each guest, small or great, and for that purpose heaps of 
grain and other provisions were brought together. These 
officers were carefully trained in their duties, which they 
discharged under fixed regulations. The result was that 
the vast assemblage of guests were entertained in a style of 
hospitality which evoked universal admiration. 

On the fourth day of the opening half of the month 
of Jesht the ceremony of the investiture of the sacred 
thread was commenced. It lasted for two days, and during 
this period a hundred thousand Brahmans were feasted 
and received a dakshina of a rupee each, Brahmans versed 
in the Vedas and the shastras receiving the honorarium 
befitting their position and learning. Upon the celebra- 
tion of the investiture rites, the proper preliminaries of the 
coronation ceremony were taken in hand, commencing with 
the sixth day of Jesht. With propitiatory rites in honour 
of the God Ganpati, with which every religious rite must 
commence according to Hindu usage, and of the stars and 
the planets, the coronation sacrifice was duly begun. 
During these days, till the final consummation of the 
sacrifice, both Shivaji and the officiating priests observed 
a rigid fast subsisting only on milk and fruit. But through- 
out the week while the host observed a fast there was 
a continual round of feasts to the Brahmans, fifty thou- 
sand of them being daily entertained, with frequent changes 
in the dishes. The other guests received the same hospi- 
tality, and wore entertained with musical concerts and 
other social amusements. Song, dance, and revelry reigned 
supreme in all parts of the fort. 

At length came the auspicious day, the 13th of Jesht. 
There was a large assemblage present to witness the 
Abhiahek or solemn religious bath, the principal feature 


of the coronation ceremony. As partners in the labours of 
the state, the chief ministers likewise had to undergo 
similar solemn ablutions. In the first place, therefore, the 
eight ministers of state were duly appointed or confirmed in 
their several high offices. Next after them the nominations of 
the king's two principal secretaries, or personal amanuenses, 
were made. The functionaries in charge of the various depart- 
ments and stores, as also the commanders in charge of towna 
and provinces were each either appointed or confirmed. All 
these functionaries went through the preliminary consecrated 
bath along with Shivaji. More varied and elaborate ablu- 
tions prescribed by religious sanction were then performed 
by Shivaji; such as the bath with various kinds of earth, 
the bath with a compound of milk, ghee, etc. called the 
panch-gavya dissolved in water, the bath in the water 
of the sacred rivers like the Ganges, and on the top of 
them all, the bath with the panchamrit or the nectareous 
bath, in which milk, curds, ghee, honey and sugar were 
blended together. These solemn ablutions over, the 
bathers were arrayed in robes of silver white, with flowers 
and wreaths, gold and jewelled ornaments, and the sacred 
sandal-wood or gandha mark impressed upon their 
foreheads. Shivaji then took his seat upon a gold-plated 
little stool made of a particular kind of wood, the wood of 
a pulpy tree like that of the genus Ficus being specially 
recommended by the shastras. When Shivaji was seated 
upon this quaint little stool, which was just a cubit and 
a quarter high and the same in width, the senior queen 
and the heir-apparent were asked to sit by his side. 1 The 
principal ministers of state then stood in the prescribed 
order around their king. First of all the Peshwa or 
chief minister with a gold vase filled with ghee stood due 
east of Shivaji; Hambirrao Mohite, the commander-in- 
chiet', with a silver vase filled with milk stood due south 

l The senior queen who took part in the Abhiahek bath was Soyara- 
bai, the mother of Prince Bajaram and the heir-apparent waa of course 
Prince Sambhaji. 


liamchandra Nilkanth, 1 the Amatya (or Muzumdar i. e. 
finance minister), with a copper vase full of curds stood 
due west and Raghunathrao, the ecclesiastical minister 
with a gold vase filled with honey stood due north. Next to 
these were large earthen jars filled with the waters of 
various rivers and seas. 2 The four cardinal points thue 
adjusted, the remaining four ministers of state stood mid-way 
between them, north-east, north-west etc., one of them 
holding the royal umbrella, another the fan imperial and 
the other two waving each a chamar or fly-whisk, 
ensigns of Indian royalty. 8 Facing Shivaji stood before him 
two personal amanuenses, Balaji Avji and his brother 
Chimnaji, to the right and left respectively, displaying 
writing materials in their hands. Next to these ministers 
to right and left stood the other functionaries of state. 
and next the subject princes, the nobility and the gentry. 
The real ablution or Abhishek proper was then begun. A 
capacious urn of gold, with a hundred holes drilled at the 
bottom, was filled with scented water and the streaming 
urn held above Shivaji's head, and at the same time the 
contents of the various vases held by the ministers in 
their hands were poured out upon him, to the accompani- 
ment of the sacred chants recited by the assembled priests 
This was the final ceremony of the Abhishek, which wae 
followed up by a wild outburst of flutes, trumpets and 
drums and the singing and dancing of the singers and 
nautch-girls present. After this Shivaji was bathed 

1 He was the son of Nilo Sondev. Sabbaaad gives the name aa Naro 

3 The great rivers, the water of which was thus used, were the Ganges, 
the Jumna, the Krishna, the Godaveri and the Cauveri. 

8 These ministers were Annaji Datto (the Pant-schiv J, Janardan 
Pandit Hanmante ( the Sutnant ), Dattaji Pandit (the Mantri ), and Balaji 
Tandit ( the Nyayadhiah or lord chief justice.) But some of the ( names 
are differently given in the different versions. For instance, Chitnis gives 
the name of Trimbak Sondev instead of that of Janardan Hanmante and 
Sabhasad givos the name of Ramchandra, the son of Trimbak instead of 
that of Hanmante. Sabbaaad gives the name of Niraji instead of Datfcaj: 
Pandit ( Mantri ), and Chitnis gives the name of Niraji Ravji instead of. 
that of Balaji Pandit ( Nyayadhish ). 


again and the auspicious arti a quaint platter with lighted 
wicks was waved over him by the matrons, and he was- 
made to view himself as reflected in a bronze ewer filled 
with ghee and as also in mirrors before he was permitted 
to put on his dress which was pure white for the final 
installation ceremony. 

The throne was a piece of splendid workmanship, con- 
structed according to the precepts of the shastras. First 
of all, the basal platform was made of planks of banyan 
and fig-trees, wood considered sacred in the shastras, and 
especially prescribed for coronation purposes. This dais 
was decorated with gold plate, engraved with devices of 
silvan beasts on its four sides, the lion, the tiger, the hyena, 
the cat and the ox. On the golden dais stood eight 
columns each supporting a lion in gold, upon which the 
cushioned seat was placed. The columns bore in 
embossed relief devices of flowers, leaves, trees and creepers 
or birds and fishes, or figures representing nymphs dancing 
to the accompaniment of string instruments. 1 The 
cushion consisted first of deer-skin and tiger-skin, with 
a layer of gold coins between them. Upon this was piled 
up a soft cushion of cotton-down encased in velvet, with 
the back and side cushions embroidered in gold. From 
the basal pedestal upwards there rose an ornamental silver 
plate called the prabhaval forming the back of the 
cushioned throne and surmounting it with a metal canopy 
of gold, studded with brilliants and fringed with pearls. 
Above all rose a canopy of cloth of gold raised upon outer 
pillars and glittering with pearl tassels. At the entrance 
of the durbar-hall a horse and an elephant chosen for the 
auspicious marks upon their bodies were standing in readi- 
ness, decked with gold trappings and embroidered housings. 
As the auspicious hour drew near, Shivaji performed 
a solemn puja or worship 1 of the God Vishnu, a golden 
image being used for the purpose, and when the puja was 

1 Some chronicle writers affirm that the gold columns and sculptures- 
upon the throne required gold of the weight of three candies, thirty-two 
seers, and thirty-two masas i. e. nearly four candies weight of gold* 


over he held the image in his right hand. At last when 
the inauguration time came, Shivaji saluted the Brahmane 
and received their benedictions amid Vedic hymns. He 
made his reverent salutation to his mother, who acknow- 
ledged it with a stream of affectionate blessings. And 
now holding the image of Vishnu still in his right hand 
Shivaji advanced to the throne. Approaching the right 
hand side of the throne, Shivaji made a slight genuflexion 
with the right knee, saluted the consecrated throne, and 
with his face to the east, ascended it without touching it 
with his feet. The eight ministers of state took their 
stations at the eight columns of tha lion-throne, standing 
with their hands clasped in reverence. First in order the 
ecclesiastical minister Panditrao took his post on the right 
and the chief minister or Peshwa on the left. Next behind 
them, the commander-in-chief ( sir-nobut ) on the right 
and the Amatya ( finance-minister ) on the left. Behind 
them stood the other four ministers, the Sumant ( or 
Dabir i. e. foreign secretary ) and the Sachiv ( or Surnis 
i. e. record-keeper ) to the right and the left, and the 
Mantri ( or Waknis i. e. home secretary and lord privy 
eeal ) and the Nyayadhish ( chief justice ) also to the 
right and the left respectively. The moment the installa- 
tion was completed, the air was rent with the mingled 
din of drums and trumpets. The musicians and nautch- 
girls struck up t their rhythmic melodies. The roar of 
cannon resounded from Raigad which was taken up by the 
guns of the surrounding hill-forts, as previously arranged, 
one after another. Thus every fort in Shivaji's dominions 
joined in the jubilant boom of guns. 

After ascending the auspicious throne, Shivaji changed 
his white robes for scarlet, decked himself with the usual 
ornaments of Indian royalty, the necklace, the plume, the 
pearl-crest, the pearl pendants etc, and consecrating his 
sword and bow and arrows with solemn chants and puja, 
took the weapons in his hands. Thus attired he came out 
to have flowers of silver and gold showered upon him and 


the auspicious arti waved around him by a group of sixteen 
Brahman matrons, who received rich presents of female 
costumes and ornaments. The concluding ceremonies after the 
enthronement were now taken in hand and the benedictions 
of the officiating priests were received. Munificent presents 
were made to them. Gaga Bhatt received an honorarium 
of one lakh, besides valuable presents of wearing apparel 
and jewellery. The priests presiding over the coronation 
sacrifice received five thousand each, the officiating chaplain 
rupees twenty-four thousand. Brahmans of learning and 
eminence received honorariums ranging from two hundred 
to one thousand rupees each ; Brahmans of the rank and 
file rupees twenty- five per head. Ample largesses were 
also bestowed upon gosavis, hermits and mendicants of 
all kinds ranging from two to five rupees each. Persons of 
saintly character and Brahmans of pre-eminent piety 
received grants of inam land. Finally, after the manner 
of great Indian sovereigns, Shivaji was weighed against 
gold and the precious treasure equivalent to his weight, 
amounting to sixteen thousand 1 pagodas, was distributed 
among the Brahmans. 

The ministers of state, subhedars and the various 
departmental officers, both public and private, received 
their titles and robes of office with various personal decora- 
tions. All moreover received the sanads or patents of 
their various offices. The presents made to the eight 
ministers of state included gold-embroidered state robes, 
pearl crests and pendants, sword and shield, horse and 
elephant, the chief minister receiving besides the special 
insignia of his high position, viz. a jari-patka (a cloth of 
.gold banner, an honour also conferred upon the chief 
commander), a nobut or state drum, and a pair of gold 
handled chowries (ornamental hair tassels ) to be waved 
about him on state processions. When the state ministers 
came forward to greet him with their salutation, presented 

1 These 16,000 pagodas amounted to about one hundred and forty 
pounds in weight. 


their nazars (loyalty offerings) and received their patents of 
offices, Shivaji bestowed upon each of them a lakh of 
pagodas. Balaji Avji was then invested with the robes 
of Chitnis or personal secretary, with similar presents, and 
next after him Chimnaji Avji.Balaji's brother and colleague. 
For each of the eight ministers a mutaliq ( deputy ) was 
appointed. They also came forward to receive their special 
robes. The lesser officers on the civil and military establish- 
ments received their respective honours. 

When the distribution of honours and presentation of 
nazars was at an end and the levee was dissolved, Shivaji 
went in a royal procession for a solemn thanks-giving at 
the temples of the gods. He mounted a horse with gold 
and jewelled trappings and rode into the outer court, where 
dismounting from the horse he got into a golden howdah borne 
by a magnificent elephant gaily decked with gold and rich 
embroidered housings, fringed with pearls. At the head 
of the elephant the chief commander of the forces took his 
seat, holding the trident in one hand and with the other 
waving the morchel ( a brush of pea-cock feathers waved at 
royal processions before the king.) In the rear part of the 
howdah, the prime minister took his seat, waving the 
morchel from behind. The other ministers and their 
deputies joined the procession, each riding his own elephant 
as also the select nobility and commanders, on elephants or 
horse-back. In the van of the whole procession were the 
elephants bearing the two principal standards of the state, 
first the Jari-patka or the grand ensign of cloth of 
gold and secondly the Bhagva-zenda or the orange-ochre 
ensign. Behind them marched the ensigns of the Peshwa 
(prime-minister ) and the Senapati ( chief commander ) also 
supported on elephants. Immediately after rode the com- 
manders of the royal horse and officers of the horse 
guard musketeers with their steeds accoutred with gold 
and silver trappings, inarching gallantly muskets in hand 
and forming the vanguard. After this cavalcade 
followed gun-carriages with artillery, horse-carriages and 


distinguished generals on elephants or horse-back. After 
them came on foot s lingers, swordsmen, archers, lancers 
and miscellaneous classes of foot-soldiers and behind thenx 
the squires and body-guards of commanders and a division 
of musketeers. Then followed military drums, tabors, 
tambourines and other war -like musical instruments; next 
them fifty led elephants; then a corps of one hundred 
cavalry and sky-rockets mounted on camel transports : 
then again another troop of fifty led elephants, and behind 
them the softer and more melodious music of clarions, 
hautboys, drums mounted on horse* back, horns and 
trumpets. Behind them marched bards, minstrels, and 
Indian troubadours ; next after them, flag-staff-bearers, 
ensigns, spearmen, macebearers and ushers with staves; and 
after them came gymnasts, athletes and champion wrestlers 
of the Maharashtra palaestra, mounted upon elephants. 
Behind them all came Shivaji in bis gold howdah,a company 
of brave Mavalis, gaily accoutred and glittering with orna- 
ments, serving as an immediate body-guard and surrounding 
his elephant at a respectable distance. Behind the king 
marched the elephants of the ministers and departmental 
chiefs and an infantry force brought up the rear. 

It is needless to say that in expectation of the corona- 
tion procession, the streets were cleansed and decorated, 
and in many places were washed and beautifully laid out* 
with picturesque designs in coloured powders or rangoli, 
an accomplishment of high class women in India. The 
houses were painted in gay colours and beautifully draped 
with tapestry. Flags, buntings, arches were seen every- 
where. The procession went from temple to temple, making 
offerings to the gods and liberal largesses to the Brahmans. 
On the return journey, married women stepped forth from 
their threshold and waved the arti at different places on 
the road or scattered flowers and durva grass from the/ 
windows and balconies. At the palace gate Shivaji changed 
into a chariot and on arriving at the court-yard into 
a palanquin and so came on to the durbar-hall, where at hia 


entrance be went through a quaint little Indian ceremony 
for appeasing or counter-acting the influence of the evil 
eye after all this triumph. 1 

Entering the inner apartments he first paid hie 
worship at the chapel of his tutelary deity, and then 
proceeded to salute his mother. He then visited the ladies' 
apartments where he was welcomed and honoured with 
auspicious arti by his queens, who received from him royal 
tokens of his regard and affection. Returning to the hall 
Shivaji again mounted the throne and held durbar. The 
courtiers offered nazars and made their salutes with 
humility. The durbar was dispersed with the distribution 
of pan, flowers and attar of rose. The Brahmans were 
sumptuously banqueted, and Shivaji dined in company 
with his friends and guests. The solemn rites were now 
over. Every detail of that extraordinary and well- 
nigh obsolete ceremonial and pageant had been 
worked out with marvellous precision. The subject 
princes and other visitors took their leave, having received 
from Shivaji many a token of his esteem and affection. 
The different artistes and musicians who had enlivened the 
entertainments with their various talents received ample 
rewards for their labours. The spectators went home 
singing the praises of Shivaji and his greatness. The whole 
celebration is said to have cost a crore and forty-two lakhs 
of pagodas. 

From the date of the coronation a new era was inaugu- 
rated, 2 which was to be observed in all public business 
and by all people throughout Shivaji's dominions. The 

1 A jar of water and a handful of salt, lemon, pepper etc. are waved 
up and down the person of him from whom the evil eye is to be taken off 
and poured out on the ground. 

2 The new era was known as the Coronation Shaka, not called per- 
sonally after his name as Shivaji Shaka. According to Mr. Sardesai 
( Marathi Riyasat, 1915 edition, page 362 ) this era was used in public 
papers and proclamations in the Maratha state for about 104 years. Mr. 
Sardesai's statement is based upon certain papers published in the Report. 
of the Bharat Itihas Sanehodhak Mandal of Poona for the Shaka 1835. 


date of the coronation and the inauguration of the new 
era was the 13th day of the first half of the Hindu month 
of Jesht in the year 1596 of Shalivahan and corresponds 
to the 6th of June 1674. Shivaji now adopted the name 
and style of "Kshatriya Kulavatansa Shri Raja Shiv 
Cbhatrapati," the meaning of which title is, "the Ornament 
of the Kshatriya Race, His Majesty the Raja Shiv, Lord 
of the Royal Umbrella." The noble resolve of his youthful 
years, the labours of a life-time, were crowned with rich 
fruition, a free kingdom, a crowning, the inauguration of 
a new era. 

It is not needful to describe with what sad thoughts 
the Mahomedan monarchies must have received the news 
of this solemn enthronement. Up to this date they had 
endeavoured to persuade themselves that whatever 
Shivaji's triumphs and laurels, he was after all a polygar 
chief, not an anointed sovereign like themselves and that 
in consequence his name could not stir the depths of 
national loyalty in the people's Heart. When his rebellion 
was crushed his name would sink into oblivion and no 
land-marks of his memory would be left behind. From 
this pet theory of theirs they were rudely awakened. Not 
conquest, but union, was the real key-note of his success 
or the end of his ambition. That Shivaji should conquer 
the fairest provinces and the strongest fortresses in the 
country and sit down with folded hands without 
endeavouring to unite the affections of the people towards 
himself and sealing the enduring compact of relationship 
between sovereign and his subjects, for the attainment of 
which a solemn consecration and coronation seemed to be 
the only road, was quite unthinkable. When the Brah- 
mans of Maharashtra seemed to waver in their opinion and 
make mountains of shastrio difficulties, he attained the 
crowning glory of his noble ambition with the help of the 
learned exponents of the law at Faithan and Benares. 
Sooth to say, no Brahman or pandit of the time had a doubt 
about his Kshatriya origin, except that a few purists 


vainly attempted to rank him as a Shudra as being what 
'.n the language of the law amounted to a non-user of 
Kshatriya rites and privileges. To clear the mist from 
their eyes the clear logic of Gaga Bhatt and other scholars 
was necessary. But to the great people reposing beneath 
v the shade of the Sahyadri, with that strong common sense 
and gratitude which have at all times been the back-bone 
of their national character, it could scarcely have been 
matter of doubt, despite the croaking of a few idlers, that 
he, who had delivered Maharashtra from the yoke of Islam 
and given his country-men the first taste of freedom and 
independence, deserved the name of Kshatriya more than 
those who masqueraded under it. It was an evidence of 
great foresight on his part that Shivaji established beyond 
the shadow of doubt the foundations and ensured for all 
purposes the stability and permanence of a puissant Hindu 
<monarchy, by the solemn pomp and magnificence of his 
enthronement. He immediately acquired greater prestige 
in the eyes of the Rajput princes of the north and of the 
European settlers domiciled in the country, whether French, 
or British or Portuguese. Even Mahomedan powers 
Bijapur, Qolconda, and Delhi had now to show greater 
deference towards him. Heretofore his name had been 
a terror, now it became a terror not unmingled with respect. 

While the coronation festivities were still running 
'their course, a tragic event took place which put an end 
'to the revelry. This was the death of the aged Jijabai. 
She did not long survive the coronation. Her work was 
done. The seed she had sown had borne abundant fruit. 
The early stimulus she had applied to her son had awakened 
into life a whole people. Her sags advice had accom- 
plished more constructive work than councils and cabinets. 
She had seen step by step the realization of her dreams; 
she had seen her son*s career of victory; she had seen, 
the crowning triumph of a united people enthroning 
her son in their affections more firmly than an earthly 
.throne and the final inauguration of a new era. She had 


seen all this and now closed her eyes in peace. She 
succumbed to a sudden illness within ten or twelve days 
after Shivaji's coronation. Coming so suddenly upon the 
crest of the coronation triumphs, her death overwhelmed 
Shivaji with grief. That his mother should rejoice with 
his joys and triumph in his triumphs was the highest of 
his personal ambitions. Without her, these joys and 
triumphs seemed to have no savour, his kingdom seemed 
a wilderness, his wealth as dross. And so he mourned. 
How intense his love and affection was towards his mother 
was now seen by all his people. The solemn obsequies 
were performed and lakhs of rupees were spent on the 
funeral ceremonies. The four months of autumn that 
followed her death, Shivaji spent at Raigad, where she 
had died. These four months were spent in mourning. 
During this long period, Shivaji never once sat on the 
throne. It was on the fifth day of the first half of Abhvin 
(October) that he sat in durbar, mounting the throne 
again after an auspicious ceremony. After this, in 
company with the eight ministers and army he left 
Eaigad to offer his worship at the temple of the Devi 
(goddess) at Pratapgad, whence he proceeded to visit his 
spiritual preceptor Ramdas Swami, and make pilgrimages 
to the temple of Mahadev at Shikhar, and to that of 
Khandoba at Jejuri, and again returned to Raigad 

L. S. 25. 

IT is proper at this stage to review the institutions of 
Shivaji and the organization of his administrative machi- 
nery. The enthronement ceremony helped to deepen the 
foundations of his power; his constructive genius, to broaden 
and regulate it. In attempting this survey from such 
scanty material as is at our disposal, we may preface it 
with the observation that the administrative system here- 
inafter described was not introduced abruptly after the 
Coronation but was slowly and tentatively evolved and 
.practically received its final form at the inauguration of 
the coronation era. To a certain extent indeed it will be 
no exaggeration to say that a certain faint outline of the 
future plans was already conceived and partially acted 
upon before the gathering of armies and territorial con- 
quests. 1 

To start with, Shivaji was fairly familiar with the 
contemporary administrative systems, both Hindu and 
Mahomedan. He had also a fair acquaintance with the 
ancient Hindu systems as gleaned from the Furanas. He had 
weighed well in his own mind the merits and demerits, of each 
system and from a study of their methods evolved for him- 
self a system in harmony with the spirit of his age, the need 
of the country and the highest average good, as he conceived 
it, of the ray at. It will again be no exaggeration to say 
that it will be hard to find a parallel, either in ancient or in 
modern history, to the extraordinary far-sightedness and 
.constructive skill with which he evolved his methods and 
principles of government. To the qualities of a successful 
general and conqueror he joined an administrative genius 
and statesmanship which have seldom proved so fruitful 

A That ia almost as early as 1746 if not earlier. At the earliest period, 
the days of Dadaji Kondadev, Shivaji had his Peshwa, Muzumdar, Dabir 
And Sabnis ( Vide Sabhasad p. 7). The Bir-riobub was added in 1647 
4 Sabhasad p. 8 J. Other officers were added from time to time, the con- 
stitution was settled about 1667, and probably revised ia 1674. 


of active benevolence. Considering the needs of the time 
and the evils of pre-existing and contemporary Indian 
monarchies, Shivaji saw two extremes, viz : a monarch solely 
swayed by the counsels of a favourite minister or one self- 
willed and governed by his single caprice. In either case, it 
meant disorder, injustice, misrule,-in , one word, tyranny- 
tyranny with the best or the wickedest of intentions. No 
single individual, however capable or intellectual, could keep 
in touch with the varying events in all departments of life 
jver the whole country. No single ruler, however just and 
even-minded, could decide with impartiality and unerring 
precision on all administrative questions. The interests of 
one department must often clash with those of another. 
One may often trespass on the domain of another. This 
friction and overlapping had often led to discontent, and 
discontent had always been the parent cause of the over- 
throw of great monarchies. Shivaji saw all this and 
proposed to steer clear of these dangers and misfortunes. 
He entrusted the direction of public affairs to a cabinet of 
eight officers who were to assist him in the conduct of the 
government. This institution of a cabinet was a feature of 
Shivaji's government for which there was no precedent in 
any contemporary system. It was also unique in this sense, 
that after Shivaji the institution more or less fell into 
desuetude. On the rise of the Peshwas when the king- 
became a titular puppet, it came under a total eclipse. An 
approximation to that system may however be seen in the 
more advanced and developed government of our own times 
under the aegis and direction of the British power. 

Each of these eight ministers had direct charge of a 
department of government. A few details of this system, 
are given below. The names of the incumbents of the 
various offices at the time of the Coronation have already 
been mentioned in the last chapter. 

( 1 ) The Prime Minister ( Mukhya Pradhan ) or 

. Peshwa, was next in rank after the king and was the. 

head of the entire administrative system, civil and military. 


( 2 ) The Senapati or Sir-nobut was the head of the 
military department. There were two Senapatis-oue over 
the cavalry and the other over the infantry. Of these the 
former seems to have had precedence and control over the 
Senapati of the infantry. The latter had no place in the 

( 3 ) The Pant Amatya or Muzumdar was the head of 
the finance department. He examined all civil and 
military accounts and the separate accounts of each fort. 
The local audits of all parts of the kingdom came under his 
scrutiny, and the strict control exercised through his office 
had a wholesome restraining influence upon the spending 
propensities of local commanders and reduced the evils of 
speculation and embezzlement of public money to a minimum-. 
The sanction of any extraordinary expenditure or reduction 
beyond normal li-nits was granted by the king upon the 
recommendation and by the advice of this minister. In 
consequence the officer had a very extensive department of 
clerks and accountants under him and he maintained many 
supervisors of accounts for each separate district, fort, or 

( 4 ) The Pant Sachiv or Surnis was keeper of the 
government records, superintendent of the department of 
correspondence and examiner of all letters and despatches 
from local officers, commanders and governors of the 
fortresses. Government despatches to local officers also 
passed under his scrutiny. He was likewise the registrar . 
of all grants, inams, sanads and commissions conferred upon 
civil and military officers in the provinces. This minister 
had also a large establishment. Without his seal and 
attestation no public document was valid. Both the Pant 
Amatya and the Pant Sachiv sent their representatives 
from province to province to examine and report on the 
work of their respective departments, viz : the department 
of accounts and that of records. These inspecting officers 
were empowered to make severe awards of fines and penalties 
to offending local subordinates. The principal departmental 


ministers at times paid visits to the provincial centres to 
make a personal scrutiny. 

( 5 ) The Mantri or Waknis was keeper of the private 
records and correspondence. He was also superintendent 
of the household troops and establishment. In this were 
included the various private departments of stores and 
treasure, separated under the heads of the eighteen 
Karkhanas ( warehouses, arsenal, commissariat &c. ) and 
the twelve Mahals or Koshas ( treasury, mint, stables, 
parks &c. ). 

( 6 ) The Sumant or Dabir was minister of foreign 
affairs. He superintended all business in connection with 
foreign states, such as the receiving and sending of letters 
and messengers. 

( 7 ) The Nyaya Shastri or Panditrao advised on, 
ecclesiastical, matters and expounded the shastras. He 
superintended state ceremonies and religious charities from 
the public funds. It was also his duty to see that the 
penalties awarded in criminal trials were in keeping with 
the precepts of the shastras. He was also the censor of 
the public morals. 

( 8 ) The Nyayadhish, or the Chief Justice superin- 
tended the administration of justice both civil and 
criminal. Appeals to the king from the decisions of the 
local panchayats or prant officers ( i. e. subhedar ) were 
heard by this minister, who on a revision of the evidence 
gave his decisions. 

In this manner the different departments of govern- 
ment were entrusted to different ministers. It was a point 
of honour with each minister to put the best of his energy 
and ability into his work. In intricate cases the minister 
in charge of the department concerned would discuss the 
matter with the king. If it appeared to be a matter of 
much gravity, it might be then referred to the cabinet 
or council and be subjected to a full discussion. Questions 
of policy affecting the whole kingdom were generally 


subjected to a full council discussion, and a final adjustment 
arrived at with the concurrence of all. The confidence thus 
reposed in the ministers and the value thus placed upon 
their opinion was a further incentive to their devotion and 
industry and bound them to the interests of the king and 
the state as to their own. 

Of these ministers of state, barring the Fanditrao and 
the Nyayadhish all were required to serve in the army and 
were leaders of great experience. Shivaji and his state lived 
in the midst of constant alarms. The sword was rarely 
sheathed. At the slightest notice any one of these officers, 
though mainly in churge of civil establishments, had to gird 
sword and buckler and march to the scene of war. To meet 
such emergencies, each of the state ministers had a deputy or 
mutalik who exercised full authority during his principal's 
absence in the field. They had the authority to affix their 
principals' seals of office, but in matters of special importance 
they had to submit their decision to the approval of their 
principals. Under the deputy or mutalik, each department 
had a staff of officers as follows : ( 1 ) A Muzumdar holding 
charge of the departmental audit ; ( 2) a Phadnis who was. 
an assistant to the Muzumdar ; ( 3 ) a Sabnis in charge of 
the departmental record ; ( 4 ) a Chitnis, in charge of the 
departmental correspondence; (5 ) a Karkhannis, in charge 
of the departmental stores; ( 6 ) a Jamdar, or office curator 
and ( 7 ) a Potnis or cashier. Besides these officers there 
was a full complement of clerks varying with the character 
of the department and the volume of work passing through 
it. On the personal staff of Shivaji, there was a Chitnis or 
private secretary for correspondence, a Phadnis or accoun 
tant, a Parasnis or Persian translator, and a Potnis or trea- 
surer. The Chitnis, as has often been mentioned in the fore- 
going chapters was Balaji Avji, a Prabhu. Shivaji's first 
personal Phadnis (or Muzumdar) was Balkrishnapant Hanu- 
mante, a close relative of the Raja Shahaji's chief minister of 
that family. The name of the Parasnis or translator is not 
known. His duty was to interpret letters or documents couched* 


iii the Persian language or to translate them into that 
language when necessary for despatch. Shivaji's Potnis was 
a grandson of Seshava Naik Pande of Shrigonde, at whose 
house the Raja Maloji is said to have concealed the treasure 
he had discovered in an ant-hill and to whom according to 
tradition he had made promise that when he came to have 
that sovereign power of which there was an augury he 
would make him the Potnis or treasurer of his realm. The 
grand- son of the promisor made good the promise by 
conferring the post on the grand- son of the promisee. 

Besides this organization of the public departments, 
for the proper administration of the various crown posses- 
sions different stores establishments were created. These 
were private or quasi-private departments of the crown 
and at the head of them all stood the Waknis or Mantri. 
These establishments came under two groups, which wer& 
further elaborately divided into twelve Mahals and 
eighteen Karkhanas or Shalas. Among the Mahals were 
comprehended the zenana, specie, grain stores, horse stables, 
cows' parks, the mint, palanquins, private palaces, the 
wardrobe, the private body-guard, and general purvey 
department. In the latter class, the Karkhanas, came elephant 
parks, gymnasium, public granaries, music, artillery and 
arsenals, medical stores, drinking water, camels, tents and 
carpets, hunting, jewellery, kitchens, armoury, betel- nut 
etc., carriages, stationery, singing and dancing, and mis- 
cellaneous stores. Over all these thirty departments, 
there were darogas or superintending officers, clerks. 
guards etc. 

There was a separate establishment for Jijabai. To he 
household were attached capable servants, male and female 
There were peons and foot-soldiers, maid-servants, pujaris 
or private chaplains, puraniks or readers of the puranafe 
and other Brahmans to officiate at religious functions. A 
sum was set apart for Jijabai's expenses and religious cha- 
rities. Her affairs were administered by a household 
staff consisting of a diwan or general manager, chitnia 


( secretary), a phadnis (accountant ), and a potnis (trea- 
surer ) with a number of subordinates. Shivaji was 
very anxious to provide for the comfort and happiness of 
his mother. 

Shivaji's army was recruited chiefly from two sources, 
the Mavalis on the ghats and the Hetkaris in the Konkan 
beneath the ghats. The Mavalis were crack swordsmen 
and the Hetkaris marksmen of repute. Each was armed 
with sword, shield and musket. They were to provide 
themselves with their own arm?, the ammunition being 
supplied by the state. Their dress consisted of a pair of 
breeches coming half-way down the thigh, a long band, 
about a span in breadth girt tightly about the loins, 
a long scarf worn over it round their waist, a turban and 
sometimes a frock of quilted cotton. The Mavalis and 
Hetkaris were born and bred among the mountains and 
in consequence found themselves quite at home whether 
they had to thread their mazy way over an intricate 
defile or scale the frowning heights of an inaccessible pre- 
cipice; and it will be no exaggeration to say that few 
races in other parts of the world could equal them in 
agility and swiftness of movement. 

In each decury of ten foot-soldiers there was 
a Naik, that is to say, each decury consisted of nine in- 
fantry men under a Naik or corporal. Over five such decuries 
a Havaldar was in command. Over two Havaldars a Jum- 
ledar 1 and over ten Jumledars a Hazari or commander of 
one thousand.* There were also Panch Hazaris or com- 
manders of five thousand and they were immediately under 
the orders of the Sir-nobut or chief commander. 3 Some 

1 Chicnis says that in the Mavali infantry there was a Jumledar over 
five Havaldars and a Uazari over five Jumledare. This would make an 
infantry battalion of 1250 foot-soldiers. 

9 A corps of one thousand under a hazari constituted an infantry 

8 Mr. Ranade ( page 122 ) says seven hazaris made a sir-nobut's 
charge for the Mavali infantry. Mr. Kinoaid ( page 275 ) follows Mr 
Ranade. Mr. Sardeeai ( Marathi Riyasat, 1915 edition, Pages 4?5-76 ) say 
five hazari battalions served under a sir-nobut. 


of the foot-soldiers used bows and arrows, double-edged 
swords, spears, and javelins, and some merely carried the 
ariias of their masters. The rule was that each soldier 
should wield the arms in the use of which he had acquired 
dexterity. Each soldier and naik drew a salary per month 
ranging from one to three pagodas. A jumledar received 
a hundred pagcdas per annum, and a hazari five hun- 

The cavalry were of two kinds : the Bargirs and the 
Shiledars. A body of horse of the first class were called 
the Paga or state cavalry, for their horses belonged to 
the state and were the property of the royal household 
and were looked after by state officers. The shiledar 
furnished his own horse and looked after it himself, for 
which an extra allowance was granted by the government. 
The shiledar horse had been a feature of the Mahomedan 
monarchies in the Deccan. Shivaji did not place so 
much reliance on cavalry of this description as on the 
Bargir class. The shiledars did not always care to keep 
their horses in proper condition for war and when tired 
of service might gallop away from the field. Hence 
Shivaji's policy was to reduce the number of these private 
cavalry-men, but he had to enlist them as at the time 
many a Maratha would only serve on this condition. When 
a shiledar offered to sell his horse to government, the 
horse was added on to the paga and the soldier served in 
that department of cavalry. The paga horses were each 
branded with the state stamp on the rump. The cavalry 
soldier was dressed in a pair of tight breeches and 
a frock of quilted cotton. He wore a scarf round the waist 
and a turban, one fold of which was passed under the chin 
so as to fasten and prevent it from falling down when he 
was in full career. 1 The sword was girt with the scarf round 

1 The practice of the Maratha bargir or shiledar cavalryman to pass 
a fold of the turban under his chin is a good commentary on Virgil's 
description of the dree a of. Aeneas, ( Aeneid IV, 216, Maeonia mtntutn- 
mitra crinemque tubttexta ) viz. " Hia chin and hair bound with a Maeoniao 


the waist, the shield buckled at,the back. The spear was the- 
national weapon of the Maratha cavalry-soldier, but some 
also carried a match-lock. They were, as a general rule, tc 
furnish their own arms, the shiledars had to bring their own 
ammunition, the bargirs received their supply from the state. 

Over every troop of twenty-five horse-soldiers of 
either description there w-is a havaldar. Over five 
havaldars there was a jumledar and over five jumledars 
there was a subhedar. 1 - Over ten such subhedars there was 
a panch-hazari and over them all stood the sir-nobut. 2 
The cavalry sir-nobut was distinct from the similar 
officer in chief command of the infantry. For every corps 
of twenty-five horses there was a "water-carrier and a 
farrier. The havaldar had to look after the feeding and 
grooming of the horses under him and the proper care of 
their trappings and equipments. The bargir drew 
a salary according to his grade from two to five pagodas 
pef mensem, a shiledar from six to twelve, a jnmledar 
twenty. 3 A subhedar's salary was a thousand pagodas 
per annum and he had besides a palanquin allowance. A 
panch-hazari of horse had a salary of two thousand 
pagodas and a palanquin and an umbrella-bearer's allowance. 
A subhedar of a shiledar contingent held command 
immediately under the sir-nobut. Each subhedar, panch- 
hazari and sir-nobut had an establishment of couriers 
scouts and spies. 

Besides this cavalry and infantry Shivaji maintained 
a brigade of five thousand horse for his personal body-guard, 
and this was composed of the flower of his army. Shivaji's 

1 According to some authorities, a bazar i held command over tea 
jamledars and a panch hazari over five bazaris. This arrangement is 
followed by Mr. Ranade and Prof. Sarkar. Under this plan a cavalry 
regiment- would consist of 1250 horse and a panch bazari brigade of 6250 

3 Mr. Sarde:ai gives the same sab-divis'ons of the cavalry brigade as 
described here in the text. We follow Chitnis. 

9 According to Sabhasad a jumledar received five hundred pagoda* 
( annual pay ) and a palanquin allowance. 


hostilities with the Mahomedan powers endangered his life- 
at all times and his body-guard had to be on the qui vive 
day and night. Shivaji had chosen his body-guard from 
the pick of the Mavali youth. These were divided into 
companies of thirty, forty, sixty or one hundred men and 
placed under the bravest and most loyal of his commanders. 
The body-guard of foot had a rich uniform provided by the 
state, to be worn on state occasions, consisting of a gold- 
embroidered turban, a woollen mantle and a scarf of 
checkered silk or a Paithan shawl. For ornaments they 
wore sometimes gold armlets, sometimes necklaces of silver, 
sometimes of gold. For their swords they had scabbards 
with gold-mounted ends and gold-fasteners to secure their 
musketE. There was also a body-guard of horse, consisting 
of the cream of the bargir cavalry. They numbered five 
thousand and were distinguished from the rest by their 
gold and silver trappings. For the personal use of Shivaji, 
there was a private stable comprising about a hundred noble 
steeds, with housings and trappings of the most superb 
order. When Shivaji set forth on an excursion, the body- 
guard, both horse and foot, attended him as an escort, 
marching in front and in the rear, or to his left or right, 
always observing the prescribed order and keeping fixed 
intervals between them. 

At the recruiting season, Shivaji personally inspected 
every man who offered himself for service, whether in the 
cavalry or the infantry and took security from some persons 
already in the service for the fidelity and good conduct of 
those who were to be enlisted for the first time. The 
sureties executed bonds for the good conduct of their 
proteges. None was appointed or promoted to the rank of 
jumledar or subhedar, hazari, or panch hazari, who had 
not given proofs of his bravery and chivalry, and of profi- 
ciency in arms as well as of his family connections. These 
officers were Marathas. Every subhedar and hazari had 
under him either a Brahman subordinate as sabnis or 
muster-keeper and a Prabhu officer as karkhannis or store- 


keeper, . or a Brahman muzumdar or accountant and a 
Prabhu sabnis or despatch clerk. In the same way, under 
a panch-hazari there was a diwan, a sabnis and a 
karkhannis. Under these officers there were inferior 
subordinates, and beyond the prescribed number, the 
commander could appoint clerks and other subordinates 
at his own charge. Commanding officers, subhedars and 
hazaris were under strict regulations to observe punctuality 
in the due payment of salaries and allowances to their 

Shivaji possessed at this time about two hundred and 
eighty hill-forts. These forts played a very important part 
in Shivaji's military system and he attached a special value 
to their defence and equipment. Whatever war or invasion 
menaced the country Shivaji had been able to defy the 
enemy in campaign after campaign by the help of these 
forts. From a skirmish or a raid upon the enemy in the 
camp or the plains below he could swiftly lead his hosts to 
the bafctlemented heights of his forts and laugh to scorn the 
impotent rage of his pursuers spending itself in vain against 
their rock foundations. Rarely could a hostile army 
dominate for long the country within range of such a 
fortress. A hostile occupation would in its nature be 
temporary being subject to the fire and descents of the garrison 
of the neighbouring fort. In short the fort was the most 
salient point of Shivaji's military system, both as regards 
offence and defence. No outlay was too great whether to 
repair or restore old fortifications or to build new ones in 
positions of natural advantage or strategical value. The 
organization and discipline of the forts were the most effici- 
ent and strict to be found anywhere under his dominions. 

The governor or commander in supreme charge of 
a fort had the title of havaldar. He was usually a Maratha 
officer of distinguished bravery, loyalty and position. 
Under him was a sir-nobut, or commander of garrison 
troops and a tat-sir-nobut or commander of the ram- 
parts. There was besides a staff of the usual officers, a 


subhedar, a sabnis, a phadnis, and a karkhannis. Of these 
latter the first three were generally Brahmans, the 
karkhannis or commissary of stores was commonly 
a Prabhu. These officers were selected with care for their 
talents, loyalty and devotion. The ministers of state or 
distinguished nobles stood security for their- good conduct. 
The final responsibility for the safety of the fort being 
vested in the havaldar, the other officers had strictly to 
obey hia orders. He held the keys of the fort. He passed 
orders for commissariat supplie8,ammunition and food provi- 
sions. He held the seals of the fort and papers were 
received or sent in his name. He had finally the supreme 
charge of the garrison army. The subhedar administered 
the revenue in the outlying villages and acted in consulta- 
tion with the havaldar. The sabnis kept the records and 
correspondence of the fort and the muster of the garrison* 
forces The karkhannis kept accounts of stores and 
commissariat. He was also the pay-master and supervisor of 
the public buildings in the fort. The division of work 
among men of different castes, as also the system of checks 
and counter-checks, was a successful provision against 
fraud and treachery. The forces maintained at each fort 
were in proportion to its size and importance. 

The hills beneath the fort and the sloping declivities 
from the foot to the summit were guarded by sentinels 
whose duty it was to watch the movements of a possible 
invader and guard the hilly woods. At the foot of the 
fortress, there were outposts at the cross-ways and com- 
manding positions where bodies of Ramosis, Parwaris, 
Manga or Mahars were stationed on guard. They also 
acted as scouts and brought to the governor of the fort 
secret intelligence of any stir or excitement or anything 
unusual taking place in the neighbourhood, put the enemy's 
spies or scouts inquiring about the conditions within on 
a wrong scent, and made sudden attacks on straggling parties 
from a hostile army loitering in their neighbourhood. 

Under the strict regulations of Shivaji it was the duty 


of the havaldar to see that the portals of the fort were 

closed at nightfall. He had to assure himself in person 
that they were properly locked up, and he could under no 
circumstances part with the keys, but have them under his 
pillow when he went to sleep. The commanders in the fort 
by turns went* their appointed rounds all over the fort 
during the night. The sir-nobut had general control over 
the patrols, but the watches at important positions over the 
defences were under the supervision of the tat-sir-nobut, 

or commander of the rampart. The havaldar was expected 
to be on guard at head quarters, with a posse of armed men. 
The officers of each department were furnished with distinct 

regulations for their conduct, from which they were under 
no circumstances to deviate. Nor were they permitted to 

'interfere with the duties of any brother-officer, being 
strictly limited to their own. Unnecessary tampering with 
the duties of another and indifferent attention to one's own 
was visited not merely with a stern animadversion and 
censure, but a punishment which was alike rigorous and 

The fort regulations provided for punctual payment of 
their salaries, whether in cash or kind, to the officers 
and men in the garrison. Provisions of food supplies and 
fodder, fuel, arms and ammunition, brick and mortar, 
were made on a liberal scale, in quantities to last for two 
years or more at a time. Each fort had its own scale for 
these supplies, based upon its particular needs and circum- 
stances. Easy slopes and passages up the forts were 

rendered steep and inaccessible by cutting down the rocks, 
or by mining and artificial defence works. It is unfortu- 
nately not easy to ascertain the scale of salaries of the 

.havaldar, subhedar, tat-sir-nobut and other garrison 
officers. The havaldar was at any rate entitled to the 
privilege and allowance of a palanquin and torch-bearer. 
The garrison troops drew their salaries on the same sea 1 
as other soldiers. Besides the regular garrison army,. 

<there were the skirmishers, sentinel guards and the irre- 


gular and nondescript soldiery stationed at the out-posts 
beneath the fort. These were recruited from various 
castes and hill- tribes, such as Ramosis, Parwaris, Mahars, 
Mangs and Berads. They did not receive fixed pay but 
had lands settled upon them in the neighbourhood of the 
fort, where they were to have their allotted dwellings, 
subsisting on the produce of the fields they tilled and held 
as their own. All these men came under the general 
appellation of gadkaris or garrison men. The object of 
this plan was to make the gadkaris, especially these non- 
descript members of the garrison, feel a personal interest 
in the safety of the fort committed to their care, which was 
alike the source of honour and of livelihood to them. In 
consequence of this arrangement, as the years elapsed, 
a breed of brave and loyal warriors was reared up at each 
fort. The veteran soldier looked for no higher honour 
or reward at the hands of Shivaji than to be placed 
in command over one of these forts or promoted to the 
higher garrison appointments. The fort was under the 
general administrative sphere of the taluka next adjacent 
to it and the talukdar or rnamlatdar, as the case might 
be, was under orders to supply the necessary provisions 
with the advice of the prant-subhedar. The dismissal 
or restoration to office of any of the garrison officers 
depended on direct orders to that effect from the 

The organization of the artillery was in the hands 
of separate officers, about whose names or grades the 
authorities are silent. Cannon were stationed at suitable 
points in the different fortresses. The field artillery was 
*novad from place to place by means of waggons, arms 
and ammunition were conveyed in carts, both being drawn 
by teams of oxen, of which a special breed was reared. 
When the aimy was on march, each cart or waggon had 
a double team of oxen, one relieving the other when neces- 
sary. A party of mechanics accompanied the army smiths, 
.Carpenters, tanners, gunners and the like. The artillery 


officers were to keep their ammunition and equipments 
ready for any emergency. The mounting and dismounting 
of guns being an operation of great skill and labour, the 
best experts only had these duties assigned to them. 
Besides the fort artillery planted in stationary batteries, 
there were about two hundred field guns mounted on 
carriages. The artillery was purchased from the Portu- 
guese, French and English merchants or obtainsd from 
them under the special articles of the treaties concluded, 
with their representatives. 

For the purpose of administration the entire territory 
under Swarajya, or Shivaji's direct control, was divided into 
a number of circles or districts called mahals and prants. 
A mahal comprised territory or villages yielding an annual 
revenue of from seventy-five to a hundred and twenty-five 
thousand rupees. Two or three such mahals went to form 
a prant or subha. The officer in charge of a mahal was 
the mahalkari. He was also called a turufdar or talnkdar. 
This officer was generally a Brahman or Prabhu by <*aste. 
Over each mahal likewise there was a havaldar, Maratha 
by caste. The officer presiding over a subha was the 
subhedar. He was also called mamlatdar. The subhedar's 
jurisdiction often extended over one or two forts. The 
officer in charge of two or three villages was called 
a kamavisdar. He supervised the collection of revenue 
in his own little circle under direction of the mahalkari, 
or talukdar, his immediate superior, and submitted his 
accounts at the head-quarters of the subhedar concerned. 
The head-quarter's staff of the subhedar consisted of a 
muzumdar, a chitnis, phadnis and a daftardar or cord- 
keeper, together with the necessary establishment of clerks 
and assistants. The mahalkari superintended tlm work 
of the kamavisdar, the subhedar that of the mahalkari The 
subhedar heard cases. In criminal matters he gave <iecision 
himself. In civil matters he got the cases submitted to 
a village panchayat and enforced their decision The; 
frontier districts were subject to many disturbanc , and 

the subhedars in charge of such districts were assisted by 
a contingent of infantry and cavalry. The revenue levied, 
whether in cash or in kind, was conveyed for safe custody 
to the strongest fort within the district limits. The subhe- 
dar's salary was four hundred pagodas per annum and he 
had also an allowance for a palanquin and umbrella- 
bearers. The muzumdar in charge of a subha or pranfc 
drew a salary of one hundred to oue hundred and twenty- 
five pagodas, and the other officers at the district head- 
quarters in due proportion. As to the salaries and allow- 
ances of the sub- divisional officers, the mahalkari and 
the kamavisdar, there is no information available. 

An elaborate survey of the entire Swarajya territory 
was taken in hand and the land record in the da/tar of 
the mahalkari gave the names of the owner of each 
agricultural holding. The unit of field measurement in 
Shivaji's system was the pole or kathi which measured 
nearly six cubits in length. 1 A cubit was fixed at fourteen 
tasus or inches in Shivaji's system and eighty such tasus 
went to make a kathi. Twenty kathis made a bigha and 
one hundred aud twenty bighas made a chavar. The 
produce of the holding was determined by a survey of the 
standing crop. Of the assessed produce three-fifths were 
left to the cultivator of the field and two-fifths formed 
the amount of the land tax, which was payable either in. 
cash or in kind.J Annual kabulayats or agreements were 
entered into with the rayat with reference to the payment of 
the government dues. In times of scarcity tagavi advances 
were made on a liberal scale which were repayable by 
instalments during the four or five years following after 
the period of agricultural distress. When allotments of 
uncultivated land were made to new tenants for the first 
time, with a view to their being brought under the plough, 
grants of agricultural cattle and seed were made at govern-- 
ment expense and advances of corn and cash to the holder 

1 The strict measure of the kat/u was live cubits and tire muthis. A 
muth is equal to the breadth of the closed palm. 

L. 8. 2b 


-of the virgin soil, till the first harvest was gathered. The 
amount thus advanced was to be re-imbursed to the state 
ia the course of a few years. Thus the lands were settled 
upon the rayat with full proprietary rights, and all soil 
that could boast of any degree of fecundity was brought 
under the plough. The revenue officers were under strict 
.regulations to apportion the -tax to the produce and render 
the burden of government dues as light as possible. 

One important modification introduced by Shivaji in 
the ravenue usages of the Mahomehan states calls for 
special notice. Under the Mahomedan regime each mahal 
and village had its revenue lord, deshmukh or deshpandya, 
desai or patil, kulkarni or khot, mirasdar or zamindar, as 
the case might be. The government officers had no direct 
dealings with the cultivator or rayat, but only with the 
revenue lords, who collected the revenue dues from the 
individual cultivator. The grievous result of this system 
was that the cultivators were always at the mercy of 
these rapacious chiefs, who fleeced the unresisting multi- 
tude at their sweet will. Was the government's share 
over the village produce two or three hundred rupees ? Off 
went the rack-renting mirasdar to levy two or three 
thousand ! Sic vos non vobis mellificatia apes I The 
drones carried away all the honey, the industrious multi- 
tude groaned, and the officers of government looked on 
helpless, the state coffers being as low as ever for all the 
exaction. The revenue lords were surrounded by their 
own satellites, swordsmen and musketeers. They lived in 
fortified residences and secured their villages with mud- 
orts and ramparts. When the government took notice of 
their exactions and raised the assessment, they did nob 
scruple to defy the sovereign power or even appeal to arms. 
The consequence was that the whole country was seething 
with sedition on account of these rebellious polygars. 

This was entirely changed. The taxes were to be collec- 
ted from the rayat under the direct supervision of the paid 
officials of the central power. The usurping mirasdars and 



z-amindars were divested of the tyrannous powers under 
which the peasantry had groaned for centuries. They 
were now entitled to fixed grants based on an average esti- 
mate of their just claims in the old regime, and these 
were to be levied no longer from the cultivators but- 
r'rom the district officers representing the central govern- 
ment. True indeed, the revenue lords subsided into an 
idle rentier class, digesting their incomes and bearing- 
no burden in the economy of the state. But the har- 
pies of extortion had been at worst turned into harmless 
grasshoppers. Their pensions were subject to yearly con- 
firmation, a procedure which guaranteed their good 
behaviour towards the stafce. The peasantry, freed from, 
their grinding greed, breathed more freely. The thrall 
in practice became a free agent towards the state, 
the lowly serf began to hold up his head. Desai and desh- 
mukh became simple subjects. Their forts and walls, their 
strongholds and donjons were everywhere rased to the 
ground, their feudal bands dispersed, their private wars 
and depredations put down with a strong hand. The 
district and taluka officers watched all their movements. 
.It is easy to understand how these insolent nobles smarted 
with discontent under the new discipline. But that 
.smouldering discontent was never allowed to blaze into- 
a fire. Wherever practicable, the old nobility found congenial 
employment in Shivaji's army and in the civil service; and 
as they waxed in dignities and emoluments they got recon- 
ciled to the new regime. Though servants of the state while- 
they drew their stipends, their hereditary rights and their 
annual claims over the village revenues were at the same timev 
assured to them. The dragon of anarchy WAS slain, the 
cultivator went happily about his smiling meadows and the. 
arts of peace and thrift no longer languished in the land. 

A word may be said about Shivaji's field regulations. 
The continuance of Shivaji's independence and of tho> 
sovereign domains he had wrested from the reluctant 
Mahomedan pov/ei?j9 depended entirely upon the army and 


necessitated the maintenance of large bands of warriors 
ready to take the field at the shortest notice. Never did any 
prince, whose power rested so vitally as Shivaji's did upon 
the upkeep of his army, practise a more rigid system of 
economy and discipline. Rigid however though the system 
was, the military organization he had to maintain in order 
to meet the constant alarms of war was too great to be 
entirely supported upon the slender resources of the 
Swarajya revenue. A certain portion of the army was 
stationed at the various forts, and maintained upon the 
revenues of the neighbouring villages. The remainder of 
the necessary armaments required, therefore, to be supported 
at least in part on other resources than state revenues. 
Added to these was the constant drain of wealth involved 
in the interminable struggle with the Mogul and the Adil- 
ehahi sultan. These circumstances conspired to give rise 
to the Maratha practice of sending out, year after year r 
a definite portion of the army upon a campaign of invasion 
on the enemy's territory. 1 This was called Mulukhgiri or 
active service on hostile soil. While the soldier was serving 
out his campaign he supported himself at the cost of the 
enemy and at the end of his campaign brought home his 
spoils to replenish the state treasury. Another consequence 
of these ceaseless campaigns, which no doubt was aimed at 
by Shivaji, was that the Mahomedan powers subjected to the 
distracting war grew more and more feeble and inert, and 
gradually relaxed their control of the country, surrendering 
one district after another. This, as we have seen, was the 
ruling idea of Shivaji's life. 

The sir-nobut of the horse went fjrth on these 
campaigns for eight months in the year. He levied the 
chau'ch and sirdeshmukhi dues in the Bijapur and Mogul 
dominions and sacked the wealthy towns in the hostile 
territories. When setting forth on the campaign, inven- 
tories were duly made of the goods and chattels belonging 
to each soldier required by him on his march, and valuations 
1 Sabhaaad, page 2y. 


of these were made and entered in the regimental books, 
the object being to compare on the return of the campaigners 
the valuables belonging to each soldier with those he had 
taken at the commencement of the march, to make him 
accountable for anything found in excess and confiscate it 
to the public coffers as part of the general booty or, as an 
alternative, deduct its value from his stipend. On the other 
hand, if a soldier was found to have come by losses or 
impairment of his property the same was made good at the 
charge of the state. If a trooper of the shiledar class lost 
or disabled his horse while on active service in the campaign, 
he immediately received compensation at the rate described 
in the original inventory. No females, servant-maids or 
prostitutes were permitted to accompany any soldier on 
a campaign. 1 Distillers or vendors of spirituous liquors were* 
also prohibited from joining the regiment on march. An, 
infringement of these rules was punished with death. The> 
reason was plain. A strict disciplinarian like Shivaji knew 
by intuition the value of temperance and sobriety on field 

No sacrilege or interference with Brahmans was per- 
mitted on a campaign. No kine were ever to be carried 
away in plunder nor oxen except as draught cattle according- 
to requirement. Females and peasants were not to be> 
interfered with. Wealthy Mahomedans or Hindus in a, 
position of dependence on the Mahomedan chiefs and able* 
to pay the war contributions might be arrested and taxed 
proportionately to their fortunes, but immediately on their 
payment of the stipulated sums they were to be set at 
liberty. The rest of the poor population suffered nothing 
by the invasion. Women and children had perfect immu- 
nity under all circumstances. Pending the payment of 
contributions; hostages might be taken, never a Brahman, 
a Mahomedan by preference. 

The campaign had to be concluded before the rains,, 
when the squadrons were to rejoin their cantonments. On 

1 Vide tthedgavkar bakhar, page 39. 


arrival at the frontier of their own state, a search was made 
into the goods or chattels carried by each trooper, iu 
comparison with the previous inventories, leading tc 
restorations or confiscations, where it might be thought 
necessary. Elaborate inventories were also made of the 
spoils taken from the enemy. Embezzlement of the public 
spoils was summarily dealt with. The returned cavalry 
resumed their ordinary places in the cantonment, of which 
there were two or three centrally situated, with long lines 
of stables and residences for the troopers. The brigadier 
bad to provide the fodder and veterinary aid to the beasts, 
examine the musters of his regiment, and make up the 
salary bills for the men under his command. 

When the inventories were fully nmde up and tallied, 
the sir-nobut waited on the king presenting the spoils of 
the war for his gracious acceptance. The accounts were 
then audited and the balances credited to the royal treasury 
or warehouses. Jewels, precious apparel etc. were cleaned 
or polished as required and arranged in the proper cabinets 
with the estimated prices put upon them. It was open to 
officers and soldiers to make a bid for any of these 
articles at the assessed prices, which could be deducted from 
their salaries. Individual soldiers and officers recommended 
for special gallantry were now introduced to the king by 
the sir-nobut upon the advice of the respective subhedars 
for promotion or rewards of merit. The widows and 
orphans of those that had fallen received their fixed grants 
from government. Soldiers disabled by grievous wounds 
had their life pensions settled by the state. Medical grants 
were liberally made to those invalided in the service by 
wounds or disease. The condition and grievousness of the 
wounds received determined the amount of compensation 
and entitled them to promotion or other marks of honour. 
Officers in the army found unfit for the duties to which 
they were appointed were not summarily dismissed but 
transferred to another sphere or relegated to the civij 
service. Breach of discipline or disobedience on a campaign 


led to a court martial and punishment and a repetition of 
the offence, to dismissal from service. Misappropriation of 
the spoils or plunder obtained in a campaign was visited 
\vith condign punishment. In all these disciplinary 
matters, the sir-nobut was to act under the order of the 
sovereign, not on bis own responsibility. 

About the end of the monsoons, on the auspicious day 
of Dasara ( a great Hindu holiday in the early part of 
October ), the squadrons of horse were to start again on 
a new campaign. The celebration of Dasara was one of ihe 
most festive periods in Shivaji's calendar and of great signi- 
ficance in his military system. Hindu traditions of hoary 
antiquity and from the epic period downwards recognized it 
as the most auspicious day for the opening of a campaign. 
On the day of Dasara, shiledar and bargir and whoever 
else had a desire to join Shivaji's cavalry or infantry 
appeared before the sovereign and gave a display of their 
agility and physique and skill in arms. Shivaji supervised 
the tests in person, and those who were found fit for service 
were immediately enrolled and appointed to duties for 
which they showed special aptitudes. The forces to be 
launched out on the new campaign were personally reviewed 
by the sovereign. Shivaji examined every horse taken out 
on the expedition. The lists of accoutrements and appur- 
tenances of each soldier were made out once again. The 
sir-nobut and the leading commanders came to have their 
farewell audience of the monarch. The final orders were 
given and taken and the generals led forth their eager.hosts 
into those hostile territories which were decreed to be the 
scene of their activity for the year. 

Under Shivaji's system the generals and superior officers 
drew their salaries in advance at the time of the mobiliza- 
tion of their squadrons. The rank and file of the regular 
army and the irregular camp-followers received their 
accumulated wages at the end of the campaign. From- 
the salaries thus received in a lump sum they were to pro- 
vide for their families for the T?hole year. The stipends 


due for the period of inactivity while the forces were can- 
toned during the monsoons appear under this system to 
have been payable in a lump sum at the time of Dasara. 
While on campaign the soldier had scarcely any payment 
to make for his subsistence. Shivaji spared no expense to 
keep the army happy and contented at all times. Never 
was there a mutiny, sedition, 'or conspiracy in his camp. 
The passion that dominated every breast, every regiment, 
every camp flying Shivaji's standard was to put forth the 
very best of their valour and daring, and to earn the applause 
and admiration of their master. This was the occupation of 
their thoughts, this the noble emulation that inspired them. 

In the other departments there was great punctuality 
in the payment of all salaries to public officers. At the 
end of each year the salary bills were made up and paid 
and the standing instructions were to leave no balances 
for the next year. The punctuality thus observed kept the 
men in the public service in sympathy with the govern- 
ment, their families well supported even in the absence of 
their chiefs, and the entire civilian class free from fear of 
indebtedness. Shivaji knew from the condition of other 
governments of the time that irregularity in payment 
was the root cause of sedition among public officers, of 
indifference to duty, of dullness, of ineptitude. Hence the 
great care with which he endeavoured to extirpate the least 
signs of indebtedness from the public service. The spectre 
of debt took the edge from all ambition and enterprise, 
robbed life of all its savour and drove the distracted victim 
to every kind of vice and iniquity. All this Shivaji 
saw and he wisely made provision for his officers to enable 
them to avoid these fears. But he saw that there were occa- 
sions, like marriages and other festive functions, when 
not only the poor but even the most affluent were forced 
to borrow. Such being the ci&e a rule was made that 
public officers on such occasions might apply for aid 
from the state funds, and such aid was granted on a scale 
determined by the applicant's position and services. At 


the same time when an officer was found improvident or 
extravagant and in consequence overwhelmed with debt, he 
was discharged from the service. 

The superior officers received their salaries in cash or 
by orders for payment on the revenue officers. The latter 
paid in cash or in kind according to the order received, 
which they had to follow to the letter. Punctuality of 
payment was the out-standing feature of the system. 
These orders on the treasury were duly audited from year to 
year. When a paid servant of the state happened to be 
a holder of an agricultural estate, the land-revenue charge- 
able on his holding was deducted from his stipend and the 
balance made up by a*i order on the treasury, which was 
duly paid off in cash or in kind. No military or civil 
officers received assignments of village lands, as the whole 
or part of their salaries. Such assignments of the revenues 
of entire villages or a portion of them went under the name 
of mokasa. The grant of mokasa lands had become 
a regular feature of Mahomedan rule, and a prolific 
source of every form of oppression. What with the zamin- 
iar and the mokasadar, the subjects of these unhappy 
governments were, as it were, ground down between two 
mill-stones Under pretence of government service they 
impressed any amount of forced labour. To avoid these 
evil practices, therefore, Shivaji took care, that, where 
orders on tho revenue were made in payment, they should 
be addressed to and made payable by the revenue officers 
concerned, and debited to the revenue account, and that the 
recipients should under no circumstances exercise any kind 
of proprietary rights or claims on those villages to the 
revenue of which their salaries were debited. 

In the same manner were jahgirs suppressed. Jahgirs 
were fiefs conferred on great nobles of the state in recogni- 
tion of services performed. The holders of the jahgirs col- 
lected the revenues of these fiefs by their own agents, and 
were responsible to the state for paying a small percentage 
of their receipts as tribute or in lieu thereof had to serve 


in the field with ft prescribed number of followers. WitL 
a tenure that presented such a wide latitude for freedom of 
action and independence and placed such multitudes 
under their autonomous sway, these jahgir feudatories 
appeared more in the character of ruling princes than, 
obedient vassals in allegiance to a common sovereign. The 
cultivators looked upon them as their sovereign masters. 
They had their own militia of jahgir forces. They lived 
in fortified strongholds and secured their fiefs with many 
a fortress, tower and parapet. The fiefs descended from 
father to son in right of succession. The zeal and loyalty 
of the founder of the family in the service of the central 
power could not in the nature of things be transmitted 
unimpaired along with the family fortunes to the genera- 
tions that followed. The strain of virtue and valour that 
had distinguished the first fief-holder was rarely to be 
discovered among acions of the same blood. Contempt of 
the central power and insolent disobedience to its commands 
were the natural consequences. The spirit of defiance had 
become the element in which they lived and moved. The 
signal of a foreign invasion might be expected to gather 
their forces for the defence of the central power ; but 
it more often proved a trumpet-call for mutiny and 

Shivaji was so conscious of the festering evils to which, 
the jahgir system gave rise in the commonwealth, that 
he set his face sternly against the practice. Where it 
happened that in territories newly brought under his flag 
the old practice was found to exist and the jahgirdar 
aristocracy of the ancient regime had in some form to be 
recognized, the lands held in jahgir from times of yore by 
these families were no longer considered as held in proprie- 
tary right, and a percentage of the revenue was all that waa 
conceded to them for the continuance and glory of their 
ancient pedigrees. And this, with the additional precaution 
that they should not interfere with the rayats, who were, 
responsible only to the government officers of the villages. 


concerned. Divested of all shadow of authority and power 
to work their will upon the suffering multitude, the more 
capable and talented of these nobles found a free arena for 
the exercise of their virtues and genius in Shivaji's army 
and civil establishments. Their ancient forts were levelled 
to the ground. No castellated residences were any longer 
assigned or permitted to them. Down went buruz and 
parapet. They were required to occupy ordinary unforti- 
fied residences. The stronger fortifications over all the 
jahgir dominions of course passed bodily under Shivaji's 
military officers as parts of the ordinary defences of th& 

Thus was crushed the many-headed hydra that had 
turned the fairest parts of the country into a morass and 
poisoned its substance. For whatever name it assumed 
khot, deshmukh, deshpande, desai, zamindar, mokasdar, 
mirasdar, jahgirdar the evil was the same, irresponsible 
rapine. It was an attribute of the highest statesmanship 
on the part of Shivaji that though he deprived them of 
their voracious propensities, this brood of hawks could yet 
be successfully tamed for the public service. The discon- 
tinuance of the jahgir practice by Shivaji has had one 
unfortunate result : the names of the illustrious leaders and 
statesmen, who so nobly seconded their sovereign's efforts 
for the redemption of the liberty of their country, have 
fallen into an unseemly and unmerited oblivion. In any age, 
in any country, the names of Moropant Pingle, Abaji 
Sondev, Tanaji Malusare, Yesaji Kank, Baji Fasalkar, Baji 
Prabhu, Netaji Palkar, Prataprao Guzar, Hambirrao Mohite 
and a host of others would have shone in the national galaxy 
like stars of the first magnitude. To-day they are under an 
unnatural eclipse. True to his principles Shivaji conferred 
no jahgirs upon these illustrious partners of his labours in 
field and in council, though nobody else in all the land 
could be said to have had a better claim for any mark of 
recognition than these tried veterans. But not even in these 
cases was the " no jahgir " rule to be broken. Had the 


gallant services of these men received any such recognition, 
who knows but perhaps these great names might still have 
survived the ravages of time, not indeed quite unscathed 
but still with the family honours and the family estates ? 

Another important rule of Shivaji's discipline was that 
no public office, civil or military, was to become hereditary. 
However capable or brilliant the career of the father had 
proved to be, this was no reason in itself for the succession 
of his son to the same office. If the great services of the 
father were at all to be acknowledged by a compensatory 
preferment of the son, it was strictly conditioned by the 
capacity and character the latter had revealed in his career. 
Without such ability, the gates of royal favour or prefer- 
ment were closed, not only as regards succession to the 
paternal dignities, but to any official appointment. This 
put an end to all manner of nepotism in the public service. 
The public offices never became the close preserves of 
a small ring of families. The duties of the state were dis- 
charged with efficiency and with unfaltering regard for the 
right. This is the more remarkable when we consider the 
sterling character, the selfless devotion, the unwavering 
rectitude of Shivaji's gallant companions in arms and in 
council, the pillars of the empire, its builders, its defenders. 
Remarkable again because no one, no, not even the worst 
caviller, traces the rigour of the new system to a lack of 
appreciation or to insolence or ingratitude. Not indifference 
but a just appreciation governed all these actions, no phleg- 
matic disregard but a keen instinct to discern merit. So lively 
was this sense of fair dealing as between officer and officer, 
so strict the measure of justice, whether distributive or 
retributive, that Shivajididnot hesitate,where duty required 
it, to rebuke the greatest of his generals, to discharge or 
supersede them, when the least act of insubordination or 
dereliction of duty was brought home to them in the 
exercise of their trust. The fact that these great ministers 
and commanders held no jahgirs and were backed by no 
feudal militia made their removal or supersession from office 


comparatively easy. Such was the new regime, the disci- 
pline of the renaissance of the Maratha power. No prototype- 
of it can be found in the contemporary Mahomedan 
governments of Shivaji's time or in the fossilized systems of 
Hindu medievalism that had preceded it. Unhappily for 
the Maratha Renaissance all vestiges of the new system 
disappeared after the advent of the Raja Shahu and the 
usurping domination of his Peshwa ministers, with what 
dire results is too well known to the student of history. 

While the conduct of the great officers and commanders 
was subject to the constant scrutiny of the sovereign 
and his principal ministers, there was a secret intelligence 
corps or service of scouts which maintained a constant watch 
on the actions and the movements of the local officers at 
each fort, mahal. or subha, each cantonment and campaign- 
ing regiment. The head of this corps of scouts was 
Bahirji Naik, a man in the complete confidence of Shivaji. 
Secret officers kept an eye on the movements of commanders 
despatched on a campaign, watched the booty taken and 
the contributions levied and reported any attempts at mis- 
appropriation or underassessment of the spoils of war. 
The detectives maintained their silent watch upon the 
manner in which the garrison officers discharged their trust> 
gave warnings of any attempted collusion with the enemy, 
reported on the revenues levied and actually submitted to 
the treasury, and generally took notice of cases of oppres- 
sion or misrule. But the intelligence service had not only 
this sphere of activity. More important was the detective 
work they rendered the state by reporting on the movements 
of the enemy, the camp news in the Adilshahi, Kutub- 
shahi or Mogul territories, the latest ministerial and other 
changes of office, the latest developments in policy or plans. 
They were ubiquitous ; they went in all manner of disguises ; 
they saw and detected everything. The secret despatches 
thus received from these officers were read out in the privacy 
of the royal palace by Shivaji's personal secretary, Balaji 
Avji Chitnis. A reported case of insubordination or breach 



of discipline on the part of an officer was subjected to 
a close investigation, and,if at the end of the enquiry he was 
found guilty, he was immediately punished with the penal- 
ties attached to the offence. This exercised a wholesome 
restraint upon the other officers and made them more 
amenable to duty. 

Shivaji did not consider there was a necessity for 
a separate judicial service throughout his dominions. Inland 
disputes or contractual disagreements about transfer of 
property, the cases were referred to panchayats by the 
mahal and district officers. The village panchayat system 
flourished in all its vigour and vitality, and, being the cheapest 
and most immediate, it was, at the same time, the most 
convenient system to the inhabitants. Shivaji, therefore, 
retained the system with a right of appeal to the sovereign. 
The advantage of the system was that the parties con- 
cerned had not to go a long way from their homes to reach 
the court, the trials took place where the causes of action 
arose, and decisions were given by persons who could make 
a personal investigation of the facts and indeed bring 
their ocular knowledge and local experience to bear upon 
the question at issue ; and, over and above this, there was 
the undeniable advantage that being of the people they 
decided for the people without charging any fees or 
salaries. It was for the mahalkari and the subha officer 
to see that the decisions of the panchayat were duly res- 
pected though the party dissatisfied with the judgment of 
the panchayat court could appeal to the king. Such 
appeals were heard by the Nyayadhish or the chief justice, 
one of the ministers of the Ashta-Pradhan cabinet. Cri- 
minal jurisdiction was vested in the subha officer, against 
whose decision a reference could be made to the sovereign 
for revision, when the case was called before the court of 
the Pandit rao or the ecclesiastical officer, who revised the 
case in the light of the shastric law. Cases of insubordina- 
tion in the army or breach of military discipline came for 
.investigation before the military subbed ar or other higher 


officer, which could be appealed from to the sovereign, when 
. decision was given by the sir-nobut or commander-in-chief. 

In the territories now reduced under Shivaji's domi- 
nions, there had once prevailed much disturbance from 
thieves and dacoits. This peat of thieves was consider- 
ably mitigated and in parts utterly suppressed by Shivaji. 
Thieves and criminal tribes such as Berads and the like, 
were hunted down and executed when arrested. Some were 
given lands within gunshot of some strong fortress or other 
and the commander of the fort kept them under a strict 
surveillance Some were indeed enrolled among the irre- 
gular infantry of the fort garrisons and the temptation to 
urime cured by the prospect of a fixed salary. Where 
a village had earned a notoriety for frequent dacoities, it 
'was placed under the sentinel watch of a person of the 
Berad class, who was made responsible for the safe-guard- 
ing of the village properties and was bound to trace the 
theft or pay damages. If he committed a theft himself 
"he was straightway led to execution. 

Charitable grants to shrines and temples coming down 
from long antiquity were continued in the new regime, 
and where the grants formerly made were found inade- 
quate, additional grants were sanctioned. Fresh grants 
-were made by cession of agricultural lands to many religi- 
ous institutions which had thus far struggled on without 
any state aid. These places of religious sanctity were 
placed under proper procurators and managers, and an 
audit was to be made of the expenditure incurred from 
the state grants by priests and pujaris. These audits were 
subject to annual inspection by state officers. Persons 
of high reputation for sanctity or righteousness residing at 
the holy pilgrim places received annuities. For the cele- 
bration of recurring solemnities and religious festivals, 
assignments of village lands were made to shrines and 
holy places. 

It was not Hindu shrines only which came in for 
a share of the royal bounty, but the Mahomedan mosques and 


shrines and the tombs of the pirs and saints of Islam, 
throughout the Swarajya dominions continued to draw the 
revenues assigned to them by the Mahomedan powers. 
Shivaji was so far from confiscating these mortmain pro- 
perties of the church of Islam, that, on the contrary, he even 
transferred fresh lands to Mahomedan shrines and made 
new assignments of revenue. Shivaji'a enthusiasm for the 
faith of his fathers does not seem to have led him into a 
bigoted hatred of anything and everything that belonged to 
the Mahomedan religion. Among the numberless campaigns 
he led in person or under the generalship of his great 
commanders, there is no instance mentioned of any act of 
sacrilege or violation of any Mahomedan shrines. And 
this is the more to-be admired since the perpetuation of any 
such sacrilegious crime would, among the scenes of religious 
frenzy into which the followers of Islam were being con- 
stantly betrayed in his times, have appeared comparatively 
excusable. But Shivaji's was an enlightened policy of 
religious tolerance, which made any form of persecution 
impossible. 1 

The settled sway of Islam over the plains of Maha- 
rashtra had crushed out all life and vigour from the 
indigenous studies of the Vedas and other branches of 
Hindu philosophy. With a view to encourage and revive 
these fallen studies, Shivaji instituted a new system of 
patronage for the exponents of Hindu learning and philo- 
sophy. Under this system the month of Shravan, which 
coincided with the season of the autumnal cessation from 
warlike activities, was devoted to giving audiences to 
learned Brahmans from all parts of the country, who were 
invited to make a display of their learning and submit 
themselves to prescribed tests conducted by the ecclesiasti- 
cal minister, the Pandit Rao. The candidates coming out 
successful from the tests received rewards in corn, from one 

1 Even Khati Hbau had to acknowledge Shivaji'a tolerant) policy 
towards the Church of ishim. Vide his remarks on the character of Shivaji 
( Elliot, VII p. 305 et passim. ) 


to ten maunds, according to the quality and standard of 
their attainments. Great scholars and exponents of the 
Vedas and of the Indian school of astronomy, were 
accorded the welcome due to their position. Honorariums were 
given them on a royal scale. Scholarly Brahmans from across 
the frontiers of the Swarajya kingdom were honoured with 
presents in cash, those domiciled within the Swarajya limits 
received drafts for so many maunds in corn on the local 
treasury of the district in which they were domiciled. 
Along with the patronage of Sanskrit learning, state aid 
was granted to the performance of religious sacrifices and 
other celebrations when undertaken by learned Brahmans 
on their private initiative on a scale of magnificence 
requiring such support. In short, it was a principle of 
Shivaji's government to make much of the existing virtue, 
piety and learning in his kingdom and not to cast it adrift 
in search of an alien patronage. Free alms-houses were 
opened for maintenance of the deserving poor and arrange- 
ments made for the banqueting of the Brahmans at the 
important temples on auspicious occasions. 

Herds of kine were maintained at the state expense in 
select pasturages in the valley of the Bhima, in Mandesb 
and other places, and an army of state dairymen and cattle 
attendants looked after their up-keep. A high class breed 
of commissariat oxen was reared in these cattle farms. 
Farm cattle were likewise supplied to agriculturists from, 
public stalls. There were likewise parks of state buffaloes. 
These were in charge of shepherds and dairymen who were to 
reside in meadows teeming with herbage among the valleys 
and the mountains. The herds were surveyed from year to 
year and the annual contributions in butter or ghee were 
settled on each individual shepherd as also the quantity of 
milk each of them had to supply at the public feasts of the Brah- 
mans on state occasions. A similar arrangement was made for 
state flocks of sheep and goats which were allotted in groups 
of twenty or twenty-five to the charge of individual shep- 

L. s. 27. 


herds subject to the same method of surveying and regis- 
tering and the same scale of contributions on state occasions. 

It may be of interest in this place to glance at the 
daily routine of Shivaji's life in times of peace. He rose 
"with the dawn which was ushered in by beating the palace 
<lrutn and with songs of divine praise sung by the palace 
minstrels to the accompaniment of instrumental music. 
Awakened amid these strains the pious king offered to 
Heaven his morning prayers. Then followed the ablutions 
of the face and hands, the worship of the sacred kine, the 
morning bath with water mingled with sacred sprinklings 
from the Ganges and other purificatory streams, the 
rosary, the prayers and other acts of worship. After 
this some time was devoted to readings from the sacred 
puranas. Those acts of religious merit were generally 
nded by 7-30 A. M., after which the Maharajah usually put 
on his full dress. He gave himself for a brief interval to 
his daily exercise of target-practice, and came to the audience 
hall. The secretaries and officers were by this time ready 
in their places to receive orders and confirmations. Stran- 
gers admitted to the levee made their salutes. A smile 
to this minister, a word to that, a charge to a third drew all 
hearts towards the king as by a subtle magic. There 
-was none present there but thought that he alone was 
basking in the sunshine of the royal favour. Men of 
talents obtained ready admission and left with many an 
acknowledgment of their sovereign's esteem and patronage. 
[The session in the audience hall lasted till 10 A. M.; 
then an adjournment was made to the office chambers 
for confidential consultation with one or other minis- 
ters of state. At 11 A. M. the usual number of Brahman 
guests was entertained to dinner, and the king himself sat 
down to his morning meal, with a select company of 
guests. After the dinner and pan-supari the king came 
again to the secretariate and had the correspondence of the 
.day read out by his private secretary and replies dicta- 
ted and drafts presented for approval and confirmation. 


Urgent proposals were then taken up and a provisional 
audit made of the previous day's receipts and disburse- 
ments, as also the estimates for the morrow. Then the 
king retired to his private chambers for the afternoon 
siesta, after which he came back again to the audience- 
-iall, reviewed the recent doings of the various quasi-public 
establishments of the mahals and the karklmnas, considered 
appeals or references from the judicial officers, and passed 
anal orders thereon. About an hour before sunset, the king 
used to leave the palace, to pay a visit of inspection to this 
or the other private establishment, visits to the temples Or 
the private parks, or for equestrian or other forms of 
exercise, after which he returned again to the audience- 
hall for the evening levee. About 7 p. m came the time 
for night devotions, prayers and readings from the 
puranas to be followed in due course by the evening meal, 
and deliberation with a minister. After all this audience 
was given to secret spies and scouts, and the nicer details 
of foreign diplomacy and private correspondence were 
attended to. Such was the ordinary routine of a life 
subject to an extraordinary stress of public events and 
surprises, the punctuality and regularity of which amid 
the manifold disturbing events that beset his career on all 
sides, cannot fail to excite our admiration. The punctilious 
precision of the king in all things could not but impress 
the same virtues upon the minds of his ministers. Sloth 
and procrastination found no place at his court. 

While Shivaji thus diffused all round among his 
courtiers this keen regard for precision and punctuality, he 
also encouraged among them a love of noble enterprise ami 
an ambition to rise in their own departments by dint of 
perseverance, enthusiasm and self- -help. For these were 
the qualifications to win distinction and promotion in his 
service, not the arts of the flatterer or the parasite, or the 
encomiums of interested friends and partisans. Thus the court, 
became the training-ground for virtue and talent ; mediocrit v 
and inefficiency had no place within its hallowed precincts. 


During the hours of business at Shivaji's durbar, indul- 
gence in any form of raillery or banter was forbidden. 
Professional jesters, entertainers and sycophants were denied 
admission at the durbar sessions. Vulgar or obscene 
conversation was impossible at his court, and the rake and 
the voluptuary avoided his presence. His serious thoughts 
were occupied at all hours with discussion of arms and 
horses, war and conquest. In leisure hours he was capable 
of witty and humorous discourse in the company of his 
chosen confidants, nor was he a stranger to the intellectual 
delights of poesie, but revelled in the impromptu effusions 
of the court poet, Bhushan Kavi, and other bards. Shivaji 
was always prepared to give an audience to musicians and 
preachers of distinction, who never failed to receive at his 
hands the reward due to their talents, learning and elo- 
quence. Nor was the art of dancing altogether discouraged. 
There was no puritanical embargo on all forms of song and 
dance. But there was a studied restraint and discrimina- 
tion in these forms of amusements. They never became a 
master passion with him to the exclusion of graver pur- 
suits. The same measure of restraint was observed in 
the amusement of the chase. As an ordinary accomplish- 
ment and a recognized obligation of the Kshatriya or 
warrior caste, Shivaji indulged in this sport at intervals 
of one or two months, hunting big game as a rule and 
sparing bucks and deer, except when venison was occasion- 
ally needed for the anniversary oblations to the manea 
of his ancestors and other quasi-sacrificial occasions. 

A noteworthy feature of Shivaji's discipline was the 
spirit of friendliness and social intercourse that subsisted 
among the ranks of his officers. There rarely was any 
envy or friction among the different members of the state- 
service. They were required to abstain from interven- 
tion in departments not falling under their immediate 
care and avoid sowing discontent among their brother 
officers out of spite or jealousy on failing to attain their 
wishes. When owing to any cause, the social relations 


between any of the great ministers of state were found 
to be strained, Shivaji promptly interfered and effected 
a restoration of the friendly accord and good feelings that 
previously existed between them. To make the reconcili- 
ation complete, where the parties belonged to the same 
caste, Shivaji got them to seal the restoration of harmony 
by a matrimonial alliance. Juniors in the service were 
required to behave deferentially with the senior officers. 
No royal valet or personal attendant, however high he 
might stand in the king's favour or confidence, dared abuse 
his position to whisper slander in the ruler's ear and preju- 
dice his opinion against any minister or officer in the 
public service. The acts of administration were a for- 
bidden subject to the menial staff, nor were they allowed 
to turn the conversation to the subject of their own or 
their friends' advancement in the king's service. No peti- 
tions or" complaints of this nature were directly to be placed 
before the king, but to be submitted in due course 
through the heads of their departments. This injunction 
was strict and universal, and even the great nobles of the 
court and the personal relations of the king did not escape 
from it No claims for preferment found an avenue to 
the king's foot-stool except through the natural gate-way 
of the department concerned. When in spite of this rule 
some great officer or other did plead for preferment in the 
royal presence, he was invariably told that the reply to 
his petition would be sent through the minister concerned. 
Complaints against public officers were not encouraged 
and unless an investigation clearly proved a serious 
lapse on the part of a state officer, he incurred no blame 
or distrust in the mind of his sovereign. This mistrust- 
fulness on the part of the king against his own ministers 
and officers was a common weakness of Indian potentates, 
and many a slanderer was to be found in every princi- 
pality to impose upon the credulity of the prince and turn 
him against the truest and most steadfast of his servants. 
Shivaji knew well the seamy side of human nature and 
the knavery of officious back -biters and informers. The 


knowledge that their king was above that meanness whicL. 
scents suspicion on every side and gathers around him 
a corps of officious, eaves-dropping and meddlesome 
informers inspired Shivaji's officers to give of their best 
both as regards service and advice, in the serene confidence 
that there was no possibility of a misapprehension as to 
the purity of their motives and the integrity of their 
work, no alienation, in short, unless there was a grave 
dereliction in the discharge of their duties. 

The bikhars give a picturesque account of the style 
of Shivaji's durbar when he sat in audience for the dis- 
charge of solemn business and to decide on public affairst 
as also of the pomp and circumstance of the state proces- 
sions which were held from time to time. The forms 
observed at these public functions were nearly the same as 
have been de-cribed in the last chapter in connection 
with the coronation festivities. In the centre of the 
audience-hull was the royal throne and the canopy ; behind, 
the bearers , of the morchel and other attendants; in front 
standing in two rows were the blood-relations and officers 
of the body-guard. Next sat in due order of precedence 
on either wide, the great ministers of state, commanders, 
members of the revenue and diplomatic services, represen- 
tatives of foreign powers and select nobles. 1 The deputies 
and secretaries to the great ministers of state sat behind 
their chiefs. Then came the heads of various stores and 
treasury establishments. Two mace-bearers or sergeants 
guarded the entrance, saw to the proper salutes being made 
by those presenting themselves at the durbar, gave them 
their seats according to the degree of their precedence and 
ushered and announced strangers coming to the durbar. 

o <-? 

The sentinel posts in front of the audience-hall were in 
charge of these sergeants, and when anybody's presence 
was specially wanted at the durbar they sent one of the 

* The Peshwa, the Amatya, the Sachiv, the Mantri and the Ghitni- 
ttood to the right of the throne; the i'anditrao, the Senapati, the Sumant,, 
the Nyayadhish etc. to the leit. 


peons or troopers under their command to deliver thfc 
summons for attendance to the person concerned. 

At the solemn processions, on the auspicious occasions* 
in the Hindu calendar, the order was very much as des- 
cribed in t*e last chapter. Right in the vanguard of the 
entire procession came the elephants bearing the dual 
standards of the empire, the Jaripatka or the cloth-of- 
gold flag and the Bhagwa-zenda or orange-coloured banner. 
Behind these came the two cloth- of- gold pennants of the 
Prime Minister and the Commander-in-chief also mounted 
on elephants, followed by the standards of each separate 
regiment of cavalry and infantry, with officers of the 
king's guard and the shiledar corps riding immediately 
behind as the general custodians of their regimental flags. 
Then followed trains of artillery and ammunition, squad- 
rons of horse and elephant-corps, the skirmishers in the 
infantry, light-armed slingers, javelin-throwers, archers 
and musketeers. Behind came the war- bands, drums, 
horns and trumpets with their shrill war music. Behind 
them again came the paga or household horse and mounted 
police, followed by the softer music of flutes and pipes, 
and minstrels and troubadours. Then followed other 
bands of spearsmen, mace bearers, peons and attendants, 
wrestlers and gymnasts following on foot, and lastly the 
elephant bearing the royal howda, surrounded by a ring 
of chosen attendants and Mavalis. Immediately behind, 
followed the ladies of the royal family, then the ministers 
of state according to their usual rights of precedence, the 
secretariate officers and their deputies, and nobles and com- 
manders. The royal drum escorted by the chief comman- 
der and other officers brought up the rear of the proces- 

The bakhars give a very interesting story illustrat- 
ing Shivaji's fame among his contemporaries as a patron 
and admirer of genius, and of his anxiety to retain such 
men to adorn his court by their presence. At Delhi, at 
the imperial court, there was a poet of the name of 


Chintaraani, 1 whose business it was to entertain the empe- 
ror by singing or reciting his odes. This bard had a bro- 
ther, who was also a gifted poet, but who unfortunately 
unlike his more fortunate brother did not enjoy the impe- 
rial patronage. He depended on his brother until some- 
body insulted him as an idle, stay-at-home fellow, when 
he* determined to leave Delhi, and resolved never to live any 
more on the bounty of a Mahoinedan. In the course of 
his wanderings he came to the court of a raja among the 
mountains of Kamaun and had the good fortune to obtain 
his patronage. Having spent a few years in that princi- 
pality, he asked for permission to leave, upon which the 
prince as a sign of his appreciation presented him with 
a sum of one lakh of rupees, accompanying his farewell 
present with the observation that the poet would not find 
on earth a donor so bountiful and appreciative as himself. 
This expression of conceit irritated the poet who replied 
then and there to the Raja: "There may be thousands 
on earth to equal, nay surpass, you in munificence, but 
scarcely a beggar, I think, who would thus spurn a pre- 
sent, though a lakh of rupees, accompanied by such an 
arrogant boast." 

With these words, the imperious bard put down the 
gold and left the country without any recompense for his 
poetic labours. In the course of his peregrinations the 
rising fame of Shivaji reached his ears and induced him 
to come down to the Deccan. Seeking an interview with 
Shivaji he declared to him his intention of living under 
the auspices of one who had no love for Mahomedans. 
Upon this, Shivaji retained him in his patronage and 
settled a maintenance grant upon him. His forte was to 
make poems on diverse subjects in the Braja-bhdahct, 
a dialect of the valley of the Jumna, with which he used to 

1 Chintamani is said to have previously lived under the Bhooale 
Raja Makarindshah of -Nagpur for several years. 

2 This poet is said to have at first lived under the patronage of the 
Raja Chhatraeal of Pannah for about six months and left him in 1664 to 

join Shivaji'e court. ( Kavyetihas Sangraha. ) 


entertain Shivaji. His principal poem is a sort of epic 
celebrating the exploits of Shivaji, the Shiv-Raj- Bhushan 
Kavya or the poem on the glories of Shivaji. 1 Shivaji was 
quite charmed with this poem. After a long sojourn in 
Shivaji's territories, he announced his intention to return 
home, upon which he was rewarded with ample presents 
and pressed to return again, which he willingly promised 
to do. 

When the news of the bard's return to Delhi, 2 laden 
with wealth and tokens of Shivaji's favour, reached the 
envious ears of Aurangzeb, he bade Cbintamani introduce 
his brother to the imperial court. Bhushan is said to have 
attempted some sort of protest declaring that the emperor 
was a declared enemy of his patron, and as a loyal vassal 
what would he have to do with such a one, since nothing 
could escape his lips but the praises of Shivaji, which would 
only irritate the emperor ? However on the insistence 
of Chintamani, our bard undertook to attend the durbar, on 
a condition proposed and accepted, that should he be required 
to recite a poem, the theme would be the glories of Shivaji. 
Some time after the first introduction, Aurangzeb bade 
Bhushan recite some verses. The poet said, " Your Majesty 
had better wash your hands first, for after the erotics of 
my brother, which excite a voluptuous languor in your 
heart, I am going to raise my song to a heroic pitch, which, 
I am afraid, must needs raise Your Majesty'* hands again 
and again to your august mustache. Hence wash your 

1 This poem was published in the Marabhi Magazine Kavyetihag 
Sangraha many years ago. It is said the poem was completed the 
year before Shivaji's coronation. It proposes to discuss the figures of 
speech etc. in Indian works on rhetoric and in the illustrative verses 
chosen on the subject, the poet describes the glories of Shivaji's achieve- 
ments. Prof. Sarkar thinks that Bhushan's Granthavali (Hindi, edited by 
Shyam Bihari Mishra and Shakdev Bihari Mishra Nagari Prachariai 
Sabha, Benares, 1907) is full of "fulsome flattery of Shivaji, by a variety 
of similes and parallels from the Hindu scriptures and epics", but at th 
same time useful "as showing the atmosphere and the Hindu mind of the 

2 Probably Agra, but Delhi is used loosely of the Mogul durbar. 


hpnds I aay ! " " All right," said the emperor, ' and if 
thou failest, thou shalt answer with thy head ! " With thie. 
threat, he bade him commence his verses. Bhushan began 
to recite the glories of Shivaji's achievements. The emperor 
bade him sing his own greatness, celebrating his suzerainty 
over all princes and the enormous streams of tribute flowing 
to the imperial treasury from subject vassals. Upon 
this Bhushan began with a simile comparing the vassal 
princes to trees and the emperor to a butterfly rifling the 
sweets of every tree. In presenting this similitude, Bhushan 
likened Shivaji to the champak tree, and as the butterfly 
abstains from the champak tree alone, as it is believed, the 
poet expressed in recondite terms his meaning that what- 
ever success the emperor might have achieved against other 
princes and whatever tribute he might levy from them, his 
attempts had all failed before Shivaji. Then the emperor 
reminded him of the preliminary condition and told him he 
had got him to wash his hands in vain. The poet continued 
five or six stanzas, in which some martial scenes were 
rendered in such lively strains, that at the end of the sixth 
stanza the emperor spontaneously raised his hand to hie 
mustache. Upon this the poet concluded his recitation and 
the emperor, gratified with his exquisite skill and poetic 
faculty, bestowed upon him many marks of honour and 
patrpnage. Shivaji's agent at the imperial court sent full 
particulars of the incident to his royal master, which was 
indeed very gratifying to Shivaji. He wrote in reply to his 
agent to send the bard Bhushan again to the south, and it 
ia said that at sight of his letter, Bhushan returned once 
more to live at Shivaji's court. 


THE MOGULS, 1674-1676 

WE have already described in a previous chapter how 
Shivaji had made his reconciliation with Aurangzeb by 
prudent relations with Khan Jahan Bahadur, the subhedar 
of the Deccan, who had forwarded to the imperial presence 
Shivaji's memorial for a peace, drafted in the conciliatory 
style which characterised his relations with the Moguls, 
while giving up nothing that was of practical advantage to 
him. The Mogul arms had been rusting for some time, but 
it was not to be expected that the armistice would be any- 
thing but of short duration. It was no pleasant news to 
Aurangzeb when he heard of the solemnities of Shivaji's 
coronation and the realization of the great Maratha's ambi- 
tion, the formal re-establishment of a Hindu sovereignty in 
the south. He found fault with the continued neutrality of 
his subhedar and suspected that he was acting in collusion 
with the Maratha leader. Soon afterwards Diler Khan of 
Guzerat marched into Shivaji's territory upon a campaign 
of invasion. The Peshwa Moropant advanced against him, 
but instead of confronting the forces of Diler Khan, made 
a diversion into the Mogul territories, conquering one 
station after another. Moropant recovered passession of 
Aundh and Patta which ,had fallen into the hands of the 
Moguls. While Moropant was thus keeping the Moguls 
busy in the south, Hambirrao, the ccmmander-m-chie? of 
Shivaji's forces, ascended the ghats near Surat and divid- 
ing his forces into different bands sent them to ravage the 
Mogul dominions in different directions. One of these 
bands crossed the Narbada, entered the district of Broach, 
and levied heavy war contributions upon the inhabitants, 
The result of these Movements was that Diler Khan had 
to call away his forces from Shivaji's territories for the 
defence of his own province. 

On the retirement of Diler Khan, Moropant lay en- 


camped at Kalyan with a force of ten thousand men. 
He beat off a large body of Kolis and Bhils from Dharam- 
pur, who had invaded the Kalyan district at the instiga- 
tion of the Moguls and opposed the Maratha march north- 
ward. From the camp at Kalyan Moropant sent his 
envoy to the Portuguese at Bassein to demand a quarter 
of the revenue of all their territories around Bassein. 
This demand of a quarter, or, to give it its more 
famous Marathi name, chauth of the revenue on the Por- 
tuguese government seems to have been made by Shivaji 
now for the first time. By the treaty made on a former 
occasion with the Portuguese, the latter had undertaken 
to supply Shivaji's government with guns and ammuni- 
tion every year and they had hitherto fulfilled the terms 
of that agreement. Religious persecution was at its height 
in' the Portuguese territories around Bassein. Many Hindu 
families were forcibly converted to Christianity. To those 
unconverted the alternative was the prospect of constant 
interference with their civic and religious liberties. The 
report of this persecution was the cause why the Hindu 
king levied the chauth contribution upon the Portuguese 
government. From the information now available it can 
only be inferred that the Portuguese government could 
net at this moment have dismissed Moropant's envoy with 
a summary refusal. For there is no record of hostilities 
on this occasion between Moropant and the Portuguese, 
nor were the latter in a position to challenge the encamped 
forces of Moropant to a decision on the field of war. 
Moropant, on the other hand, is not reported to have 
caused any damage to the Portuguese territories. It, there- 
fore, stands to reason that the Portuguese government 
must have devised some sort of expedient to temporize 
with the Maratha. 

While Moropant thus lay encamped at Kalyan, right 
opposite to the island of Salsette, the Abyssinians at Jan- 
jira had much reason for anxiety, nor were they very 
much cheered by the report that came soon afterwards 


that Shivaji was about to descend in person to the coast 
by the western ghats. The Abyssinian fleets lay at 
anchor near Bombay harbour. The Abyssinians were 
afraid that the Marathas might not hesitate to set their 
fleet on fire, and hastened to remove it to a safe port 
with great precipitation. On the other band at Surat the 
news of Moropant's encampment at Kalyan awakened 
similar apprehensions, and the prospect of a fresh inva- 
sion of that prosperous town appeared more immediate 
by reason of the near presence of Hambirrao's light 
horse in the territory around Broach. Surat seemed to 
be menaced from two directions simultaneously by two 
Maratha armies. 

While hia two ministers were thus engaged in two 
different theatres of war, Shivaji himself had not been 
inactive. The Maratha hosts were streaming continually 
down the ghats and regiment after regiment was arriving 
to swell the ranks in Moropant's cantonment. The 
objective of these gathering hosts crowding together in 
the camp lines at Kalyan was for a time kept secret. When 
the numbers under Moropant's standard had accumulated 
to twenty-five thousand, Shivaji left Eaigad for the Konkan, 
with the ostensible object of personally inspecting the 
arrangements of Moropant's camp. None could fathom 
the real object of Shivaji's sudden march to the Konkan. 
The fact is that the Mogul hosts had mustered at Junnar 
to the number of forty thousand, and it was no secret that 
their object was to force their way into Shivaji's territory 
on a fresh campaign of invasion. The king was rightly 
informed about these movements of the enemy, and the 
mysterious gathering of the Maratha squadrons at Kalyan 
was a movement in anticipation of the Mogul attack. No 
sooner did Shivaji come down to Kalyan than he took the 
command of his forces and before the enemy could have 
so much as a suspicion of his plans, his dust-stained 
squadrons were scouring the plain of Junnar. A fierce 
battle followed, in which the Moguls were completely 


routed, suffering on the field ten times the number of 
Shivaji's casualties. The Moguls fled confusedly in all direc- 
tions. Shivaji's troops divided themselves into columns and 
pressed the pursuit with vigour. A number of Mogul horses 
and a quantity of useful war material fell into the hands of 
the pursuers. The conquering hosts destroyed and plundered 
the Mogul territory they passed through in pursuit of the 
fugitives. The chase continued as far as the town of Brahma- 
puri. The market-towns on the way yielded a good deal 
of booty to the pursuing conquerors. Piquets of cavalry 
were stationed on the great trade route to Surat to intercept 
the merchandise and bring it down to the Maratha camp. 

It was,however, not so easy to carry the fort of Shivneri, 
which overshadowed the town of Junnar and which after 
the cavalry engagement Shivaji had proceeded to besiege. 
One assault was tried after another. Still the fort continued 
to elude his grasp. Two of Shivaji's men planned a 
stratagem, which was to climb up the ramparts in secret and 
throw the gates open. But the garrison discovering the 
stealthy attempt in time killed the treacherous assailants, 
rolling down upon their heads huge stones from the fortress 
walls. This success became a revelation of strength to the 
garrison who determined to pursue this method, hurling 
stones and rocks on the siege-lines below. In this way 
Shivaji lost many men and the remainder lost heart and 
began to flee away. The Moguls were emboldened at the 
panic they had caused among their assailants, and with great 
animation set up a pursuit. But the pursuit proved more 
disastrous than they had bargained for. For the flight of 
the Maratha soldier was merely guerilla warfare. Retreat 
and fighting followed by turns and the fugitives rallied and 
turned upon their unwary pursuers again and again. These 
tactics made a thorough rout impossible, as the Moguls now 
discovered to their loss. However Shivaji had enough 
experience of fort-fighting to see that it was up-hill work 
to lead his rallied forces to a fresh assault upon Shivneri 
He, therefore, ordered a rotreat to Raigad. 


On his return to Raigad Shivaji learnt that Mahomed 
Khan, the subhedar of Phonda had taken advantage of 
bis campaign at Junnar to break the former treaty and 
again acknowledge the hegemony of the state of Bijapur, 
and to show his zeal in the service of that government, ho 
was molesting Shivaji's out-posts in the military stations 
on that side of the western ghats. Shivaji was now- 
resolved to teach a severe lesson to the governor of this fort. 
He prepared a large army which he conducted in person and 
laid siege to the fort of Phonda. The garrison held out 
relying on the strength of their fortifications. 1 Shivaji 
made many assaults without success. At last Shivaji 
ordered mines to be laid under the fortress walls, which 
being simultaneously exploded, a large breach was made in 
the rampart and a considerable loss was inflicted upon the 
garrison. Shivaji carried the breach and a fierce encounter 
took place within the walls of the fortress. The governor 
of the fort fell in the general melee, and with his death the 
garrison lost heart and surrendered. A Mahomedan officer 
on Shivaji's side named Ibrahim Khan distinguished himself 
by the impetuosity of his attack on this occasion. Shivaji 
complimented him on his bravery and appointed him to the 
command of this fort. This waa the first occasion on which 
a Mahomedan in Shivaji's service was appointed to the 
.position of a havaldar or governor of a garrisoned fort, his 
usual practice being to confer these positions of trust on 
responsible Maratha officers. This promotion bears eloquent 
testimony to the confidence Shivaji reposed in the loyalty 
and devotion of this Mahomedan commander. The gov- 
ernorship ot an important fortress, and that ^too on the 
frontiers of his dominions, could never have been conferred 
on an ordinary individual. (May, 1675) 8 

On the reduction of Phonda fort, Shivaji brought the 
neighbouring country under his complete sway, and to 

i Siege of Phonda, from 9bh April 16<fl to 6th May 1675 (Prof. 
Sarkar : Shivaji p. 325-27 J. 

a Jedho Chronology, p. 192. 


perpetuate his hold upon these parts he had two additional 
forts built, Bhimgad and Pargad, and strongly garrisoned 
them against the enemy. The Marathas then pushed into 
the district of Sunda, capturing several hill-forts. Ankola, 
Shiveshwar and Kadra (Kodra) fell in rapid succession. The 
governor of the fort of Karwar would not surrender the 
citadel. Upon this Shivaji gave orders for the town of 
Karwar to be committed to flames. There were a few English 
merchants, representatives of the East India Company, 
who were treated with deference. Their factories were not 
interfered with. The whole territory upto the boundaries 
of the province of Kanara was brought under Shivaji's flag. 
The sovereignty over parts of Kanara was then vested in 
the dowager Rani of Bednor and Shivaji did not think it 
fair to her sex to invade her dominions. But the princess 
sent a petition with the usual nazar offerings and solicited 
his help against her ministers and relations, who were 
usurping her authority. 1 In response to this petition 
Shivaji willingly detached some of his forces to bring 
succour to the distressed princess, who was soon delivered 
from her unhappy predicament. 

While Shivaji was thus operating in the district of 
Phonda, two Maratha nobles in the service of the Bijapur 
government, Nimbalkar of Phaltan and Ghatge of Malwadi, 
subdued all the military out-posts maintained by Shivaji 
between the forts of Panbala and Tattora and expelled his 
soldiers from these parts. The territory around these forts 
was recovered and restored to Bijapur. Thus on his 
return to the ghats after the successful campaign in the 
south, Shivaji had once more to recover these out-posts 
and territories and, to prevent the possibility of similar 
events in future, Shivaji erected a chain of fortifications 
between Panhala and Tattora. The new forts thus created 
were Vardhangad, Bhushangad and Sadashivgad. Not 

1 The principal ot these chiefs was Timayya who was the minister 
and commander of Bednore at Shivaji's first invasion, the Rani being 
the qaeen-regent and guardian of the infant prince. ( Vide Chitnis 70. ) 


that these forts were exceptionally strong, but their situa- 
tion near one another contributed very materially to the 
security of the territory around them. 

Meanwhile Hambirrao, the chief commander, had 
carried on a vigorous offensive in Guzerat. He had gathered 
an immense booty in these wealthy parts of the Mogul 
dominions and was now preparing to retreat with his 
spoils. Diler Khan watched his movements. Hambirrao's 
great object was to elude the Mogul army and make 
good his retreat to the south with the spoils of his conquests, 
The Khan was however soon upon him and gave chase with 
great vigour. It was however to no purpose. Hambirrao 
eluded the pursuit and brought home to Raigad all his 
booty in safety. Diler Khan had to return disappointed. 
On the close of the rainy season Hambirrao again entered 
the Mogul territory and repeated his onslaughts. No 
Mogul commander came forth to challenge him. For the 
Mogul and Bijapur powers were again involved in mutual 
hostilities, and this circumstance was very favourable to 
Hambirrao's designs. 

The affairs of Bijapur were then conducted by Khawa& 
Khan. When he saw the Mogul arms concentrated against 
Bijapur, he proposed a treaty to Khan Jehan on the basis 
that the young Adil Shahi king should continue to reign 
on the footing of a feudal relation with the Mogul power,, 
and the minor king's sister, Padshah Bibi, be given in 
marriage to a son of Aurangzeb. But this treaty was not 
approved of by the leading nobles of the court, who conspired 
against Khawas Khan and put him to death. The leader 
of the conspiracy was Abdul Karim, 1 who now seized the 
reins of government into his own hands and prepared for 
hostilities with the Moguls. Khan Jehan took the field in 

1 Khawaa Khan was the leader ot the Abyssinian party and Abdul 
Karim B> hlol Khan the leader of the Pathan or Afghan party at Bija- 
pur. Vide Jedhe, page 192, where, however, by some corruption of the 
text the contrary statement is. apparently made that Bahlol Khan was 
Arrested by Khawas Khan. It appears to be a case of a lapmt 

L. S, 28 


person and came down upon Bijapur. Many skirmishes 
followed, in most of which the Adil Shahi arms were crowned 
with success. With these signs of Mogul failure before him 
Diler Khan proposed terms and the armistica soon gave place 
to a ratified treat} 7 . By this time Shivaji had established 
his undisputed sway over the Konkan regions over- 
looked by the ghats. The Moguls and the Abyssinians had 
At times carried on desultory wars over these territories, 
but had never proved themselves equal to wresting them 
ipermanently from his iron grasp. The Moguls looked 
with envious eyes upon the fair provinces cf Coorla, 
Kalyan and other parts bordering on the frontiers of the 
Portuguese territory near Bombay. When Khan Jehan came 
down u^)on the Konkan and began tentative incursions, 
Shivaji got him cheaply out of the way at the price of ten 
thousand pagodas. Pleased with this argument of corrup- 
tion and gold, the venal Khan transferred his mimicry of 
war to his old theatre above the ghats. But the Abyssi- 
nian chief had no such hankering for gold. He put his naval 
squadrons in motion and began a campaign of systematic 
depredation on the coast towns and villages owning 
allegiance to Shivaji. He descended upon Vengarla, plun- 
dering or burning every thing that came in his way. The 
B\RcK'h%d a factory at the town, which, though attacked 
Abyssinians, is said to have been defended with 
bravery by the European factors. 

Shivaji'sYfleet, being fitted out for the war at the ports 

of Vijaydurg,and Rajapur, weighed anchor and put out to 
sea in pursuit ;' but though they scoured the coasts north 
and south in quest of the elusive enemy, the wily Abyssi- 
mians showed no. trace of their presence anywhere. At 
length the Maratha fleet blockaded Jarjira by sea, when 
the Abyssinian warships-made all sail and hastened to the 
relief of their capital. This brought about an engagement 
between the rival fleets, but wiih^an indecisive result. The 
Maratha squadrons raised the siQge- and retired. 

On the retirement of the I&tigul subhedar from the* 


Konkan, Shivaji saw the necessity of maintaining a fortified 
out-post in the district of Salsette, 1 to overawe the Portu- 
guese, his immediate neighbours in those parts, and at the 
same time to serve as a sort of watch-tower with such 
ample range that he might easily keep an eye on the 
movements of the Portuguese and other foes. Now the 
Portuguese had just such a fort named Seebon 2 not far 
from Bassein, and Shivaji resolved to have a corresponding 
fort on his side right in front of the Portuguese strong- 
hold. The Portuguese made many attempts to interrupt 
the work. But they proved abortive and the fortification 
works were very rapidly proceeded with. 

About this time Shivaji fell ill and was confined to his 
sick bed for seven or eight months at Satara. This circum- 
stance sufficed to give currency to all sorts of baseless 
rumours that the great king had died, having succumbed to 
poison administered by his son, Sambhaji, during his illness. 
However the report was not generally believed among the 
people, for this was not the first time when such mendacious 
tales about Shivaji's death had gone round. In his active 
career of well-nigh thirty years, this seems to have been the 
first important sickness of Shivaji. There is no previous 
record of such a protracted illness in his eventful life. After 
the stress of so many labours and adventures by which he 
had paved his way to the realization of his hopes, even his 
Herculean strength might well flag and demand peace and 
rest. But the rest that Shivaji wanted it was impossible 
to obtain. The malignant influences of the hostile powers 
in the Deccan were at work on all sides. He had always to 
maintain a vigilant watch against them. The rest that was 
thus long denied to him, nature exacted in this protracted 
illness. It was in this time of enforced inactivity that the 
deep-laid plans for a new campaign were evolved in 
. Shivaji's mind > destined to be prosecuted in person, as soon 

1 The district of Salsette in the neighbourhood of the island of 
Bombay, not; the district of similar name in the neighbourhood of 
Paojim in Goa. 

2 The modern Sion, still called Shiv or Sheev iPMarathi. 


as his health permitted it. This was the invasion of the 
Karnatic, the story of which may be held over to be told in 
a separate chapter. 

While Shivaji was pondering over these plans at Satara, 
Moropant Pingle marched to Kalyan with a force of ten 
thousand strong. Arrived there he detached a few men, 
with a gang of masons and labourers to a dismantled fort 
called Parnel (Parner). The fort was forthwith occupied 
"by Moropant's men and the work of strengthening the 
fortifications commenced in right earnest. The policy 
which seems to have prompted this capture and renovation 
of a ruined fortress seems to have been this, that thereby 
he might obtain control over the Portuguese communica- 
tions with Damaun and expose to attack one of the trade- 
routes to Surat as well as ths movements of the Mogul 
armies in those parts. The Portuguese government looked 
languidly upon this rising menace to their freedom of 
communication, being as incapable of resistance now, as 
a few months before they had been in the case of the fort 
in Salsette. On his restoration to health, previously to his 
embarking on the Karnatic campaign, Shivaji made a tour 
of inspection to this fortress, thus restored and equipped for 
such important purposes. 


WHILE Shivaji was taking rest during his sickness at 
Satara, the Karbhari or administrator of the jahgir estates 
of Venkoji, Raghunath Narayen Hanmante by name, came 
to pay him a visit. This officer was the son of Shahaji's 
trusty minister, Naro Trimal Hanmante. Raghunath Han- 
mante had on his father's demise succeeded to his posi- 
tion in Shahaji's government. On the death of the Raja 
Shahaji, he was succeeded by his younger son, Raja 
Venkoji, and the estates were administered for him by 
Raghunathpant Hanmante. But some years later, tha 
infatuated Venkoji took a fancy to hold the reins of his 
affairs in his own hands, to do very much as he liked in 
every thing, and not consult any of his father's veteran 
ministers and counsellors. From the time when Venkoji 
took over the administration into his own charge, Raghunath- 
pant's influence became quite negligible in his jahagir. 
Venkoji governed as the vulgar satellites who surrounded 
him were pleased to advise, and Raghunathpant was 
constantly treated with insults and abuse. The minister 
saw that to live any more with Venkoji had become 
impossible. He was answerable to Shivaji for the main- 
tenance of his father's prestige. Helpless as he felt himself 
to avert the wreck and ruin of Shahaji's jahgir, he 
could not expect to shake oft' his moral responsibility in the 
eyes of his illustrious master's more illustrious son. To 
prevent that reproach he must completely sever his connec- 
tion with Venkoji and devote the rest of his life to the 
observances of religion, in some secluded retreat or place of 
pilgrimage. Thus he thought in silence and even with that 
silent thought, a blush of shame overspread his features. 
His mind faltered. Was it right that he should stand an 
idle spectstor of the waning fortunes of his young master and 
cover up his bitter disappointment under the specious 
pretence o retirement ? Was it not due to his loyalty to 


continue his service with a view to the greater glory of 
Shahaji and the Bhonsle name ? Yes, to bear with patience 
the slings and arrows of his present misfortune and the more 
outrageous shafts of his prince's ingratitude ? He would 
serve the prince and in spite of the prince steer his courss 
to safety, to the best of his abilities. 

Thus fortified in his mind, he once more made bold to 
expostulate with Venkoji. " Your Highness knows," said 
he, " I am a hereditary servant of the family, and I know 
DO other standard of service than my patron's welfare. Ah I 
woe is me, that my dutiful offices are distasteful to Your 
Highness ! My heart bleeds to see you misled by the 
counsels of fickle and mean-spirited creatures. Bethink 
you, sir, of the glory and valour of your father, bethink 
you of the world-wide fame and the noble triumphs earned 
by your brother Shivaji! Follow in their wake, I pray, and 
earn the same laurels. Shivaji will look to me to lead you 
to the path of noble emulation trodden before by himself 
and by Shahaji. Rightly does Shivaji expect it of me and 
sorely will he blame me if he finds it otherwise. Be it yours 
to command and mine to obey. Men and money Your High- 
ness has in abundance, but they are both rusting together, 
and your false friends help you only to squander away your 
treasure. It is only by adding to the ample glory of your 
ancestors that Your Highness can repay the obligations of 
high birth." But these discourses were lost upon Venkoji. 
He shrank from them as from poison. He was quite tired 
of his company and did not hesitate openly to express his 

Disgusted with the growing insolence of Venkoji, 
Kaghunathpant wrote a letter of warning to his brother. 
Upon this the latter wrote to Venkoji, giving him friendly 
advice. The purport of the letter was somewhat as follows. 
Shivaji wrote that it had come to his ears that Venkoji 
was indifferent to the duties of administration and was 
a tool in the hands of vile and unworthy men ; that the 
parasite and the pander throve at his expense, while men of 


worth who deserved well of his family and had given their 
lives to its service were languishing in utter neglect This 
was not as it ought to be. Shivaji hoped his brother would 
turn over a new leaf, and hearkening to the advice of 
Raghunathpant and other experienced and capable coun- 
sellors, would consult his own welfare and the expansion of 
the family fortunes. But even this letter did not serve to 
open Venkoji's eyes. He continued his usual course of 
life, such was the strength of his infatuation and the 
ascendancy of evil company upon his feeble mind. He was, 
if anything, even more incensed with Raghunathpant as 
having had the temerity to complain of him to his elder 
brother. Raghunathpant had now drained the cup of 
loyal self-abasement to its very dregs and his patience was 
exhausted. He resolved to proceed to the court of Shivaji, 
and leaving his family behind, he started upon his 

Raghunathpant knew well Shivaji's ambition to 
expand his dominions and in order to further these aims of 
expansion he concluded alliances to that effect with the local 
chiefs before leaving the Karnatic, his object being to 
invite Shivaji to that province that he might bring 
Venkoji to his senses. To facilitate these plans, knowing 
that Shivaji might have to march through the Golconda 
territories, Raghunathpant took steps to bring about a 
harmonious alliance between the Maratha and the Kutub 
Shahi governments, so that no delay or distraction might 
hinder Shivaji's movements. 

The leading ministers of the Kutub Shahi government 
about this time were Akanna and Madanna, who were not 
only both Hindus, but sons of the same Hindu family.. 
These two men had the control of all Kutub Shahi affairs 
in their hands. Raghunathpant determined to visit the 
distinguished ministers, but instead of interviewing them 
abruptly in his own person and setting forth his diplomatic 
objects, he thought of making his first acquaintance with 
them in the disguise of a pandit. For the ministers had 


a fair repute for piety and hospitality and religious 
benefactions. Raghuuathpant left his retinue behind him 
at an obscure village and entered the capital alone, present- 
ing himself as a pandit at the residence of the ministers 
about the hour they usually devoted to their purificatory 
bath and morning worship. It was their rule when 
a pandit appeared at their house to welcome him with every 
mark of respect and bestow upon him such patronage as 
became his learning and position. True to their principles 
they received Raghunathpant with open hospitality. Other 
pandits were already in the house and debate had started 
among them on the relative superiority of Shaivism 
and Vaishnavism. Raghunathpant also took part in the 
debate. Being himself a staunch Vaishnavite, he proceeded 
first to argue for the superiority of Shiv, refuting every 
objection. Having established the strength of the 
Shaivite creed, he turned the tables upon his antagonists by 
suddenly espousing the cause of Vaishnavism and demons- 
trating its truth with a display of dialectical skill equally 
unanswerable. Madanna was impressed with this exhibi- 
tion of argumentative talent and was convinced that he 
must be a person of extradrdinary learning and attainments. 
Accosting him, he said he was glad to have come across 
a person of such learning and sanctity, and asked him where 
he had come from and with what object. Raghunathpant 
replied that he had not at all come with the expectation 
of gold or land, but as his hosts were persons of such 
-wisdom and piety, he would feel himself much flattered to 
have a private audience with them. Upon this the two 
brothers took him apart for the interview he desired. 
Raghunathpant declared that he was no itinerant mendicant 
pandit, but an officer in Shivaji's service, proceeding to 
wait upon his royal master with certain delicate questions 
of Karnatic politics, questions which might bring down 
Shivaji's hosts into these parts. But Shivaji required, 
continued Raghunathpant, the sympathetic aid of the 
{Jolconda ministers, during this campaign, and now he had 


some at Shivaji's orders to intercede with them and their 
sovereign with a view to an alliance of mutual support and 
amity between Qolconda and Shivaji. Raghunathpant 
then addressed himself to their religious instincts, pointing 
out the labours of Shivaji for the advancement of the Hindu 
religion, which made it a sort of obligation on their sense of 
piety and religion to advance Shivaji's great purposes, the 
more so as it involved no treason and no detriment whatever 
to the interests of their own sovereign. 1 The ministers were 
pleased with the proposal thus introduced, being already 
prepossessed in favour of Shivaji by the loud and repeated 
acclaims with which the Deccan people had greeted his 
incomparable triumphs. They had been, as has been already 
described in Chapter XX, instrumental in bringing about a 
happy compromise between Shivaji and their government, 
by which the latter had engaged to pay an annual tribute 
to the Maratha power. They gave their full assent to the 
proposal for further strengthening the friendly relations 
with Shivaji and introduced Kaghunathpant to an inter- 
view with their sultan, when the terms of the alliance were 
settled and ratified. Shivaji was to proceed upon his Karnatic 
campaign, for so it was arranged, by way of the Kutub 
Shahi capital, Bhaganagar, the modern Hyderabad (Deccan), 
and there the two kings were to have a conference for a fur- 
ther discussion of their relation and the perpetuation of 
their existing alliance. Kaghunathpant was given an 
enthusiastic reception, banqueted by the minister brothers, 
and presented with suits of honour and personal decorations 
at the time of his departure. He was also charged with 
the delivery of a personal epistle from the sultan addressed 
to Shivaji. 

From the successful diplomatic mission to Bhaganagar, 
Raghunathpant came to Satara, where, as stated at the 
commencement of this chapter, he met Shivaji. The 
latter went forth to welcome the loyal veteran who had 
rendered such invaluable services to his father and led him 
1 Shivdigvijay, 290-93. 


to the palace with a display of cordiality and ceremonial 
splendour that was but rarely witnessed at Shivaji's court.* 
Raghunathpant laid at Shivaji's feet the many curioufe 
specimens of Karnatic art and "precious jewellery that he 
had brought with him, which gave immense satisfaction to 
Shivaji as the evidence of that profound loyalty towards his 
family which had become hereditary with the veteran 
minister. Shivaji congratulated himself upon the accession 
to his cause of one who had gained such distinction in 
Shahaji's service. He heaped upon him all the honours at 
his command and proposed to confer on him the office of 
Amatya or Muzumdar. It is said that the incumbent of 
that office, a certain Ramchandrapant, was made to vacate 
his place in favour of Raghunathpant. 2 

As observed in the last chapter Shivaji was at this 
time chafing against the restraints of an enforced idleness 
occasioned by his ill health. To this was added the season 
of the rains, which extended the period of rest by four 
months. During these months of leisure Raghunathpant 
related to Shivaji in full detail the story of Venkoji ; s 

1 The Raid bakhar atatea that on bis way from the Karnatic, 
Raghunathpant went to Bijapur, where the sultan offered to him the 
post of grand vizier. When Shivaji learnt about this offer, he wrote 
to Raghunathpant that, aa long as he lived, it would not do for a 
trusty servant of his family to serve a Mahomedan prince. He should 
come to him without any fear, where he would be welcomed with all 
the honour due to his position and services. 

2 Chitnis says that Raghunathpant made a request that the honoured 
post of Muzumdar which he had held in the Bhonsle family in hereditary 
succession, should be conferred upon him and that upon this request Shivaji 
appointed him to that high office. But the Rairi bakhar sta.'>ea that Nilo 
Sondev the Muzumdar had just then died, and the place left vacant by 
his death was conferred upon Raghunathpant. 

Nilo Sondev was Amatya or Muzamdar from 1647 to his death in 1672. 
He was the brother of Abaji Sondev the conqueror of Kalayan from 
Mullana. Like the Hanmantes, the family of Nilo Sondev had tf hereditary 
connection with the Bhonsles. 

The Jedhe Chronology states that Raghunath Narayan was made 
Muzumdar in Ashwin, Shaka 1599 i. e. October 1677, or after the Kama- 
tic campaign was half completed. 


mismanagement and urged upon him the duty and necessity 
of a campaign in the Karnatic to place his father's fortunes 
on a basis of security. He laid bare before Shivaji the 
alliances he had already formed with the local naiks of the 
Karnatic to promote the plan of the prospective campaign 
and the results he had achieved in his self-imposed mission 
to the court of Golconda. He told Shivaji that he could 
claim his right to a moiety of Shahaji's estates, under the 
Hindu law of inheritance and that by embarking on this 
campaign on the plea of vindicating his rights, he could 
save the wreck of Venkoji's heritage and put together 
Shahaji's dismembered fortunes, and in addition to this 
acquire new territories and provinces which the chances of 
war might throw in his way. 

The times were favourable for such a campaign. There 
was no objection to his marching through the Golconda 
kingdom into the Karnatic. Golconda paid tribute and the 
two ministers were favourably disposed towards Shivaji. 
Their friendship had been further strengthened to a more 
permanent alliance by Raghunathpant. The recent friendly 
overtures between the Mogul and the Adil Shahi state had 
thrown Golconda into ill-humour with both those powers. 
That peace had been arranged between Diler Khan and the 
Adil Shahi premier Abdul Karim, 1 who happened to be 
drawn to each other by some family relationship. But 
Diler Dhan was a sworn enemy to Golconda and to Shivaji 
alike. Thus the alliance between these latter powers was 
alike inevitable and enduring. 

It only remained to take the usual precautions against 
a surprise attack by the Moguls upon his territories. With 
this view, the judicial minister, Nirajipant, was deputed on 

1 At any rate both were Afgan nobles. Abdul Karim was the leader 
of the Pathan party at Bijapur and had to hold hia own against the Abys- 
sinian and Decoani party. He had got Khawas Khan, the leader of the 
Abyssinian party and former prime minister.out of the way by assassination. 
Khawas Khan had been on friendly terms with Khan Oehan Bahadur, the 
Mogul governor of the Decoan. 


a special embassy to Khan Jehan, the Mogul subhedar. 
Having experience of his venality, the one great weakness 
of that otherwise great proconsul, Shivaji loaded him with 
presents of gold and jewellery and extracted a promise not to 
interfere with his territories. To make assurance 
doubly sure, Shivaji paid a large sum as tribute to the 
Mogul emperor, thus admitting a relation of feudal 
dependence. It is said that on this occasion he undertook 
to pay a tribute of four lakhs of pagodas to the emperor 
and to serve him in war with five thousand horse, remarking 
that it was but an oil-cake thrown to the milch-cow. 
Aurangzeb approved of the treaty. The emperor was 
engaged in a campaign against the rebel Afgan tribes on 
this side of the Indus. He sent word to his heir-apparent 
that it was not the time for war with Shivaji, a peace was 
most expedient and such a peace as would not injure 
Mogul prestige. 1 

Thus profiting by the venality of the Mogul subhedar 
Shivaji had secured his diminions from Mogul attacks. On 
the southern frontier he had by this time completed a chain 
of barrier forts, well-manned and equipped, to ward off the 
spasmodic forays of the Ghatges, the Nimbalkars and the 
other Maratha barons of the Adil Shahi kingdom. The 
Konkan was the weak spot in Shivaji's system, exposed 
as it was to the inextinguishable enmity of the sea-faring 
Abypsinians. To guard against this menace and nip in the 
bud the first signs of active hostilities on the part of these 
ea adventurers, Annaji Datto, Pant Sachiv, was detached 
with a large force to take general charge of the sea-board 
forts from Kalyan to Phonda and the territories surrounding 
them. These forts were equipped and re-inforced in such 
a splendid style that in case any of them became the 
object of an assault on the part of the enemy help poured 
in instantly from all quarters, and the garrison could 
defend themselves without the thought of a parley, secure 
of ultimate deliverance. With these precautions taken for 
Sabhasad, 85. 


immunity from foreign attack, the whole kingdom wad 
committed to the safe management of Moropant, the 
Peshwa, and other ministers and commanders were ordered 
to defer to him in everything. 

It was about the end of 1676 that Shivaji with a force 
of 40,000 foot and 30,000 horse started upon his Karnatic 
campaign. 1 To lead such a numerous army over such 
distant parts was a very expensive operation and Shivaji's 
aim naturally was to draw upon the streams of supply from 
without his treasury. He proposed to levy fresh con- 
tributions upon Golconda, a country which already paid 
him tribute and which was not, therefore, to be treated 
with violence. The ministers Madanna and Akanna had 
already been sounded previously by Raghunathpant and 
were prepared for the sacrifice. Shivaji, therefore, wrote to 
his envoy at that court, Pralhad Niraji, 2 that as he was 
about to commence his Karnatic campaign, he expected 
the Sultan Tan Shaba to contribute towards the expenses 
and to arrange for a personal interview at his capital, 
when he came there on his march. This communication 
caused much agitation at the Golconda capital. The 
sultan was overcome with fear. The presence of Shivaji 
with his army at his capital seemed to strike him as a 
contingency fraught with grave peril. He consented to the 
contributions demanded of him in money and in order to 
avert the danger that threatened his capital, he consented 
to the demand with excessive alacrity, professing to the 
Maratha envoy that his king "might command anything 
without putting himself to any trouble and deviating from 
his route merely for the purpose of a formal interview. 
Pralhad Niraji communicated this offer to Shivaji. 

1 The total force is variously given in the chronicle* of Sabhasad, 
Chitnis, and the Shivdigvijay. The East India Company's representative 
calculated it at '20,000 horse and 40,000 foot. 

2 He was the son of Niraji Ravji, the sir-nyayadhish. In the reign 
of Rajaram, the title of Pratiridhi was conferred upon him. At the time 
of this campaign he was the resident ambassador at Golconda. 


But Shivaji, pursuant to the arrangement made by 
Ragbunathpant with the Golconda ministers had already 
started for that town at the head of his army, having 
despatched Raghuuathpant and Pralhad Niraji before 
him to inform the sultan of his near approach for the 
favour of a personal conference. The near presence of 
Shivaji and his warrior bands alarmed the sultan. The 
town was in a panic. But Raghunathpant and Pralhad 
Niraji assured the court on oath that Shivaji's arrival had 
nothing hostile about it and that he was only taking the 
opportunity, being near at hand, for a friendly interview. 
Madanna and Akanna felt the sincerity of these assurances 
and endeavoured to persuade the sultan that the pro- 
posed interview was likely to lead to possibilities of 
infinite advantage to his state. With difficulty did the 
timid monarch allow the bold persuasion of his ministers to 
outweigh his fear and tried to nerve himself to face the 
inevitable ordeal. 

On entering the Golconda frontiers Shivaji passed 
strict orders to his soldiers to abstain from every act of 
hostility towards the people and not to harass them in any 
way. At every halt they were to procure food, fodder, 
and fuel by free purchase. No booty, no violence; any one 
committing a breach of these orders was to receive exemplary 
punishment. When in a few cases these orders were found 
to have been transgressed, the culprits had their hands or 
fingers cut off, and in a few cases, were actually executed. 
This stringency of discipline gave perfect security 
of life and property to the subjects of Golconda, 
and even the sultan was so far reassured as to 
revive his drooping spirits. 1 On Shivaji's arrival within 
easy reach of the capital, Madanna and Akanna went 
forth with a suitable retinue to receive him and escorted 
him into the royal city with great pomp and eclat. The next 
day was fixed for Shivaji's audience with the sultan.* 

1 jjabu isad. 8d ; (Juibuia 13tf. 

a Ihe jedhe Chronology gives the date of this interview as March 1677. 


Shivaji started in a procession with a chosen retinue, 
arrayed in robes of state and mounted on horses and 
elephants, specially decorated for the occasion. The town had, 
under the sultan's express orders, put on its gala aspect. 
The streets were adorned with flags and festoons of flowers, 
gay toran decorations were to be seen at every turn, and 
musical instruments discoursed liquid melodies. Amid such 
pomp and splendour the procession slowly wended its way 
to the royal palace, the Hindu subjects of the sultan in 
particular turning out in great crowds into the streets, 
fired with an intense desire to catch a glimpse of the great 
Hindu raja. Loud acclamations greeted him on the 
way, the people enthusiastically showering flowers upon 
him from windows and balconies. The king had been 
bountiful of his alms among the poor and the fakirs of the 
town that morning. To the citizens greeting him on the way 
with floral decorations and the like Shivaji paid his thanks 
by presentations of select articles of dress or jewellery as 
tokens of his good will. 

The royal conference took place at the Dadmahal, 
, the Palace of Justice) where sumptuous arrangements had 
been made for a grand reception. On Shivaji's arrival 
within the precincts of the palace, the retinue halted outside, 
and the king with a few chosen officers entered the gates. 
As the sultan prepared to descend the grand staircase to 
receive him, Shivaji sent him word that he might spare 
himself that trouble. On reaching the upp^r floor the two 
monarchs joined in a mutual embrace and took their seats 
on the same couch. Madanna and Akanna seated themselves 
next to them, while the rest of the omrahs remained stand- 
ing. The officers accompanying Shivaji, the most con- 
spicuous among whom were Baburao Dhamdhere, the sir- 
nohut of the guard, Raghunathpant, Pralhad Niraji, Datto- 
pant the Waknis and Balaji Avji, the private secretary, 
were desired to be seated. 1 

1 babbasatl adds to this IISD of otftjers present at the Uidmibctl recep- 
-ion the names of 6omji Naik Vasaaagar aud Jaaardinpaat. 


Then followed a friendly conversation between the two 
rulers. The great officers accompanying Shivaji were intro- 
duced to the sultan and received suitable compliments from 
their royal host, each according to his rank. The sultan was 
pleased with the smart appearance and accoutrements or 
Shivaji's body-guard. Distribution of pan, attar and flowers 
duly followed, together with the offerings of nazar,the sultan 
bestowing valuable presents of jewellery, horses, and ele- 
phants upon Shivaji. It is said that at this reception the 
sultan presented attar and pan to his distinguished guest 
with his own hands, a circumstance that, the chronicle- 
writers have thought it worth while to record. Thus the recep- 
tion lasted for two or three hours, at the termination of which 
Shivaji bade farewell to his host and returned to his tent. 

It is said that Shivaji made a halt for a month at 
Bhaganagar, during which many questions of foreign policy 
were discussed with the sultan through the medium of 
Madanna. There was a round of feasting and banqueting 
Madanna inviting Shivaji and his courtiers to a grand 
dinner, when the usual offerings of nazars took place; and 
Shivaji returning the compliment with a sumptuous banquet 
in honour of the minister brothers, with gifts to them and 
their officers. Shivaji also entertained the sultan and his 
omrahs on a magnificent scale, when valuable presents of 
wearing apparel and jewellery were bestowed upon the 
guests according to their positions in the state. Shivaji 
also cultivated friendly intercourse with the leading 
citizens and mansabdars of the state. 

An amusing incident in connection with this visit 
is related in one of the bakhar chronicles. 1 On one 
occasion in the course of his conversation with Raghunath- 
pant, the sultan of Golconda remarked to him that he 
had heard so much in praise of the prowess of Shivaji's 
soldiers, that he was eager to see a proof of their prowess 
with his own eyes. Upon this Raghunathpant is reported 
to have answered that there were soldiers in Shivaji's 
1 The Shivdigvijaya. 


army each one of whom was equal in strength to an- 
elephant. " If so," exclaimed the sultan, " will they fight 
with an elephant ? " " Why not ?" quoth Raghunathpant, 
" what is there impossible about it ? They don't fear an 
elephant." "How could they fight with an elephant?" asked 
the eultan, " Well ! I should like to witness such a fight. 
Do you 'bring one of these veteran soldiers of Shivaji!" 
Raghunathpant informed Shivaji of the conversation he had 
with the sultan, and it was arranged that YessajiKank should 
select ten of his stalwarts to undergo the test in presence^ 
of the sultan. The soldiers were introduced by Raghunath- 
pant to the sultan, who received them with the usual 
honours and presents and forthwith ordered an infuriated 
elephant to be freed and let loose upon them. The tusked 
monster came straight upon Yessaji who did not falter for 
a moment but drawing his sword smote the charging 
beast with such a tremendous force that he severed his 
trunk from the tusks downwards. The sultan was filled 
with admiration at this exhibition of physical strength and 
inviting Yeasaji into his presence, he praised him for his 
valour and presented him with a set of a soldier's armlets 
and necklaces. Not only that, but he was going to 
confer upon him an inam estate of five thousand rupees, 
but Yessaji, informed of the sultan's royal pleasure, made 
a respectful salute and declined the proffered lands, reply- 
ing, with marvellous firmness of mind, that he considered 
the bread he ate, of Shivaji's giving, to be no less of 
the Sultan's bounty. By Shivaji's order he had shown the 
valour of his arm to the sultan; it was not, therefore, becom- 
ing in him as a loyal servant to accept of inam lands at 
the sultan's hands, for did he not receive enough and to 
spare at the hands of Shivaji ? Were he to accept of the 
present offer, he might become incapable of true and 
loyal service to his king. The sultan might signalize his 
favour by presenting what he wished to his patron. His 
duty was only to serve and obey. It is unnecessary to 
say what a profound impression the disinterested loyalty 
of this veteran officer must have made upon the sultan, 

L.S. 29 


At the end of this long sojourn at Bhaganagar, in the 
midst of this gay pomp and hospitality, Shivaji communi- 
cated to the sultan his intention to depart and asked leave 
to do so. A farewell durbar was held in honour of the 
event and a fresh bestowal of presents followed. The two 
parties undertook on oath to aid one another on all occasions, 
defensive or offensive. 1 The sultan paid the pecuniary 
contributions required by Shivaji for the campaign.* 
Among the articles of the treaty that was now finally 
concluded was one by which Shivaji undertook to cede to 
Golconda a moiety of all the territory which he should 
conquer in the prospective campaign exclusive of the jahgir 
estate of Shahaji. The sultan was to send the Golconda 
artillery to co-operate with Shivaji. The sultan even 
offered to place a portion of his army at Shivaji's disposal, 
but this was nob accepted. It is naid that there was also 
an additional article in the treaty by which it was provided 
that Shivaji should have the authority to restore any Kar- 
natic territories which he should have wrested from the 
Bijapur government in the forthcoming campaign, on 
condition that that government should discharge its 
present prime minister Abdul Karim and appoint Akanna 
of Bhaganagar in his place. 3 

With a plentiful supply of money and an efficient artil- 
lery Shivaji continued his march in the direction of the 
Karnatic. On the way, Shivaji came to a small princi- 
pality, namely that of Karnul-Kudappa, on the banks 
of the Tungabhadra, the chief of which* promised to 
pay a tribute of n've lakhs of pagodas to Shivaji. From 
Karnul at a distance of some twenty-five miles there 

I At this interview, according to the Kairi bakhar, Shivaji declared 
to the sultan, that if Golconda and Bijapur would co-operate with him ha 
\vould conquer the whole of India for them. Kutub Shaba had to pay a 
subsidy at the rate of 3000 pagodas a day. Fart of it was taken in advance. 

a According to Wilks, the sultan presented to Shivaji the sum of tea 
lakhs of pagodas in cash and some jewellery besides. The Rairi bakhar 
.mentions five lakhs of pagodas only. 

8 Vide the Shivdigvijaya, 302. 

4 Wilks gives his name a? Anandrao Deshmukh. 


is the confluence of the Krishna with a tributary stream, the 
Bhavnashi, called the Nivritti-Sangam. Here Shivaji 
bathed in the sacred waters and crossed the Krishna. 
While the main body of his army advanced slowly by the 
route of Kudappa, Shivaji, with a body of cavalry,struck off 
to the eastward.f or the purpose of performing his devotions at 
a celebrated pilgrim resort, the shrine of Shail Mallikarjun. 1 
Leaving his troops behind at the inner town, Shivaji 
proceeded with a few companions to the river-bank. Here 
the scenery is most rich and. sublime, the mountain towering 
high into the air, with its perpetual dower of dark woods 
arid forests,and the silver sheet of the Krishna rolling seawards 
down the eastern slopes. The lovely scene thrilled Shivaji 
with a feeling of spiritual calm and exaltation. It seemed to 
him like a Kailas on earth, the Olympus of the god Shiv. 
It stirred into a wild commotion the spiritual impulses of 
his heart. It kindled a frenzy of divine love, a desire to 
lay down and sacrifice all earthly and evanescent things at 
the foot-stool of the Eternal. Under the elation of that 
enthusiasm he drew his sword to sacrifice himself. Bu tthe 
enthusiasm reacting into a convulsive fit, he fell into 
a stupor and, as the chronicle-writers piously relate, he was 
possessed of the spirit of his tutelary deity, Bhavani, who 
made fresh prophecies to the effect that that was not the way 
for final salvation, as many more duties were waiting for ful- 
filment ; his life was dedicated to the defence of the faith; it 
was not for him to run such hazards. On reviving from 
this paroxysm, his officers communicated to him the bidding 
of Bhavani, and Shivaji gave up the thought of committing 
this act of self -slaughter. However the holy calm of the 
place operated so powerfully upon his high-strung emotions 
that he resolved to spend the rest of his life as a recluse in 
these sacred haunts, and addressing his officers he said to 
them, " By the grace of Bhavani, we have well-nigh 
achieved the wildest of our ambitions; now do we will and 
resolve to leave the cares of this temporal world and devote 

1 Grant Duff and Wilks call it Parvatam ( the mountain titmue j; 
Sabhasad calls tbe place Shall Parvat. 


ourselves to holy and pious thoughts and^he realization o. 
eternal life. Do ye now put an end to this campaign 
already at this stage and, installing our son on the throne 
conduct the government in his name." This was very 
embarrassing to the king's officers. They tried their best to 
dissuade Shivaji and represented that true self-realization 
lay in following the lines laid down by Bhavani. But all 
their efforts failed. Shivaji put on the dress of an anchorite 
and smeared himself with ashes. He gave himself to medi- 
tation and solitude, spending his days like a sanyasi, 
oblivious of everything but meditation on the Supreme. 
The companions of Shivaji were filled with anxiety and 
kept a constant watch upon his actions. When he was free 
from meditation and had intervals of calm reasoning, 
Kaghunathpant used to argue with him, quoting autho- 
rities from the Hindu scriptures, to prove that such a life 
was not meant for Kshatriyas, or men of the warrior class, 
like Shivaji. This aversion to material things and estrange- 
ment from the worldly life lasted for nine days. 1 Then 
Eaghunathpant's persuasions began to prevail and Shivaji 
became convinced of the futility of this life of penance and 
prayer and meditation. Shivaji now scattered alms and feasted 
Brahmans, had a ghat or embankment erected on the 
river, called the Shri Gangesh Ghat, and built many cells 
for devout hermits to dwell in and practise their penances. 
Having thus spent eight or nine days more in these religious 
and charitable purposes, Shivaji proceeded upon his march. 

Shivaji's infantry had already entered the Karnatic, 
descending the Pain Ghat by the Pass of Vyankatraman- 
giri. 3 Overtaking the main body of his army, he left the 
infantry and the heavy baggage behind to come up by easy 
stages, while he pushed forward with the cavalry and 
a body of Mavalis. Passing by the route towards Madras, 3 

1 Vide Wilka, History of Mysore. 

2 Col. Wilks calls it the Damulcherry pass. 

3 The English Records at Madras mention that Shivaji passed Madras 
in the first week of May. ( Records, Fort St. George 1677, pp. 112-15. ) 
The Madras Council seat presents to Shivaji. 


he reached Chandi 1 (Jinji) and proceeded to plant batteries 
for a regular siege. The fort belonged to the Bijapur govern- 
ment and was in charge of Rauf Khan and Nazar Khan, 
the sons of Amber Khan, 2 with whom Raghunathpant had 
made one of his secret agreements before coming to Satara. 

The capture of the fort, therefore, occasioned no diffi- 
culty. 3 The fort was placed under the governorship of 
Ramji Nalage, one of Shivaji's loyal Mavali commanders, 
with Timaji Keshav as sabnis and Rudraji Salvi as kar- 
khannis, or superintendent of stores. This distant fort was 

1 Chandi or Chanji of the Marathi bakhars, called Jinji or Ginji by 
Grant Duff and other historians. 

2 Some Marathi bakhara call him Khan. Khan i. e. Khan Khan an, and 
Prof. Sarkar thinks it was Khawas Khan, late premier of Bijapur. 

3 The Rairi bakhar has the following story aboub the conquest of thia 
fort : Shivaji informed the governor Amber Khan that he had come down 
after making treaties with Bijapur and Golconda. He should, therefore, 
:ome to see him. The governor of the fort believed this and came out to 
see Shivaji with his eight sons, when they were all arrested and the fort 
captured. The Shivdigvijaya says that Amber Khan came with a nazar to 
Shivaji, who told him to surrender Jinji, if he cared for the tranquillity of 
hie district, or as an alternative to stay in his camp and not return to Jinji, 
so that the Marathas might capture the fort in any manner they pleased. 
Upon this he promised to surrender the fort and made a deed of surrender, 
thinking that his safety lay in keeping good relations with Shivaji. 
But his eight sons who were in the fort refused to relinquish it and 
prepared for resistance. However Raghnnathpant had intrigued with the 
.garrison and the governor's sons found that very few people were on 
their side; upon which they got terrified and consented to surrender 
the fort. Shivaji assigned to them some villages for, their maintenance 
and in return they were to serve Shivaji with their vassals. 

Wilks says that on his march to Jinji, Shivaji did not molest the 
people and gave it out that he was marching southwards as a friend and 
ally of Bijapur. When Amberkhan sont his envoy bo Shivaji, the latter 
told him that he had made his peace with Bijapur and declared himself to 
-have accepted the supremacy of that state. Under this pretence he 
induced the old governor and his sons to visit him in his camp, put them 
into arrest and captured the fort. The bakhars speak of Rauf Khan as 
Rup Khan. Prof. Sarkar is of the opinion that Rauf Khan and Nazar 
Khan were the eons of Khawas Khan of Bijapur. He disbelieves the story 
of the fort having been taken by treachery ; and quotes a Jesuit priest of 
Madura ( La Mission du Madure ), to prove that Shivaji carried the fort a<i 
the first assault. 


subjected to the same regulations and discipline as the fortt 
in Maharashtra, The adjoining territory was reduced tc 
subjection and Vithal Pildev Goradkar 1 appointed as subhe- 
dar over all these districts, with orders to introduce the 
revenue system already adopted in Maharashtra. Rauf 
Khan and Nazar Mahomed had grants of land or revenue 
settled upon them. 

At the commencement of the Karnatic expedition 
Shivaji gave it out that the campaign was conducted under 
the auspices of Golconda, having drawn so largely upon 
that government for money, and hoping to draw more in 
future. Shortly after he threw this pretence to the winds 
and administered in his own name, by the agency of his 
officers, the provinces he had captured. When the sultan 
of Golconda came to know of this conduct, he stopped all 
contributions. Shivaji had, therefore, to depend on the plun- 
der of the country under occupation for the expenses of the 
campaign. The depredations thus begun caused great con- 
sternation, an idea of which can be formed by the fears 
recorded by the English merchants of Madras at the time. 
They have recorded that when Shivaji came into the Dravid 
country ,the people in all parts were seized with panic. He had 
the reputation of being a very dreadful man, who carried fire 
and sword over the provinces of western India, and whom 
the people dreaded on that account. Every one was afraid 
lest he should fall into Shivaji's hands. He had a knack of 
discovering where wealth was hidden and whom to attack 
in order to obtain it. The people believed that he learnt this 
by some supernatural power and that this was the cause of 
his universal success. 

After the reduction of Jinji, Shivaji moved his forces 
to Trinomali, 8 a district which was then in charge of Sher 
Khan, a commander of 5000 horse. He was a loyal veteran 

A The Shivdigvijaya gives Garud as the surname of Vithal Pildev, 
* Chitnis gives Trimalli as the name of this district. Sabhasacl 

calls it Trivadi (Trivady). 

Trivadi (Tiruvadi ) was, however, an important f orb in the Trinomali 

district s also was Vellore. Jedhe, aa also some of the bakhary, call the 


of Bijapur and inarched upon Shivaji, the moment tfce 
Maratha forces entered his district. But in the battle that 
followed he was outnumbered and completely surrounded 
on all sides. The gallant commander was wounded and 
a good deal of booty and horses and elephants fell into the 
hands of Shivaji. 

At this stage Shivaji was joined by the Raja Santaji, 
a natural son of Shahaji. He had hitherto lived under the 
protection of Venkoji, but disgusted with his conduct he 
now came to throw himself on Shivaji's protection. Shivaji 
gave him a cordial welcome and enrolled him in his service, 
where distinguishing himself ere long by his bravery, 
loyalty and abilities, he was appointed in course of time to 
the governorship of Chandi ( Jinji. ) 

In the meantime the remaining part of Shivaji's army 
which had been left in the rear had invested the fortress of 
Vellore. 1 This fort was very strongly fortified and defended 
by a moat so wide as to enable large crocodiles to move 
about freely in the water. The width of the fortification walls 
was so great that a pair of waggons could pass each other on 
the ridge of the ramparts. The siege waa conducted by 
NarhariBallal with considerable skill and ability. He erected 
his batteries, on two little adjacent hillocks, which he play- 
fully named Sajara and Gojara, the pretty hill and the 
tender hill, and concentrated his fire on the principal 
citadel. The cannonade did such an execution that in the 
end the garrison were compelled to surrender. 3 

fort Tripati. For the wounding and capture of Sher Khan Vide Jedhe 
p. 193. Prof. Sarkar following the Factory Records, Fort St. George, 87 
gives a graphic account of the event. Sher Khan escaped on a dark night 
to a neighbouring town, bat was pursued and surrounded by a Maratha 
column. The East India Company's Brahman agent, Nellore Ramana, was 
in Shivaji's camp. 

1 This fort is also called Vellur and Yellur by other authors. It lay 
in the Trinomali district. The Shedgavkar bakhar, pp. 88, calls it Yesur 
instead of Yelur, the letter 'a' having evidently crept in instead of T. 

3 The Basatin-i-Salatin asserts that Shivaji took the fort by paying a 
bribe of 60,000 pagodas to Abdulla Khan, the governor of the fort. As 
a matter of fact the siege lasted till the middle of August 1678, i. e. for 


While the main body of his army was engaged 
in the siege of Vellore, Shivaji halted his cavalry at 
Tirumalvadi, on the banks of the Cauvery ( the Coleroon), 
whence with a view to open overtures with the Raja 
Venkoji, he sent a message that, in order to bring about 
a peaceful accommodation, Venkoji should send down to his 
brother's camp three of his ministers, named in the letter, 
Govind Bhat Gosavi, Kakajipant and Nilo Naik. 1 These 
officers were accordingly sent to wait upon Shivaji. On 
their arrival, Shivaji made a feeling speech, the purport of 
which was as follows: " It is now thirteen years since 
the demise of our father. All the fortunes of Shahaji 
were handed over by Raghunathpant to the Raja 
Venkoji and he entered upon the heritage as the sole inheri- 
tor. But all the same it is our patrimony and we claim 
our moiety. This moiety, which we ought to have claimed 
long ago, we have suffered Venkoji to enjoy alone. The 
great distance at which we lived did not permit of our 
coming over here to claim it. We said to ourselves 'Venkoji 
is Shahaji's son. He has a vested right in his fortune. He 
may enjoy it for the present. We may make our demand 
at our leisure.' So we thought and waited these thirteen 
years. Affairs of state took us recently to Golconda, and 
being there we resolved to come over here into the Karnatic. 
What provinces have fallen to our sword since our coming 
hither, is already well known to you. We, therefore, ask 
Venkoji to inform us without loss of time whether be is 
prepared to yield to us the moiety of our patrimony without 
a protest. It will be a great shame for the world to see us 
at war. For after all, though our father be no more, we 
are children of the same flesh and blood. United should 

fourteen months and the fort was ultimately captured by Raghunathpanb 
and Anandrao ( Vide Jedhe p. 194). From the Records of Fort Sfc. George, 
Diary and Consultations, 1678-79, page 105, quoted by Sarkar, it appears 
that Abdulla Khan held out the fort as long aa he could, but when he 
could DO more postpone his surrender, he stipulated for a personal payment) 
of 30,000 pagodas. 

1 The Shivdigvijaya adds the names of Rango Naik and Timaji Naik. 


.ve stand, sharing mutually in each other's good fortune and 
ill fortune. Nobody ever profited by senseless discord." 
Addressing Venkoji's ministers in this strain, Shivaji gave 
them leave to depart sending some of his own ministers to 
accompany them to Venkoji's court. These people communi- 
cated Shivaji's wishes to Venkoji. 

But the evil advisers of Venkoji misled the prince, 
urging that he should not yield tamely to Shivaji's demand 
for partition. He should show that he was a man and could 
put forth a manly fight. Venkoji was also instigated by 
the chief of Madura and the Raja of Mysore to defy 
Shivaji, they assuring him of their support. He, therefore, 
turned a deaf ear to these demands and dismissed Shivaji's 
men without an answer. Venkoji attempted to move his 
forces and put them in readiness for a battle. But the 
allies on whose assurance he had counted began to 
draw back at the last moment. Unaided he did not feel 
himself equal to a contest with Shivaji. Raghunathpant 
entangled the Naik of Madura in the meshes of his 
diplomacy and induced him to give up his partisanship 
with Venkoji. 1 

The Naik left Venkoji in the lurch at a critical point. 
Venkoji was at the end of his resources. He had to consent 
to an interview with Shivaji. 2 

Shivaji received him with great affection. Venkoji 
was accompanied by three natural sons of Shahaji, 
Raja Bhivji, Raja Pratapji and Raja Rayabhan. 

1 It appears from the Factory Correspondence and the letter of the 
East India Company's Brahman agent, Nellore Ramana, to the Madras 
Council that Shivaji opened the negotiations with the Naik of Madura, 
who was in the end induced by Raghunathpant to pay a tribute of six 
lakhs of pagodas ( Vide Sarkar's Shivaji pp. 389). 

2 The Rairi bakhar states that Shivaji sent a message to Venkoji to 
the effect that they had not met for many years, and that he had come 
thus far for a meeting, wherefore he would be greatly delighted if he would 
come to see him. Upon this Venkoji came with his army for an inter- 
view. The two brothers met in a temple of Mahadev and dined out of 
one dish. 


They were also received with fitting honour. Venkoji 
enjoyed the hospitality of Shivaji's camp for fifteen to 
twenty days, but during this time he did not care of his 
own accord to broach the subject of the partition of 
Shahaji's estates. Shivaji saw he must open the discussion, 
and, calling him to a private chamber, made a very feeling 
appeal to his obstinate brother. Shivaji reminded him of 
the brotherly affection that must always subsist between 
them and said that, for thirteen years since the death of 
Shahaji, Venkoji had enjoyed the whole paternal estate, 
knowing well the equal share he had in that patrimony. 
He did not demand a share of any personal acquisitions of 
Venkoji, much as he would like to see him make acquisi- 
tions of his own and much as he prayed to Heaven to grant 
him such thoughts. But to administer the estates of 
Shahaji, he could not do so without his brother's consent. 
He was prepared to show to Venkoji any concession, if only 
he showed him the papers concerning the estates. He would 
help him in times of stress and difficulty. Venkoji might 
rest assured upon this head. Such was the substance of 
Shivaji's exhortation, but for all the persuasion he used 
with his brother, no impression seemed to have been 
produced. Venkoji merely ejaculated a monosyllabic "Yes' 1 
now and then, as Shivaji went on speaking. But he made 
no decisive reply to the proposition placed before him. 

Shivaji made many attempts to draw him out, but at 
every attempt Venkoji evaded an answer. He would not 
give the least inkling of his decision either to Shivaji or 
to any one else in his camp. On one occasion, however, 
Venkoji is said to have observed to some of the ministers 
that if Shivaji cared to give him a moiety of his conquests, 
he would find his way to give him a moiety of the terri- 
tory in his power. On Shivaji's side the answer was, and 
naturally there could be no other answer, that the territory 
in his possession was all of his own acquisition, while that 
held by Venkoji was all earned by Shahaji, and no addition 
whatever had been made thereto by Venkoji. Under 


the circumstances the demand for a moiety of Shahaji's 
estate was perfectly justified by the rules for the devolution 
of ancestral property according to the principles of the 
Hindu Law. 1 

Thus all this time was lost in vain. Nothing would 
move Venkoji to a peaceful settlement. At this continued 
obstinacy Shivaji's first impulse was to put him under 
arrest and take his own share of the inheritance by force. 
But calmer thoughts pervailed. Shivaji reflected on the 
impropriety of any form of violence towards one who was 
his younger brother. It would be a disgrace to his family 
and to his reputation as a king. He would exhaust first all 
the arts of conciliation at his command. But Venkoji took 
fright and fled from Shivaji's camp in the darkness of the 
night, with only five attendants. 2 Next morning Shivaji 
learnt of his brother's flight. He could hardly restrain 
his indignation at the pusillanimous conduct of his brother, 
which meant distrust in his promise of safety. His first 
impulse was to arrest a few of Venkoji's officers who were 
left behind. But he presently set them at liberty and 
sent them back to Tanjore 3 with presents and robes of 
honour usual on such occasions. Shivaji once more sent 
messengers to Venkoji with a fresh proposal by which 
Shivaji demanded that his brother should give up to him 
half of Tanjore and one or two of Shahaji's forts as his 
share, promising that he would be quite satisfied with this 
and desiring him to maintain a friendly attitude. But 
Venkoji was governed by the advice of his short-sighted 
friends, and among these were a few Mahomedan. depen- 

1 Prof. Sarkar relying on the Factory Records, Fort St. George and 
Nellore Ramana's letter to the Madras Counci!, states that Shivaji claimed 
three quarters of Shahaji's possessions and treasures to himself and offered 
to Venkoji only the remaining quarter. (Sarkar: Shivaji pp. 390-91). 

2 In the text we follow Sabhasad's version. It is corroborated by the 
Jedhe Chronology, p. 13. Other bakhars state that Shivaji permitted 
Venkoji to return to Tanjore and gave him an escort. The Shedgavkar 
bakhar, p. 87, says that Venkoji's officers induced him to escape. 

8 This place is also called Chandawar and Chanjawar by the bakhar 


dants of Bijapur. These advisers said: " What though 
Shivaji be your elder brother ? Is he not a rebel to your 
liege lord, the sultan of Bijapur ? Reflect on the distress 
which your brother's rebellion brought on your father; 
how on one occasion his life stood in the greatest jeopardy 
on his account. It is due to your loyalty and obedience 
to your father, that the sultan has permitted the jahgirs 
to continue, or else he would surely have annexed all the 
territory. What right then has this rebel to demand as 
a patrimony, what you merely enjoy by an exercise of grace 
on the part of Bijapur ? Moreover these jahgirs are the 
guerdon of loyal service done to your feudal sovereign and 
it is as a vassal of Bijapur that you enjoy them. What 
part could this rebel, this foe of Bijapur, pretend to have 
in them ?" Thus did these short-sighted, brainless crea- 
tures continue to mislead Venkoji, who finally sent word 
through Shivaji's officers, whom otherwise he treated with 
every mark of honour, that he was willing to hand over 
to Shivaji a moiety of all the movables ,-horsQB, elephants, 
jewellery etc. from among the possessions of Shahaji, to be 
assessed by Raghunathpant as falling rightfully to Shivaji's 
share, in accordance with certain lists and inventories, 
about which that minister had the best knowledge and 
which he might explain to him ; and that, if for so many 
days he had not spoken frankly on the subject, it was 
because he did not wish to appear immodest in his answer 
to his elder brother. 

It is even said that on this occasion Venkoji wrote 
to the Bijapur government informing them of Shivaji's 
demand of an equal share in the paternal estate which, he 
contended, was the reward of Shahaji's loyal services, and 
applying for that government's orders as to whether he 
should comply with this demand. The Bijapur govern- 
ment is reported to have made answer to this effect: " The 
.Raja Shahaji was a loyal officer of this government, and 
in appreciation of his loyal services the jahgir lands were 
conferred upon him, to have and to hold and to transmit 


in hereditary succession ; it was on this sanad that Shivaji's 
demand was based. For his acts of rebellion, the govern- 
ment were responsible to call him to account, but it was 
not for Venkoji to deny his brother's right, cause a family 
feud and refer it to the arbitration of the government. 
Were the government to decide against Shivaji's claim, 
they would incur the utmost bitterness of his hostilities 
and expose their territory to his incursions. Hence they 
laid it down that in case Shivaji should make his claim 
to the jahgir inheritance, the tenure of military service, 
the same should be made over to him. Shivaji was 
indeed at present at war with their government, but were 
he to offer to enter into an alliance with them, they 
would be prepared to welcome it. At any rate, Shivaji 
was the elder son and had a right of priority to the inheri- 
tance." This rescriptum Gaesaria carried little weight 
with Venkoji, whose mind had been poisoned by his design- 
ing satellites, in particular by the Mahomedan chiefs in 
his service, and they represented to him that "Shivaji wa& 
a rebel and a traitor, and the sultan, their suzerain, spoke 
under fear and constraint. But what of that ? Venkoji 
held the territories in his hands and was master of his own 
will. He should not hesitate to draw the sword in defence,. 
He must try the chances of war. While they lived, they 
would not permit him to cry for mercy and to surrender. 
What was it Venkoji feared ? Had Shivaji only sucked, 
a true mother's milk ?" 

The obstinate reply from Venkoji and the knowledge 
that he was governed entirely by the interested counsels 
of the factious Mahomedan nobility kindled Shivaji's wrath 
and he prepared to invade Venkoji's territory and carry on 
a vigorous campaign. On second thought, however, Shivaji 
saw that such a campaign between brothers of the same 
flesh and blood was nothing if not ridiculous and would in 
the long run bring little- profit and less honour, especially 
when such a multitude of towns and territories lay all 


around him, owing allegiance to alien chiefs, whom it would 
be both a gain and a glory to conquer. 

From Trivadi (Tiravadi), where the fruitless interview 
had taken place with Venkoji, Shivaji broke camp and 
moved to Vellore, and making it the base of his operations he 
proceeded to reduce the different forts in the neighbourhood, 
among which Maharajgad, Jagdevgad and Karnatakgad are 
mentioned. 1 Shivaji then proceeded to ascend the ghats 
in those parts, and poured his armies into the distant, out- 
lying districts of Shahaji's jahgir. Among the districts 
thus overrun could be counted Kolhar, Balapore, Bangalore 
Shirta ( Sera ? ), 2 and Vaskot, all forming parts of the 
jahgir dominions of Shahaji. Many smaller forts and citadels 
fell before Shivaji'd sword, and new defence works and for- 
tifications were raised in places of advantage. The lawless 
polygar barons scattered over many a straggling castle and 
stronghold in the surrounding country were for the first 
time cowed into humble submission. A few of these irregular 
chiefs consented to make terms, binding themselves 
to pay an annual tribute. Those who refused to submit had to 
face a relentless war, were chased from stronghold to strong- 
hold, and were finally extirpated. The fort of Ami had been 
entrusted by Shahaji to the charge of a trusty Brahman, 
Vedo Bhaskar, and was at this time in the charge of his two 
sons. These two youths now came to Shivaji's camp to pre- 
sent the keys of Ami. Shivaji was pleased with their loyalty 
and good offices and confirmed them in command of the place, 
with an adjoining territory yielding an annual revenue of 
three lakhs of pagodas. Mansingh More and Ranganath 
Kelkar wore detached with a small force to restore order and 
-discipline to these parts. Shivaji then advanced through 
Shrirangapatam and other districts, exacting tribute. 

While Shivaji was winning these laurels in the south 
and exacting tribute from fort and town, his agent at Delhi 

1 The Jedhe Chronology mentions Jagdevgad and other districts. 

2 The ancient Chera. Vaskot is also called Uskotta, and by similar 
fanciful names in the bakbars. 


(Agra) wrote that a storm was gathering in the north and the 
news was confirmed by Shi vaji's scouts. This was nothing less 
than a plan for launching the imperial armies upon the 
Deccan under the leadership of the emperor in person. 
Upon the receipt of this startling news, Shivaji prepared to 
leave the Karnatic in great trepidation. The fortress of 
Jinji ( Chandi ) and the outlying territory which had 
previously been placed under the viceroyalty of Santaji was 
reinforced by a reserve contingent under Raghunathpant 
and Hambirrao, the commander-in-chief, and with 1 the 
rest of his forces, Shivaji gave orders for a general retreat. 
His resolve to brin,g under his victorious arms the whole of 
the south down to the ridge of Raineshwararn had, at a time 
when every moment was drawing him nearer to the goal 
of his wishes, to be abandoned on account of the sudden 
alarm that required his immediate presence in the midst 
of his affectionate people of Maharashtra, the starting 
point of his fortunes, ambitions and projects. 1 * 

The real facts about politics in the north were,however, 
materially different from what had been reported to Shivaji. 
Aurangzeb's suspicions about Khan Jehan Bahadur's 
venality had come to a head and he expressed bis disapproval 
of the peace made with Shivaji. Diler Khan had submitted 
certain proposals, which seemed to recommend themselves to 
the emperor. Diler Khan's suggestion was that the Mogul 
government should join hands with the Bijapur govern- 
ment, dominated as it then was by the personality of its 
chief minister, Abdul Karim Balhol Khan, and making 
united war on Golconda, overthrow that monarchy before 
Shivaji's return from the south. This arrangement received 
the imperial sanction, and Khan Jehan Bahadur was 

The pretext for this combination against Golconda was 

A On retreating to Maharashtra Shivaji left word to the Maratha com* 
manders left behind to raid and capture the Dutch and British settlements 
at Paliacot, Sadras and Madras, but to leave the French at Pondijhery 


naturally the treaty which that government had recently 
made with Shivaji. The growing amity between Shivaji 
and Golconda was viewed by both the Mogul and Adil Shahi 
powers with anxious eyes as a sinister conjunction against 
their future expansion. Madanna watched the signs of the 
times, was informed of the changed aspect of the political 
powers, and prepared for the worst. When the storm burst, 
Madanna was able to put a sufficient army into the field and 
after a hard-fought battle repelled the invaders. 1 The rout 
had destructive effects on the Bijapur army. It was quite 
disorganized. With their defective arrangements for supply 
and transport, the soldiers began to starve and die. Those 
that remained clamoured for arrears of pay or for want of 
it deserted and fled. The soldiers defied their officers, the 
officers, their government. To aggravate the whole situation, 
Abdul Karim himself fell ill and died. The court was now in 
a state of complete demoralization. Diler Khan took upon 
himself the cleansing of these Augean stables. He met and 
interviewed the omrahs and forced them to put a stop to the 
growing anarchy. He chose one of the wealthiest of tha 
nobles, Masaood Khan, to be chief minister. 2 This Masaood 
Khan was a son-in-law of Sidi Johar, and his wealth was the 
principal factor that guided Diler Khan in selecting him 
for the premiership. For he undertook to carry out Diler 
Khan's terms, which were to restore peace and order at 
Bijapur, liquidate his government's liabilities to the Moguls, 
make up the arrears of pay in the army, and have no inter- 
course whatsoever with Shivaji. The minister's personal 
wealth appeared a sort of guarantee that he would carry 
out these engagements. He did carry them out to the best 
of his powers, excepting the one relating to the arrears in 
the army. The state of the finances of his government 

1 Bat Jedhe (p. 193) says that Maaaood Khan and Golconda combined 
to fight with Diler Khan, who had to retire to Naldurg. 

2 Prof. Sarkar quotes a letter of the Rajapur factors to Surat (Factory 
Records, Surat, Vol. 107) showing that Masaood Khan seized pos=ession of 
Bijapur by a coup d'etat at a time when a traitor minister was negotiating 
to hand over the capital and sultan to Shivaji'a protection. Jedhe, p. 184 
aays that Bijapur came under Masaood Khan, who became minister. 


obliged him to give their discharge to many of his cavalry- 
men. These shiledars or adventurous cavalrymen, suddenly 
thrown out of employment in large numbers, scoured the- 
country, scaring and plundering the hapless inhabitants. 
Many of them, however, were taken by Moropant Pingle 
into Shivaji's service, to the great relief of their former 

Now Shivaji kept himself duly informed about these 
changes in the politics of the Deccan kingdoms. When 
the combined armies of Bijapur and Diler Khan invaded 
the Golconda frontiers, Shivaji accelerated his march 
so as to be at home in time to parry a possible attack upon 
his own dominions. Shivaji's van reached the barriers of 
Gadag-Lakshmeshwar. There was some execution here, 
two forts falling before Shivaji's arms. The ruling chief 
Khan Gouda Desai took fright and fled. The province was 
easily added to Shivaji's spoils. 1 

While his forces were thus rapidly hastening, a party 
of foragers were attacked on the line of march by the 
garrison soldiers from the fort of Belwadi 2 which was 
then in charge of a woman named Malvai, 3 the widow 

1 i'or the itinerary of fehivaji's return journey we follow Cbitnis who 
differs slightly from Sabhasad. The latter makes Shivaji reach Kopal 
before coming to Lakshmeshwar. According to the bakhar accounts (e. g. 
Shedgavkar p. SS). Khan Gauda seems to be the name of a man, not of a 
place, as imagined by Prof. Sarkar, who complains that he cannot trace ib 
in the m&ps(bhivaji, p. 400, foot-note). The Desai fled to Sampgaum, wh : ch 
the Shedgavkar bakhar calls Satgaum.Sampgaum is in the Belgaum district. 

2 Other names used in the bakhars, ar? Balwed, Belwada. Belwadi 
means a grove of Bel trees, the leaves of which are sacred to the God Shiv. 
Grant Duff confounds ib with Bellary in Madras Presidency. 

8 The name of this lady is given as Lalbi by Sabhasad. The Shiv- 
digvijaya gives the lady's name as Sa^itribai. Her husband Yesprabhu 
had been killed in a previous encounter. Shivaji's commander on the 
occasion was also a Prabhu officer, viz: Dadji Raghunath Prabhu Mahadkar. 
Her story and Shivaji's subsequent chivalry towards her will remind the 
reader of the bravery of another heroine, Kai Bagin, described in chapter 
XXL Bub Sabhasad and the Shedgavkar bakhara say that she was 
captured and punished, while the Tarikh-i-Shivaji says that she was cap- 
tured and dishonoured by Sakhuji Gaekwad, whom Shivaji punished 
imprisonment, when he heard of his misconduct towards the lady. 
L.S. 30 


"' the original Desai, or revenue-lord of the fort. Shivaji 
erected batteries and prepared for a siege. The lady of 
the fort maintained the defence for a period of twenty- 
seven days. But at last she found herself at the end of 
her resources and was obliged to surrender. The lady was 
brought a prisoner of war before Shivaji. But she experi- 
enced the same clemency and forbearance which the 
chivalrous instincts of Shivaji had trained him to observe 
towards all woman-kind. She was dismissed with the 
usual presentations and ceremony, and two villages from 
Uie fort domains were sequestered and conferred upon her, 
as a grant of inam for her maintenance. From Belwadi 
Shivaji proceeded home by forced marches and coming 
up to Kopal, a fort of considerable strength, besieged and 
captured it in about a fortnight. The country within 
range of that fort was quickly reduced, the neighbouring 
fort of Lakshmeshwar 1 captured, and the irregular polygars 
of the district compelled to acknowledge his sovereignty. 
To bring this part of the country under permanent 
control, Janardanpant Sumant, one of the ministers, was 
kept behind with a detachment of forces. Shivaji hastened 
onward clearing stage after stage, when two commanders 
of the Bijapur government, Hussain Khan Maina and 
Lodi Khan threw themselves upon him with a force of 
ten thousand horse. 2 These were repulsed, and forces 

1 It would seem from Chibnis that the operations around Lakshmesh- 
war in the Gadag district were resumed or were being still carried forward 
simultaneously with the operations at Belwadi and Kopal, after the first 
success gained over the local Desai. In short there were more than one 
campaign round about Gadag and presumably also Kopal, which accounts 
for the different versions. 

2 The Shivdigvijaya gives a long account of the battle which took 
place in the valley of the Tungabhadra at its junction with the Krishna. 
In the Shivdigvijaya the Adil Shahi commander is called Yusuf Maina. 
The Jedhe Chronology (p. 192) says that already as early as January 1677 
Hambirrao defeated Hussain Khan Maina (or Miana) near Yalgedla and cap- 
tured some elephants and 2000 horses. The same chronology later on states 
that about May or June 1677 Shivaji conquered Gadag and returned to 
Raigad and finally in March 1679, the Peshwa Moropant gained posses- 
sion of the fort of Kopal ( about a hundred miles due south of Bijapur > 


were detached under Niloji Katkar 1 against a third 
commander, Bavli Khan Pathan, who was attempting 
diversions at Kolhapur, Tarala, and certain other districts 
that had recently fallen before Shivaji's sword. Katkar 
overtook the Pathan at Turumba and routed him. The- 
victors received the usual acknowledgments from Shivaji, 
special embroidered robes and the soldier's decorations 
of gold and pearls, along with an elephant and a pair 
of horses, which were bestowed upon Katkar. 

Shivaji made a halt on arriving at Torgal, when 
despatches from Raghunathpant were placed in his hands. 
From these Shivaji learnt that Venkqji had created a diver- 
sion in the newly conquered territories, taking advantage 
of his absence. The news was alarming enough to induce 
Shivaji to suspend his march for the present and put up 
a stationary camp at Torgal. For Shivaji learned that the 
moment Venkoji came to know that he had withdrawn 
from the Karnatic, he, with his Mahomedan friends, had 
marched down upon Santaji Bhonsle, Raghunathpant 
and Hambirrao, whom Shivaji had left behind as 
his representatives, 2 with the object of bringing under 
his complete sway the conquests recently made by hinu 
Shivaji's commanders, apprised in time of Venkoji's 
invasion, put their forces in battle order. Overtaking the 
invader at Balgodapur, Raghunathpant made fruitless 
attempts to persuade Venkoji to come to terms, but the 
latter would not recede an inch from his position, and the 
bravado of his Mahomedan instigators being kindled into 

through the son of Hussain Mains, whereupon the latter was released 
from captivity and took service under Shivaji. All this would go to 
show that there were two or three campaigns in the Tungabhadra 
region and explain why some chronicles like Sabhasad and the Basatin- 
i-Salatiu describe the conquest of the district before the invasion of thcj 
Karnatic, while Chitnis and the Shivdigvijaya date it after that event. 

1 Instead of Katkar the name Kate or Kothe is also found. 

2 According to the Rairi bakhar, Venkoji did not make the 
attack in person but sent his minister Jagannathpant and other officers 
to attack Raghunathpant and the sir-nobub. The scene of the battle. 
was Balgodapur or Waligondapuram. 


a blaze, by the attempts of Shivaji's people to make 
peaceful overtures, a battle ensued, in which Venkoji'e 
party was completely overthrown. 1 In this battle 
Shahaji's natural sons, Pratapji and Bhivji, were wounded 
and taken prisoners. Venkoji saved himself by a headlong 
flight with one or two hundred fugitives. It would have 
been possible to press the pursuit and capture the fugitive 
band, but the feeling that Venkoji had once been his 
patron and Shivaji himself might not be overpleased with 
any sort of insult or harm done to his brother prevented 
Raghunathpant from keeping up the pursuit. Thus 
Venkoji, with a handful of followers, was enabled to make 
good his escape. 

Such .were the grave contents of Raghunathpant's 
letter in answer to which Shivaji's brief reply ran as 
follows: " Venkoji is our younger brother. He may act 
like a naughty boy, but for all that he is our brother. It is 
our duty to take care of him. You must not harm his 
principality." A longer letter was addressed to Venkoji, 
expressing his vexation and disappointment, the drift of 
which was to this effect: "We regret to learn," wrote 
Shivaji, "that, misled by Turkish knaves, you made war 
upon our people, a war in which you have lost much, in 
which our half brothers Pratapji and Bhivji were taken 
prisoners, and several of your chiefs wounded. You be- 
icg our brother, your losses are our losses, your re- 
putation is our reputation. It was not well done by this 
foolish act to have thus published your ill fame to the 
world ! What you have thus done was not done of the free 
motion of your mind. The men whose wicked counsels have 
led you to this act have already received condign punish- 
ment by the decree of Heaven. The prejudices instilled in 

i Col. W like states that in the first encounter Santaji Ehonsle was 
repulsed, at which he was so much vexed, that) he gathered his men at 
night aud led them to a second attack, resolved to conquer or perish 
in the attempt. The sudden raid of Santaji against Venkoji's forces, 
at a -time when they were off their guard in the exultation of the 
day's victory, threw them into a complete rout. 


your mind against us have led to this step. Had you relied 
-on us, instead of giving yourself to your Mahomedan 
advisers, it would have been to your own advantage. Now 
you will have to render us our share and bear this disgraca 
into the bargain. Our father's fortunes were of his own 
earning. That you should have entertained a doubt, on 
what title to yield us our share, was not fair to us. On 
your restoring to us our share, it is for us and the Bijapur 
government to discuss this question. They will not care 
to make you a reference. That being so, you are acting 
like a naughty boy. Hereafter follow the precedents laid 
down by our father. Leave not virtue, leave vice, with 
reason for your guide. Make war upon the wicked, pour 
blessings on your subjects. Forget not that you are the son 
of Shahaji, forget not the debt of noblesse oblige. And 
yet the thought of discriminating between sin and righteous- 
ness does nob enter your mind. But this will surely bring 
you to misery. Without a sharer thus far have you alone 
enjoyed the common estate. Now at length yield to us our 
share. Live in peace and prosperity, yielding us our dues. By 
the grace of the Bhawani of Tuljapur, victory shall always 
crown our arms, and remembering this you ought not to 
have rashly embarked on war with us, infatuated by the 
advice of your Mahomedan counsellors. You should not 
have acted, as Duryodhan of the Mahabharata acted, so as to 
dig the grave of your own people. By tasting defeat at 
the hands of a servant of your family, you have only dis- 
graced yourself in the eyes of the world. The losses in 
the war we consider as our own. Hereafter at least 
don't allow a repetition of such scenes. Court not 
new acquaintance by disregarding the old. Those who 
have grown gray in the service of our father, you must 
respect as elders and family friends. The bitter fruit of 
spurning such old friends and conducting yourself according 
to your own caprice, you are now tasting and shall have 
to taste in future. Think not that, by Kaghunathpant'a 
coming over to us, this mischief is done. The claiming or 


yielding of the family partition must always have come 
sooner or later. There was no escape from it. There is nc 
need that you should be taught this by some one else. 
Advice given to you in good part you took in evil .part. This 
has brought upon you this misfortune. Regard old servants 
of the family as family elders. Keep them in service and 
victory will smile upon you and your fortunes will prosper. 
Hemember this and play your part in the future. Ami, 
Bangalore, Kolhar, Vaskot, 1 Shirta and other districts 
are already ours. Chandawar 2 likewise shall you cede 
to our men. Of cash and jewellery inherited from our 
father you shall grant us half. Act honestly by us and we 
shall grant you, on the other side of the Tungabhadra, 
territory worth three lakhs of pagodas, in the Panhala 
district, of our own acquisition. Or in lieu thereof, we 
shall procure for you, from the Golconda Kingdom, terri- 
tory worth the same amount. There is no profit in 
kindling a family feud. That would only mean misery 
to you and to us. Hereafter at least let us remain as 
friends. What we tell you, as an elder brother, if you 
hearken to in good part, you will bless yourself for the 
rest of your life. Act in opposition to us, and you will 
work your woe without a cause." 8 

After this letter to Venkoji, Shivaji wrote again to 
Baghunathpant, not to protract war with Venkoji and 
widen the gulf between them. Nothing was to be done 
that would injure Venkoji's self-respect. Being after all 
the son of Shahaji, it mattered not, if he monopolised the 
whole heritage to himself. Nothing should be left undone 

1 Vaskob is elsewhere called Iskot or Haskot. 

9 The same as Tanjore. 

* We follow the Shivdigvijaya chronicle which practically quotes 
the greater part of Shivaji's letter. The original letter, which was in 
the hand-writing , of Balaji Avji Chitnis was examined by Grant 
Duff. It was recovered from the Hanmante family, in whose possession 
it was, by a descendant of the Chitnis family at Satara and it was 
published by Rao Bahadur Parasnis in the Itihas-Sangraha ( Volume I, 
J912, p. 36 ) 


for a restoration of peace and amity. Upon these despatches 
of Shivaji, Raghunathpant called back the army 
that was sent after Venkoji. Meanwhile Venkoji was 
plunged into sad reflections at Shivaji's epistle. He felt 
he had merited the fraternal rebuke. He reflected on the 
rout of his forces, the capture of his horses and elephants, 
the men slain, the orphans and widows who came down 
to curse him at the doors, the shiledars clamouring for 
new horses in exchange for beasts slain in war, the 
wounded and disabled starving for food. How was he to 
please or console them all ? On the other hand there was 
Iris elder brother who would not renounce his just rights 
by any means. There was Raghunathpant to give the 
claimant Shivaji a full inventory of Shahaji*s fortunes. 
What was he now to do ? Carry on war to the end ? It 
would bring misery, ignominy and ruin. All his pride of 
wealth would go and only the bitter recollection of hostility 
would remain behind. He had acted madly from beginning 
to end ! Had he behaved humbly and listened to the rea- 
sonable wishes of his elder brother when called to the inter- 
view, these depths of ignominy would have been spared! Good 
fortune had always attended on his career. But he had given 
ear to evil counsellors and made war with such a brother ! 

Venkoji was now filled with remorse. He could not 
think of food or sleep. For hours together he sat moodily 
buried in thought. At last his wife, Dipabai, began to 
inquire what acute anxieties distracted him so much ? 
Venkoji replied, " Shivaji's generals have remained in these 
parts; they have reduced the polygars and brought the 
sultan's forts under their power. They fight every day. 
They know no defeat ! Where the sultan himself has 
retreated before them, what could we do with our slender 
forces ? Where is the good of such a fight ? And yet we 
did fight, to our infinite loss ! " Upon this his wife spoke 
in very feeling terms. "After the death of the Maharaja," 
(meaning her father-in-law), said she, " Shivaji is to you in 
the place of a father. You have been deceived by the 


advice of evil-wishers. When it was time to think soberly, 
you failed to care about it. Shivaji is a righteous man and 
a hero. Behave well with him, and he will not reject your 
wishes. What does Shivaji care for your fortunes ? He 
has won his own independent kingdom and made the 
fortunes of so many followers. What would you have lost 
if you had submitted to him ? Is it your own possessions 
he claims to share ? What additions have you made to the 
family fortunes ? And what do you accuse him of ? When 
he made no estrangement of his affections, how strange that 
you should have taken up arms against him and widened 
the breach ! Raghunathpant, an old servant of the 
family who should be cherished a a relation and an elder, 
was humiliated and despised ! The only man who could 
have kept things going and assured your joy and happiness, 
was driven from your presence ! Knaves and impostors were 
invited to help to fritter away your estates. Even yet, bury 
your hatred, yield to Raghunathpant, and obey his advice, 
and he will free you from the obstacles in your way. 
Persevere in your false pride and you will add only to your 
dishonour. Or if you would not submit to Raghunathpant, 
and vanity stands in your way, go, throw yourself upon 
your brother's mercy. Learn humility, even at this hour, 
and he is sure to protect you. That is the best you can do. 
There is no help without it." 

This advice made a great impression upon Venkoji and 
h resolved to act upon it. He invited Raghunathpant to 
eattle the terms of a treaty between himself and Shivaji. 
But Raghunathpant wrote in reply that he was 
awaiting orders from Shivaji and would act according to 
those orders, without which he could not come to see him. 
On receipt of Shivaji's orders, he proceeded to meet Venkoji, 
informing him previously that as he was an officer and re- 
presentative of Shivaji, and Shivaji was his elder brother, the 
conference must take place on something more than a basis 
of equality. This was agreed to by Venkoji. The place 
.for the conference was then determined, and pavilions were 


srected at the chosen spot. The two proceeded on elephant- 
back from their respective camps to the spacious pavilion. 1 
On Venkoji's dismounting from his howdah, Raghunathpant 
got down, and the two entered the pavilion hand in hand. 
Two chairs of state had been installed within, and the two 
chiefs approached them together on a footing of equality, 
when Raghunathpant folding his hands in a respectful 
attitude exclaimed that he was a servant of that throne, 
and Venkoji only was competent to be seated upon it. So 
saying, he helped Venkoji to his seat, made a humble 
salutation to the occupant of the chair, and seated himself 
a little apart. Raghunathpant then continued as follows : 
" You are to me the same as Shivaji. When I quitted your 
service, I declared to you I was quite as good a man to 
occupy your seat, and I had to do all this to demonstrate 
to you the truth of my words. Not being like the general 
run of servants, my services were welcomed by Shivaji. 
You are free to employ me again, if you please. I would 
freely give up my life rather than do any thing to injure 
you. But if my patron goes astray, I shall not cease to 
try to bring him round. You listened to the advice of 
narrow-minded fools and heaped insult and ignominy 
upon my head. I had, therefore, to appeal to Sbivaji and 
suggest to him the occupation of the Karnatic. He is 
a true soul of valour and has vowed to bring about 
the restoration of free religion and government and the 
expulsion of Mahomedan tyrants from the country. He 
endorsed my views and brought his squadrons from such 
a great distance to the Karnatic, and in a short space of 
time he has made conquests worth three to four crores 
a year. And yet he has a great love for you. His love 

1 The Shivdigvijaya says that the this meeting took place at Chanda- 
var ( i. e. at Jinji, or Tanjore ). At the urgent request of Venkoji and Dipa- 
bai, Raghunathpant proceeded to Chandawar without waiting for 
Shivaji 'a order, when he had a private audience with them, whereat 
both husband and wife prostrated themselves at his feet, exclaiming 
that he had the knife, he had the head, he might slay or save ! When 
Raghunathpant saw this proof of humble repentance, he made a treaty 
with them. 


is boundless. He shows it in his epistles to us. Hereafter 
do you behave sincerely with him. Think of the devotion 
of Lakshman towards Bamchandra, in the epic poem.andhold 
it up before yourself as the mirror of brotherly respect 
and affection. Let this be your study, your emulation, 
Do thus and you shall prosper. Whatever peril may 
menace you at any time, do but send me word and I shall 
come flying to your rescue and deliverance. That you 
may achieve at least a fraction of Shivaji's valour and 
glory is all the desire that now remains to me." With 
such exhortations, Baghunathpant proceeded to state the 
terms of the compromise. Venkoji was to remit to his 
brother half the annual revenue of Shahaji's jahgir domains, 
divide the family jewels and make a cash contribution 
towards the expenses of the campaign. On Venkoji's accep- 
tance of these conditions, Shivaji was to allow him tc 
retain Tanjore and restore the other jahgir districts that 
he had conquered. 1 

On receipt of the documents concerning the treaty . 
Shivaji wrote a lengthy letter to Baghunathpant, the 
purport of which was as follows: 

" It is well, " wrote Shivaji, " that Dipabai ha& 
brought round her husband, and that with your help 
a treaty has been made. This was what we had been 
seeking from the first, but Venkoji would not listen. It is 
good that now at length he has seen through his false 
friends and the scales have fallen from his eyes. Now you 
have only to see that Venkoji carries out the terms of the 
treaty. Should you so prefer it, it is open to you to reside 
there and conduct the administration on behalf of Venkoji. 
Janardanpant, the Sumant, 8 might be given charge of 
Chandi ( Jinji ) andthe adjoining districts, and you might 
keep your eye on important matters from time to time. 

1 The Rairi bakhar states that Venkoji ceded on this occasion 
the forts or districts of Kolhar, Balapore, Maharajgad, Jagdevgad and 
Karnatakgad to Shivaji. These places, as already stated, had been 
captured by Shivaji daring this campaign. 

2 He was a brother of Raghunathpant Han man te. 


On the assumption that you would choose to reside with 
Venkoji, we specify below certain particulars of adminis- 
trative details, to which we invite your special attention. 
These articles are as follows: 

Art. 1:- The privileges etc. of the relations of the 
royal family and the titled nobility ( mankaris ) to be 
preserved ; their degrees of precedence etc. to be respected. 
No onerous duties to be assigned to them. 

Art. 2:- The officers and commanders to be consulted 
in important matters. Loyal and competent officers only 
to be appointed to positions of trust. Promotions to be 
made according to merit, and strife among state officials to 
be discouraged by all possible means. 

Art. 3:- The private suite of Raja Venkoji to consist 
of good, loyal and upright servants who shall give sureties 
for their good behaviour ; no favourites ; all to be under 
equal rule. 

Art. 4:- Agents and envoys to be stationed at sur- 
rounding courts, whether friendly or hostile; and arrange- 
ments to be made for prompt and secret intelligence about 
all changes. 

Art. 5:-Cavalry, both paga and shiledars, to be pro- 
perly organized. Horses and men to be both in readiness. 
The shiledar force as much as possible to be converted into 
paga. Artillery and cavalry to be both in readiness to 
meet a sudden invasion. 

Art. 6:- Professional thieves, rowdy and riotous 
people, drunkards, lawless tribes, assassins etc. to be 
expelled from the kingdom, or if allowed to stay, under